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lif, J-rr «I tlrtuUr.
Tt will bi remembered by our Alabama readers
♦hat some difficulty was experienced in the fourth
di«<r ct in that State in nominating a candidate
for Congress, which difficulty w as unally settled
br Mr. llarr withdrawing his name as a candidate,
ttltb* mgh for sixty-two successive ballots he had
received the highest ntunber of votes. Gen.
Mocro was subsequently normirated.and Mr. Barr,
like a (food democrat, has shown Ids devotion to
the principles of his party by giving bis competi
tor for lbe nomination a most faithfSi and zealous
Support. A few days beTot-o the election Mr. B.
addressed a letter to bis fellow-citizens _ of the dis
trict, from which we make the following extract:
A Majority of Mr. Buchasan’sCabiset are
BWTAEItk Mei»-*-Oh0 would think that fact
would shield them from suspicion of treachery to
the South. If Walker has exceeded his duty—
and 1 am aware manv southern patriots believe
that he has—Mr. Baclranan’s whole public life, so
uniform End consistent that Mr. Calhoun pro-
siounced him “sou’-d on the subject of .slavery:”
and his more recent, solemn acts and declara
tions, together with the assurances given by south
ern men. trhose position enables ihem to knotc, ought
to satisfy the Sealh theft such excess will not be
approved.
It is a remarkable fact;arrd onelliat now seems
to b- well ascertained, that Out southern mer in
Kansas approve of Cjc. li’alker's proceedings and
ere acting in concert with him. They know more
of bis acts than we. Why, then, should we, at a
distance, charge even Walker with treachery to
the South’ Jf tee cunneft trhsl southern men, whom
tee knotc, note itcing in Kansas, tchjm can ire trust
there!
It has been already shown that the non slave-
holding States outnumber the slaveholding states,
have a greater population, and more numbers in
both houses of Congress; so they can outvote us in
Congress and at the polls whenever they choose
to unite. What is there to prevent them on any
question between us from doing as they please/—
With an overwhelming and yet increasing inajori-
The I(y-.D«wo Hay.
When swallows dart ftom cottage eaves
And farmers dream of barley sheaves;
When apples peep amid the the leaves,
And woodbines scent the way—
We 'ove to fly from daily care,
To breathe the country buxom air—
To join our hands and form a ring—
To laugh and sport—an 1 dance and sing,
Amid the new mjwn hav.
The ring is formed; but who are these?
“Come, tel! your errand if you please;
You look so sour and ill at ease,
You dim the face cf day.”
“Ambition!” “Jealousy!” and “Strife!”
And “Scorn” and “Weariness of Life!"
“If such your names, we hate your kin;
That place is full, you can't come in
Amid the new-mown hay.”
Another guest comes bounding by.
With brow unwrinkled, fair and high—
With sun-burnt face and roguish eye,
And asks your leave to stay.
Quoth he, “I’m fun, your right good friend.”
“Come in! come in; with you we’ll end!”
And tlms we frolic in a ring—
And thus wo laugh, and dance, and sing.
Amid the new-mown hay.
• n> r , i iy *? r t *“‘ demand for cotton goods at
anything hke the price* which ftlo ne, at f he
i which flione, at the pros-
1 / 'e raw can return a new dol-
loom. Wn ,e . thirty thousand
looms have been stopped, and prices have quick
ly responded to thu judicious curtailment of pro
auction.—Prottdt.net Journal. F
The Supreme Court ofOliio has decided that a
wife is of no pecuniary value to their husband; that
if she be killed by a railroad accident, lie cannot
recover damages therefor. The Supreme Court of
Ohio most be a beach of ignorant old bachelors.
ty against us, in both branch' s of Congress and at
the
.he polls, liutc can ice protect uurselces1 Y\ e love the
Union of lie se States,and shudder at the thought of
disolution. If then, it be true, as some w ould per
suade you, that we have no political friends in the
non hem Slates; that there are none in t a' section
of ;he Union willing to give us our constitutional
rights, we are, indeed in a deplorable and helpless
condition.
In view of these solemn truths—not to press the
moral wrong of charging good and honorable men
with deception and fraud—it is prudent in us to
conjure up suspicions against distinguished north
ern men, whose long lives have shown them to he
just men, who have always profes-ed friendly feel
ings towards us; and, in the face ot great opposition,
now declare a determination that we shall have
our rights! It is discreet to vilify and abuse such
men; charging them with falsehood, deception, and
treachery! Is it wise! Is it politic? _ Is it not
supremely unwise, imprudent, and impolitic?
Can anything be better calculated to estrange them
from us—to drive them into opposition uud to the
very injustice and wrong they are so recklessly
charged with? And, when that vs done—then,
what will you do? With an overwhelming ma
jority against you in all departments of the gov
ernment—regardless of your rights—enraged aud
bent upon your ruin—ichat then mil p m do! Do
not our own best interests, as w ell as our duty
require ns to uphold aud support—those just north
ern men who are fighting our battles?
It is conceded—the elections and other events of
the last two years compel the concession—that
there is no party it: the northern States from whom
justice to the eolith can be expected or hoped, ex
cept the D mocratic Party. All other parties there
are swallowed up by the black-republican party,
which is “dead against us.”
But the same elections and events prove that
the democratic party is true to us. Though beat-
eu in most of the northern States, they maintained
their organization iu every state and against
great odds fought valieutly for our rights and for
the integrity of the Union. In five of the north
ern States they were successful: and that success
was all that saved ns. But for the valient efforts of
the democratic party in those five States, Fre
mont would have swept the whole North; and
flushed with victory, the black republicans would
have carried out their h istile purposes against us
in all their horrid atrocity.
I have alteady referred to the “Missouri restric
tion," lately declared by the Supreme Court of the
United States not only unjust to the southern
States, but unconstitutional. Two facts which
the record proves, connected with its repeal,
speak voiumes for the fidelity of the northern dem
ocrats. The first is, that of all other parties, but tico
representatives from the worthen States t-ted for the
repeal, and no one senator; the other is, that if no
body had rated bat northern democrats, their rates
would hace repealed that odious restriction.
At what hazard they gave this vote tnay be seen
from the fact that of tire forty and odd just repre
sentatives v.lio did it, scarcely a dozen were re
turned at the succeeding election: and, in every
instance, the defeated democrat was succeeded by
a free-soiler or abolitionist—then called a know-
nothing, now a republican! It is a pleasure to
state that at ihe last electiou some of those noble
fellows foug'nt their way back.
It ought tube well understood that the demo
cratic party is a national party, aud as such it is
neither for negro slavery or against it. Their
principle is, that the people of each State, and
the people of each Territory—the qualified voters
when they come to form a Stale constitution, may
have negro slavery or exclude it, as they choose.
The democratic party maintains the right of every
people to regulate their ewn domestic concerns in
their own way, subject only to the constitution
of the United States. This is southern democra
cy—this is northern democracy. On this great
principle—the right of every people to govern
themselves—democrats everywhere cordially unite.
lie.. I..C ustitu'.ionList.
To (he Voters of (be Eighth Congressional
District.
It may be nrneceasarv perhaps for me to say much
by way of apology or explanation of my n asons tor
addressing you at this time and in this way. The
numerous calls that have been made upon me by
personal and political friends, in primary meetings
of the people Rrid otherwise, to allow my name to
go before the District again for re election to Con
gress without the formality of a regular nomina
tion, require a response. This should have- been
made earlier, and would have beeu, blit for m .t-
ters ofa personal nature that prevented, and which
in no way concern the public.
To reply, however, to each separately, would
take considerable lime, and devolve upon me a
great deal of useless labor; while, to select one in
preference to others, might bo deemed invidious.
I, therefore,-take this method of answering all to
gether, and at the same time saying briefly, not
only to those who have thus manifested their w isli-
>-sin this particular, but to the other voters of the
District generally, that if it is the will and pleasure
of the people that I shall serve them again in the
national councils. I have no sufficient reason con
sistent wiib my sense of duty to the counuy and
my oligat ons to them, to justify me in refusing—
particularly at this juncture I h-el profoundly
sensible ol Ihe signal marks of confidence lepeat-
edly shown towards me by the people of this Dis
trict. The present may not be an improper occa
‘t, .o nee to it that this is douu; not only in Kan
sas, but in every other Territory of the United
States. These principles were set forth in tiie
Cincinnatti Platform of last year, iu the tallowing
words:
“liesolrtd. That we recognize the right of the.
people of all the Territories, including Kansas aud
Nebraska, acting through the legally and fairly
expressed will of a majority of actual residents,
and whenever the number of their inbpbitants
justifies it, to form a Constiution with or with
out domestic slavery, and he admitted into the
Union upon terms of perfect equality with other
estates.” _ . .
This resolution not only embodied the princi
ples upon which the Kansas bill was founded,
t thereby fully endorsing them) but it proclaims
them as the permanent and settled future policy of
the, general government towards ail the Territo
ries so far as the action of that pany uttering
them, can make it. Ii rests upou the basis oi re
moving the question of slavery in the territories
from the control of tlie General Government and
leaving it to be settled in the proper way and at
the proper time, by the people must deeply inter
ested iu it. It secures tile right of perfect equali
ty between the citizens of ail the States in the
i.’uiun in the enjoy ine«t of the public domain as
long as the Territorial status continues Since
lefci i, an effort has been made by the anti-slavery
men at the North to use the poweis of the General
G> v.rnment against southern insiitutious. Ihe
first point of attack was the leiritoiies. Their
sion to make tome allusion to them and the l ,as .'I policy was to hedge in. hem up, hind round, and
relations between us of Representative and const;
tuents.
During t'10 whole time I have represented the
district, the honor has been conferred w ithout any
party nomination—this is imusal iu our day and
the honor, on that account, has been the more
highly appreciated by me. It has caused me, il
possible, to f, el more sensibly the weight of the
responsibity resting upon me, to watch over, look
after, guard and protect equally, the rights aud
interests of all. How far I succeeded in meeting
their expectations in the discharge of the great
trusts thus confidingly placed in my hands, they
must judge for themselves. But it is quite a grati
fication to me to know that since I have been so
chosen not a single vote or act of mine, as their
representative, was ever sul j ct of complaint at
the time, as far as I am aware of, by a single man
of any party in the district. All approved, at the
time it was done, of every thing I did as their rep
resentative. At least nothing was heard to the con
trary—no censue was made, no disappobation
ever was expressed. Party and national questions
of the greatest magnitude and most exciting char
acter were acted on during the time. At the first
session of that term of service, the Kansas bill,
which is still the topic of so much discussion, was
brought forward. I gave it, as you all know, my
warm aud zealous support. Its success was hail
ed, not only in this district, hut by all parties
thoughout Georgia as a great triumph—a triumph
not of one s ction of the country over another—not
of tlie South over the North farther then her resto
ration to equality was concerned but ot the friends
the Constitution every where over those who tor
thirty years had been endeavoring to wrest that in
strument from its true spirit, to accomplish selfish
aud sectional purposes against southern institu
tions. And though I have seen up to this day no
direct attack upon me individually, for my position
in connection with'hat measure,yet I regret to say,
it is hut too apparent, and has been tor some time
past, that a party in Georgia, and particularly in
tile r'll! District, is rising up, whose object is, if not
openly, covertly at least, to get a popular condem
nation of it. They now clearly insinuate, that it
by restrictions to prevent the S-utli from auv fur
ther growth and expansion. Ttiat this might ulti
mately weak' n, clippie, aud perhaps destiny the
institution in the Slates was the main object.—
On the part of the South it was justly insisted
that her right ot expansion was equal to that of
the North. This right, alter a sniggle for veins,
was first secured in Ido", after the defeat of the
Wiiiuot Proviso, or llie Congress onal restrictive
policy. Tlie Kansas hill did but toliovv up, and car
ry out the policy ot 185"—white tiie resolution
just quoted adopts and looks to the establishment
of this as the future p-dicy of the Government-—
lu my judgment, ilio principles upou which this
policy rests, are.worth the Union itself. Its oh-
j-ets were and me not to make Kansas, or any oth
er Territory either a stave or a tree State by
the action of Federal authority, but to let the peo
ple in each, when they come 10 form tli. ir State
Constitution, make it for themselves “in their own
way,” subject to no limitation or restriction, except
the Constitution of the United Stat s. It was to
prerent the General Government from having any
thing to do with or exercising any influence over
the formation of the Constitution of the new States,
either for or against slavery. If carried out in
good faith, it secures to the South unlimited right
of expansion to the utmost extent of her capaci
ty. More than this, she has no reason to ask.—
And with this, she has nothing to fear now
or hereafter, either from “British philanthro
pists” or “American abolitionists,"’ or the “moral
sentiment of Christendom.” Secure in her own
State institutions, without the power of molesta
tion on the part of the Federal authorities, with
the full enjoyment of lhe right to grow as the
country grows, to enlarge as that enlarges,and to
carry her slave population wherever eiimate, soil,
and productions invite them in onr immense public
domain, sin- has nothing to fear from any quarter.
I am not one of those w ho indulge in forebeings
ot evils to the South in any contingency, either in
the Union or out of it. She holds in her hands,
not only her des inyand the destiny of the Union,
but the destiny of much greater interests than all
these combined. One of her great staples alone
was the work of tricksters and demagogues, for the | „„„. f orms the basis of the cummer
purpose of/a pit ation andexeiteiiunt. To this it might
might he n sufficient reply to say, that those who
this charge are estopped from making any such ac
cusation, for they gave it professedly as hearty an
approval at the time it passed as anybody else. It
trickers were the authors oi it, they were the
tricksters’ backers.
The pretext n >w that they then pave'their appro
val with a reservation or exception as to the “alien
suffrage” and “squatter sovereignty” features as
they are called, will not do This is but an after
thought and wl o! y u i i iab!e at that. All ihe “alien
suffrage” the bill ever had in it w as in it when it met
the approval of the Georgia L'gislature in Febru
ary, 1-54, and w hen they declared that hostility to
the principles of the bill should be regarded as hos
tility to the South. And as for the “squatter sov
ereignty” feature, that, was nothing hut a fancy of
the brain from the beginning—which was conjur
ed up some time afterwards about the time it was
distovered that tiie only defenders of the bill at the
North, with few exceptions, were Democrats. No
such principle, however, ever was in the bill. 1 his
was conclusively shown during the canvass last
year, and is now generally admitted' In fact, the
main argument last year w as not so much to show
that any such principle was really in the bill, as to
prove that such was the northern construction of
lit. It was strenuously contended that Mr. Buch-
j anan had put that construction upon it in his letter
of aceceptauee. But by his inaugural even that
' ground of complaint (altogether imaginary
enterpris
I unsubstantial as it was), was removed. This isnow j f u ||y | ess - wealth, population, in literature, and
also openly ackiiow. dged—and a very important j !n a || the elements w hich add power and great-
I have chosen rather to call your attention to
the just and equitable principles of the democratic
party; and by an appeal to facts, well known and
established, to show that it is our highest int'-rest
as well as our-duty, not to war against it—as do
Judge Smith and Iris partisans—hut to support
and uphold it, with all our strength.
And that party has a candidate—SYDENHAM
MOOKE—whom, of course, I shall support, and
for whom all may vote, without any misgivings; a
man well known.esteoni-d,and admired,high-mind
ed, honorable, upright, reliable, w hose success no
southern patriot would mourn,who would he greeted
in the halls of Congress-by all lovers of the Union
with welcome plaudits; and whose position and
associations would enable him to do much good
for his immediate constituents and for the whole
countrv.
July*23,1357 JOHN G. BARK.
A stranger comes with eyes of blue ;
Quoth lie.I'm Love, the youth and true;
I wish to pass an hour with you.
This pleasant summer day.”
“Come in! come in! you saucy elf!
And who’s your friend?’,—“ 'Tis Friendship’s self.’
“Come each—come both, our sports to share:
Theie’s welcome kind, aud room to spare,
Amid the new-mown hay.”
The New- Senate Chamber.—The new Senate
chamber is situated in the centre of the north wir.g of
the Capitol, and is constructed on a similar plan with
that of the hall of the House of Representatives, only
smaller, being one hundred and twelve feet long by
eighty-two wide. Ttiis leaves more room in tiie build
ing for corridors and other apartments. The Senate re
tiring room, situated in the north front of the wing, is
be a mogiiificc-nt apartment. It w 171 V>e thirty-eight
feet in length by twenty-one and a half iu width, urid
nineteen and a half in height. The ceiling is to be of
pure white Italian marble, aud is to be supported by
polished Corinthian columns and pilaster* of the same
material, with richlv carved capitals. The walls are to
be of the richest Tennessee marble, set with large
plate-glass mirrors, and at each end of the room are to
be niches filled with statuary. The other rooms on the
north and east side of this wing are designed for pri
vate reception rooms for the senators.
Mills Stopped — The number of cotton looms
that have stopped in New England, in consequence
of the high price of cotton, and the low price of
goods, is about six thousand, and orders have
beeu giveu to stop many more, as fast as the yarn
runs out. We heard lately of two large mills that
Will run only tili the cotton now in process of
manufacture is exhausted. This is the only
remedy. . We talk of the short suppiy of cotton.
The evil is not there; it ig the over supply of cot-
ton machinery. The looms now in operation are
" only too many for the supply of cotton; thev
Art* ton mo>... f... aL i , r \ J -
acknowledgment it is—for with it the last vestige I
of that pretext for opposition or objection vanishes.
If is a matter to be noted aud remembered that the
Warrenton Convention, of the 6th inst., that nom
inated my honorable competitor, expressly state
and proclaim:
“We confess, then, our surprise, when his (Mr.
Buchanan's) inaugural address renounced squatter
sovereignty—and the edge of our opposition to his
administration was blunted by the Sappareut bold
ness and honesty of his sentiments.”
This is an honest and timely confession. It is a
complete answer to most of the arguments of their
orators and newspapers last year. Buchanan’s
“squatter sovereignty” principles was then the
staple of their speeches aud editorials—it was the
burthen of their song, “the lliiad of their woes.”
It was this phantom that caused some in thtir
maddened rage to sav that the bill, with tins con
struction was worse for the South than the \Y ilmot
Proviso itself. Most blending, indeed, must have
been that rage which could have caused anybody
to say that anything could have been w- rse for the
South than that positive, absolute, and perpetual pro
hibition against slavery in the Territory,.put on in
132", and which tiie Kansas hill removed!
But such things we have witnessed and perhaps
stranger ones tiro iu store for us yet. It is not so
much, however, w ith the past as with the present,
and the future we have to deal. The past it is true
frequently throws light upon the future, aud for
. _ _ _ .. rninent was formed, tiie South has certainly lost
tills reason, it is not to be neglected or..forgotten, j nothing in comparison with the North, in her
l spirit, energy and enterprise, in rolling the tide of
civilization onwards, by the settlement and colo
nization of new States. Since then, under her
I need not assure y<*u that.I was for the hill in the
beginning and nm for it yet, end shall stand by it
to the last, notwithstanding tlte new “fire in the
rear,” as well as the old one “m the front.”
From late indications the next Congress will
have before it deeply interesting, if net unusually
exciting questions—not less so than those before
the last. Iu the elections for tiie last.Congress the
repeat of the Kansas bill was a prominent issue at
tin- North. Upon the assembling ef that body a
auspices, and under her institutions, there have
been settled, colunlizi d and admitted into the Union
the following States: Kentucky, Tennessee, Alaba
ma, Florida,Louisiana,Arkansas, Missouri, Missis
sippi and Texas—nine in all—and all slave Stales,
while the free States which have been admit
ted and which properly speaking, have been
large majority of the House were claimed to be in ge ttled and colonized in the same lime are only
favor of its repeal. But they did not succeed in
their object. If, however, it was an unwise
measure, got up by agitators and tricksters to serve
selfish and party ends, ought it not to have been
repealed! On this point the Warrenton Conven
tion, if such be the drift and tendency of their
policy, are again es topped—at least their party is
for as late as the 28th of January, of hist year,
the following resolution was offered iu the House
of Representatives by Mr Menchain of Vermont:
“ lies’deed, That ill the opinion of this House the
repeal of the Missouri Compromise of 182", pro
hibiting slavery north of latiude 30° 3"', w as an
examp'e of useless and factions agitation of tin-
slavery question, both in and out of Congress,
which was unwise aud unjust to a portion of the
American people.”
This resolution is hut a short statement of the
substance of the commentary of the Warrenton
Convention, and if they are right their representa
tive ought to have voted for it. But he did not,
nor did a single member of the American party, or
any party from-tiie South. vole for it except Mr.
Ethridge from Tennessee. Messrs. Foster and
Trippe from this State, voted against it, so did the
two Marshalls from Kentucky, Mr. Zollicoffer from
Tennessee—all the leaders of the party, and every
member of it from the South, with the exception
staled. Were these all tricks ers, agitators and
demagogues, or the buck rs of such paltry charac
ters? This resolution passed the House, but the
majority did not succeed in their attempts t" carry
a repeal oftlie measure by law. Their whole ef
forts then were directed to another election. In
this they were signally defeated again, as well in
their attempts to get control of the Executive ns
of the next House. Thus opened and thus ended
lhe last Congress so far as the Kansas bill was
concerned. It passed the ordeal of three stormy
sessions intact and us touched, and came out of
the Presidential contest sustained and endorsed
by the people of the United States, aud by every
Southern State save one.
It was after this memorable popular verdict, in
its favor last fall—after its principles se ined to
he settled so far as the action of Congress was con
cerned—alter everything pertaining even to a
doubtful construction was put to rest by the inau
gural of Mr. Buchanan, and alter tiie main princi
ples of the bill were fully atlirmi-d by the Supreme
Court of the Unit' d States, in the Du d Scott case,
that did indulge a strong desire and w ish to r
tire, ll was w ith this measure above all others, I
had become identified in my public career. With
the prospect of its being firmly established in eve
ry department of government, the time see I
ed suitable as well as propitious, for me to take
that course, which was so agreeable to my feel
ings.
But, since the indications to which I have allu
ded, but have furnished grounds to apprehend that
these and kindred questions will come up before
the next Congress, 1 deem it due to you to say that
I fee! no disposition to shrink from the responsi
bility of meeting them. Whateverinay have been
my w ishes for repose, however congenial to my
feelings and health, quiet and rest might he. I have
no inclination, voluntarily to quit the field of ac
tion, so long as the fight lasts on this measure. I
shall, if the people so will it, stand by it to the
end, let that he what it may. As to my course, if
e'ected, I have no new pledge or promise to make
The form in which this question w ill present itself
most probably in the next Congress; w ill not he on
a repeal of the measure: that idea is abandoned.—
It wili he upon the point, whether its principles
and wealth of the world. Not only the northern
States, but most of the nations of Europe are
fast becoming dependent upon her. The idea that
the question of African slavery is one of vital in
terest only to those who own the slaves, and to
the extent of the money invested in them, is
one of those chimeras which might he expected
to emanate from the brains of those who
think it a divine mission to war against divine
decrees.
The amount of capital invested in slaves is but
a drop in the bucket compared with the much
vaster amount put in motion and sustained by the
products of their labor. There is not a flourishing
village or hamlet at the North—to say nothing of
their towns and cities—that does nor owe its pros
perity to Southern cotton. England, with her mil
lions of people and billions upon billions of pounds
sterling, could not survive six months without it.
This they began to fee' and lament. We em
phatically hold the lever that wields the destiny of
modern civilization in its w id 'st scope ami compre
hension; and ail we have to do is to rcn.ize the
consciousness of our power, and be resolved to
maintain it..
In this connection, it may not be amiss or out of
place, to notice an article iu one of our own jour
nals of a recent date. The Columbus Enijuirer, iu
its issue oftlie 12th May last, says:
“From the commencement of the government
until the present p-riml, rh • South comparatively,
been growing ‘smali by degrees and heauti-
j-.r. qu.rtlou—-that is tile right or power of Cougrees
to impose conditions and restrictions upon the new
Stales in the formation of their Constitutions—when
by tiie plain letter of the Constitution of the United
.States, Congress can oniy look into the Constitution of
the new State applying and see that it is Republican in
form. If it cme finmi the legally constituted author
ities, Congress has uo right or power to inquire into or
take jurisdiction over the question as to how it was
made—no more in the case of Kansas than in the ease
of Georgia or Rhode Island. And if Kalians should he
rejected on that ground, then an enquiry might be in-
sti.uted ns to how all the other State Constitutions have
been made. The question is one that involves our
whole Federative system. Tiie main point, it seems to
me, is always overlooked bv those who see no error in
Gov. Walker’s address. Their minds are directed sim
ply to the propriety of submitting the Constitution for
ratification. On that ]tomt 1 have nothing to say, be
cause it j rnpei ly and directly concerns nobody hut the
people of Kansas. It is the right of .lie Convention,
their chosen organ, to do it or not to do it, as they please.
But suppose thev choose not to do it! wlioclotlied Gov.
Walker or anybody else with authority to say, either
that she would not or "light not to be admitted into the
Union? Certainly, his written instructions which w-e
have seen, warrants iiim in holding no such language.
This n:av or may not become an important question iu
the next Congress, ace* r ling as the Convention then
inav or may n*'t determine to conform to Gov. Walk
er’s views. If they do thus conform, the question will
most probably he ended. But, if they do not—it they
adopt a pro-slavery Constitution without submitting it,
and present themselves for admission under it just as
several other States have done, then the question will
come up with all its interist and magnitude. It will
be one of much wider, broader and deeper range, than
any mi ■ heretofore connected with Kansas matters. It
s;likes at the foundation of our Government. It invol
ves everything recognized at State Rights and State
Sovereignty. It is of higher import than anything con
nected with the position of any limn, party, or Admin-
istratio i.
If the present Administration takes sides with Gov
ernor Walker on it, he and they will share the same
fate. 1 cannot, however, permit myself to believe for
a moment that they will, in that contingency, take such
grounds. Tiie doctrine is too outrageous and monstrous
to allow any such inference. So far as M". Buchanan
is concerned—t » say nothing of the individual members
of his cabinet—there is nothing in his past history to
warrant any snoli conclusion ; nothing in his adminis
tration thus fir nffords any grounds even to suspect it,
except the fact that lie has not removed him. Apart
from this Walker business, no administration has ever,
in mv day, so fully met my cordial approval. But in
niv jn Ig.nent Walker ought to have been removed.
I am not, however, in the lmbit of condemning without
a hearing. Mr. Buchanan may have reasons for his
course we know nothing of. In the meantime lie must
and will be held responsible for the consequenc-s at-
t-mding his retention, whatever they may he. These
he cannot escape from.
But as mutteis now stand, wlmt out to he done ? I
mean wlmt ought to he done hv those who really and
in goo 1 faith, intend to stand hy the principles that
brought the present Administration into power ? The
clamor bv our opponents is loud for the rebuke and
e aide.lunation of the l'reslilenj, on account of the
Walker policy in Kansas. And who are those whose
indignation at these outrages upon southern rights lias
been so suddenly awakened ? Men who consider the
passage of the bill that secured these rights, which
have thus been outraged, hs nothing hut the work of
tricksters, got up for excitement and agitation—men
who twelve months ago could see nothing in it but
“squatter sovereignty,” more odious and hurtful to the
South than the Wiluiot Proviso itself, hut who now say,
that but for Walker, Kansas would certainly have
come in as u slave State—men who now find it conve
nient to express much feigned wrath at the wrongs
that have been dune us : who could not suppress their
delight when they first heard of these wrongs! One
of the leading organs of this party ill Georgia, the Ma
con Journal >V Messenger, headed an article announc
ing Gov. Walker’s address, with “Something to rejoice
at.” Verily out of the abundance of the heart the
mouth sometimes speuketh. Sumner or Seward could
not have been more exultant when that address first
met their eyes. But to you, voters of the 8th district,
I put the question, are these the men you should join to
place their nominees in power for the purpose of re
linking the Administration, or even Walker? Surely
this would he rebuking him with a vengeance!
Spctial jUticts.
OEOItOIA
Sarsaparilla Compound,
OR DENNIS’ ALTERATIVE,
For Liver Complaint and to Purify the Blood.
P UBLIC opinion and Physicians have decided
that this is the best preparation of SARSAPA-
RiLLAtli.it can be obtained. It sells readily and
(jives wood satisfaction. Its ingredients are well
known to Physicians and the people at the South,
to be GOOD, and good medicines, when appropri
ately used, often effect great cures.
Nothing more need be said in praise of it, than
to publish what it is composed of. It contains m
addition to Sarsaparilla, the hydro-alcoholic extract
of Queen’s Delight, (Stilliugia.) White Ash, Grey
Beard or Fringe Tree (Chionanthus) Tincture of
May Apple, or Mandrake, (Podophyllum,) and
Blood Root, (Sangninaria.)
Those prefering this Compound Preparation of
Sarsaparilla, should express in their orders:
ty Dennis’s Alterative,
OR. GEORGIA SARSAPARILLA COMPOUND.
For sale in this cityby E. J. White, also by Jas. Herty.
July 28, 1857. " 8 3m
It limy be true, as stated, that but for his course in
Kansas she would certainly have come into the Union
ns a slave State. But to whom are we indebted for
that policy which was leading so certainly to that re
sult ? Not to those who are now so indignant, though
lately so fill! of “something to rejoice at,” but to those
true and gallant constitution abiding men at the north
whom it was ihe pleasure, not twelve montlis ago, of
these latter day “indiguationists” to assail and denounce
with a rancour not surpassed by anything uttered bv
Hale or Biddings. Tuis is no time to follow any such
leaders. If Walker, or others we trusted, have or shall
prove untrue to us upon this great question, we should
at least be tin - to oumi lves. If a rebuke is to be giv
en by those who fee! the wrongs committed, and who
have the fit and proper spirit to give it. This ab«
ness to a'State. If any one should he-incredu
lous of the fact, let him examine the different
census reports which have been made, and the
truth will reveal itseifiuall its tearful propor
tions.’’
This ought to be a most mortifying reflection to
every southern man, if upon reference to the .au
thorities cited, the facts were found to sustain the
statement. But the censuses furnish no material
tor such a depreciation of our section. It is true
the North has a laigei population than the South,
and this she had at the beginning. At the first
census, m 1711", the population ot the present non
slave holding States was (1,!)0;).976) nearly two
millions, while the white population oftlie South
was only I ;ii 1,4^8, not much over one. It is
also true, when we look not only to this great
disproportion between the numbers oftlie white
population of the North and the South, but also
to the still more comparatively small number of
slaves at the South, the prospect for future settle
ment of new States to be adm tted into the Union
out oftlie public territory, would seem to ho great-
Iv in favor of the North. These very census re
ports, however, render fins prospect much less
discouraging to us, for with a white population of
only a little over twelve hundred thousand in the
South, against a like population ' f near two mil
lions in the North, and with a slave population of
only about eight hundred thousand when the gov-
seven in number. They are Ohio, Michigan, Wis
consin. Indiana, Illinois, Iowa and California,
Vermont arid Maine can haidlv properly betaken
into this account, for the former was part of the
New Hampshire plantations and was settled as
early as that State, indeed—at the revolution, she
claimed a s pa rate existence—w Idle Maine was cut
off from Massachusetts. But if these two also he
put in the count, it will make but nine—the same
number of free States admitted as of slate States
since the government was formed.
In point of wealth, the South has nothing to fear
by a con.parson with the North. Upon all fair
principles ofestiination and comparison, the ad
vantages are on her side. And as far as our ou u
State is concerned the census shows that no por
tion of the United States excells her in all the ele
ments of power, greatness, and progress.
If then, with such great disproportion in popu
lation against them in the beginning, aud w ith such
a small number of blacks, the South has held her
ow n so well and lost nothing even under a partial
restriction against her from 182" to 1854, what
need she to fear now with the unlimited right of
expansion and diffusion, according to her means,
inclination, and character of her population? The
maintenance of this principle Is of vast and vital
importance to her. And the great object with her
I nu n and statesmen should he, to see that it is
faithfully carried out in Kansas, let the result under
its operation he what it may
I have said that this will bean important ques
tion probably before the next Congress. 'J his arises
from the doctrines and position ofGovcrnor Walker
in his inaugural and late speeches in that Territory.
There can be no question, it seems to me, that he
has violated the plain letter and meaning of the
Kansas bill, as well as the resolution quoted from
the Cincinnati Platform, upon which the present
Administration was elevated to power. The one
declares it to be the true meaning and intent oftlie
act, to leave it to the people to settle their own in
stitutions in their own way for themselves. His
argument against the possibility of slavery ever
going there, was intended to influence the public
minu against ite introduction He threw all llio
weight of his high official position against it. If
what he says be true, it was i~o less unjust than un
necessary to say it Hut a grosser violation of
principle he committed in nrgingthat the Constitu
tion of the new State should be made in a particular
wav to suit him ffnd iu declaring that if it was not,
she* would not and ought not to he admitted into
the Union. Under the Kansas hill the people there
have the right to make their Constitution -in tlirir
otrn tray,” “acting’ ’fin the language of the resolu
tion before quoted,) “through the. legally and fairly
expressed trill of a majority of the actual residents”
Xow, the Convention winch has been eli cted to form
a Constitution there, has been chosen under “ the le
gally aud fairly expressed will of a propriety of the ac
tual" residents” ns far ns it could be ascertained by law.
This no one can gainsay. If any refused to vote It was
their own choice not to do it.
The convention thus elected, have plenary powers
in conformity to law, to form a Constitution. It is tlieir
right to submit it for ratification or not, ns they may
choose. The question of the propriety of submitting
it or not is one for themselves to determine. This, it is
their peculiar province to decide, it (toy. \\ alker
had barely suggested, roeoimnended or advised its sub
mission, I should not complain of that part of his- ud-
dresa. But lie goes on to sav that if they do not do it
the new State will not be, and ought not to be admitted.
This is virtually saying that the ps-ople “acting under
the legally and fairly expressed will of the majority,”
shall not form their Constitution ill “their own way”
but iu this way, or thu! which Congress shall see fit to
shall be truly aud faithfully carried into effect. It dictate. This is opt-nin# up the whole qinslion in
will be my object to the utmost extent of my pow- i new shape. It goee farther. It brings up the old Mis-
atand i:» firmer and in more solid column. It is the time
when all true men who look to principles as an object
higher than p triv, a 1 ionM strike fur the country, and
strike in tint way in which tlieir power can be most
efficiently felt.
These views, niv fellow-citizens, of the Eighth Dis
trict, I srtbrnit to yon. They ure given with that frank
ness with which l have always spoken to you. It there
is nnythiug in them that falls harshly upon the ear of
any one, he will please pardon it. It is not my inten
tion to be offensive to any one. They are mv own seu-
tinients upon some of the public topics of the day,
which you were entitled to know, upon the announce
ment of my name as a candidate for your suffrages.
Consider them, and weigh them as the importance of
the subjects demands. li‘ yc u see fit to elect me, the
utmost of my ability as in times past shall be devoted
to your service. I shall a-surne the trust without any
personal objects or aims to accomplish. I have no am-
hit ion but to serve mv country, and to see it advancing
throughout its whole length and breadth in all that will
aud to its peace, development, happiness, prosperity
and greatness. So f ir ns I am personally concerned, I
can say with truth, I would not give a day of rest at
my cherished home for a whole life spent at Washing
ton. If you think that iny competitor, the nominee of
tli. Warrenton convention, will serve you better, abler,
more efficiently or more faithfully, you have but to say
so. And if he shjill succeed in doing it, I assure you
no one will be more gratified at it than mvself.
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS.
Craw ford ville, Ga, Aug. 14, 1^57.
Advertising a Moral Doty.
Some years ago it was proposed by an American
Physician that members of the Faculty should adver
tise their remedies and modes of treating the diseases in
the newspapers. It was a bold and manly idea. It
was scouted, however, by the profession generally, as
infra dig. Hut is there any degradation in publicityl
Is it not rather the great touchstone that ties pretension
and universalizes the practical benefits of all valuable
inventions and discoveries? .Should not a profession
that aims at the mitigation of suffering and the pr
f life, make the means of obtaining these
FLEMING BROS.
I^vnch’s Anti-fr'-heuraatic Powders.
More cures have been effected by the aid of this pre
paration than any other. In all Rheumatic affections
r- ! they may be relied upon as a safe and effectual cura-
and J five agent, unsurpassed by any thing yet discovered.
objects known through the channel ot information most. No one thus afflicted should fail to provide them-
aoctwiWe to all classes and conditions, the column, of, selvps witll tMs rt . me dv.
the l abile press? 11 it declines to do so, the natural in- . ,, , , ; , . •, , T n c-i
fcict.ee is either tl.uttlie desire of secrecy arises from « » sold, wholesale aad retail by J. G. Gibson,
a sordid, monopolizing egotistic spirit, or from a lack of Eatonton, Ga., and retailed by James Herty, Milledgc-
laith in its own prescriptions. | ville, Ga. 13 tf.
Viewing the subject in tnis light, we may presume ■ - ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ —
Professor Holloway some twenty years api, overleap- | Tho P i e( . t ; nn ; n Missouri for Governor, bc-
ed Inc bearers which the profession had erected be- Stf.wxrt, Democrat, and Roi.UXS, Know
tv,-ccii itsell anti the public, and plunged fcaric.sH into ... . ,
tin-newspaper arena Be l,ud discovered or rather iu- Nothin- Republican, is very dole, and it will re
quire the official vote to determine the result.
spape
vented, after years of research auu experiments, two
preparations which lie believed to be specifics for near
ly all the discuses of mankind; and os an indication of
liis confidence in them, and a proof of Ills pbilouthropb-
ie wish that, if really valuable, they should be accessi
ble to the whole world, lie advertised them wherever
advertising media existed. This was the severest or
deal to which lie could have submitted them—the ex-
penmentum crucis. He threw them at once, us it were,
tie-fore the sick of all regions. He stated tlieir proper
ties, prochtiiuod wM tji'.v would do, nod ranked repu
tation anil fortune upon the issue. Timt issue has been
all Unit he or the world could have desired. The rich
and the poor, the framed and the ignorant, physicians,
statesmen, monarclis, a nation of enlightened freemen,
have sanctioned, used, extolled them. They are Jixci
facts iu medical history!
Is not this better tiiun hiding light under a bushel?
Is it nut better tluin writing prescriptions in n dead
language, und putting weights untl quantities into
hieroglyphics
If
tiniv
' anything is worth knowing it is worthy of being
I'ersally known. So thinking, Holloway proclaimed
the virtues ot hii. medicines through the press; and for
tunc, fame and Ihe gratitude of millions have been his by administering the pills to the sufferer, under the
reward.—X. Y. Sun. clear directions which accompany every box.
The Cotton Agitation of England—This is the
theme of the New York Journal of Commerce, w liich
takes for its text the recent meetings in Liverpool
and elsewhere, utging British capitalists to invest
in cotton raising in India, with a view to supersed
ing the necessity of dependence upon the United
States for the great staple. The Journal urges
that iu carrying out their plan British capitalists—
—“will have difficulties to overcome for which they
have not yet provided, cveu in theory, and which
must nevertheless Ue surmounted before they can
dispense with ‘the intolerable duty imposed by the
American Republic-’ In the first place the entire
system of land tenure in India must be radically
altered, so long as the only land tenure is a year
to year tenancy at a rack-rent trout the Company;
in short, so long as laud is not purchaseahle in fee
simple, privuto capitalists will not risk the money
required for the cultivation and management of
cotton on a large seale.
JLftltr trum. t-ttrope
A Kiel V AI.
‘OF TIIE
llusiness of the State Road.—The {Atlanta Inlelli-
gcnrcT says that one bundled and forty loaded cars
arrived down the road on Friday last, the largest
nuinberthat has ever passed down to Atlanta iu any
one day.
A Large Hay Field.—Mr. Guthrie, of Chica
go, Illinois, lias one field of 850 acres of hay,
enclosed with good pine board and cedar post
fence. He is cutting from other fields at least
l,t f.O acres besides, aud expects to cut atfd press
this year 5,000 tons of hay.
The Knoxville Whig is confident that East Ten
nessee w ill be able to sell two millions of bushels ol
wheat the present season.'
Fatal Accident in Hancock.—Mrs. IRBY HUDSON,
of Hancock, (relict of Irby Hudson, recently
deceased), met with a fatal accident on Tuesday
evening last. We learn that she was riding, and
on Iter way to a relatives, when her horse became
restive and threw her, and from the effects of the
fall and kicks received from the ltorse, Mrs. H.
died iu a few minutes. This sad event has caused
a deep gloom anion'.? the neighbors and relatives
of the deceased.—Aug Const.
State Rights, and United States’ Rights.
Tis the Star Spangled Banner, oh, long may it wave,
O’erthe Land of the Free, and fhe Home ofthe Brave.’
B0FGHT0MSRET & BARNES, State Printers
Tus’sdiv Morning. August ‘25, !!!57.
DH. S. 8. FITCH’S “SIX LECITliES,”
330 pages, 30 engravings, bound, explanatory ofthe
treatment by which he cures Consumption, Asthma,
Diseases ofthe Heart, Throat, Stomach, Bowels, Liver,
Kidneys and Skin, Female Complaints, Gravel, 6lc.,
sent bv mail, and postage prepaid, for 40 cents.
Apply to DR. S.S. FITCH,
714 Broadway, N. Y.
has no other office either at Chicago, Buffalo,
Pittsburgh, or elsewhere. He is never absent from
New Yoik, and no physician elsewhere is authorized to
use his name.
August 18th, 1857. 12 3m.
S ANDS’SARSAPARILLA.—In tins preparation we
^h ive all the restorative properties of the root com
bined mid concentrated in all their strength nnd effi
cacy; accordingly we find it resorted to in cases of scro
fula. liver complaint, salt rheum, dyspepsia and general
debility, with unprecedented success, ns it speedily
purifies the blood, restores to the stomach its tone, and
imbues with healthful impulses the entire organization.
Prepared aud sold by A. B. &. D. SANDS, Drug
gists, 100 Fulton Street. New Yoik.
Sold also by E. J. White & Bro., Milledgeville, Ga.,
and Druggists generally.
DEMOCRATIC NOMINATIONS.
FOR GOVERNOR
II0\. JOSEPH E. BROWN,
OF CHEROKEE COUNTY.
1st ist.
•2'1 Dist.
3d Dist.
4tli “
5th “
fitll “
7th “
8th “
FOR CONGRESS.
JAMES L. SEWARD,of Thomas,
M. J CRAWFORD, of Muscogee
DAVID J BAILEY. • f Butts,
L. J. GARTRELL, of Fulton.
A R. WRIGHT, of Floyd.
JAMES JACKSON, of Clarke,
LINTON STEPHENS, of Hancock,
A. H. STEPHENS of Taliaferro.
I.rftrr «f lion. A. H. Mlrphrns.
We lay before our rt-adi r.s the letter of the Hott
A. H. Stephens addressed to the voters of tho 8th
j Congressional District—believing tlmtour patrons
| would desire a perusal of this letter, we publish it
| entire this week, to the exclusion of other mat-
M >i«ti tt Is Doing tor tuv situ.
Wm. Schochman, Esq., the well known Lithographer
snvs: “I have frequently used Biprhnve’s Holland Bit
ters, and find it invariably relieves indigestion and de
bility.”
Rev. Samuel Babcock, says: “I found special relief
from its use, for a severe headache, with which I hud
iong suffered.”
J. W. Woodwell, Esq., says: “I have used Bu rhnve’s
Holland Bittern myself, and recommend it to others,
knowing it to be just what it is represented.”
Aid. Jonathan Neely, of Lower St Clair, says: “I
have derived great benefit from its use for weakness of
the stomach and indigestion.”
James M. Murphy, says: “After several physicians
had failed, Buerhave’s Holland Bitters removed the pain
from my heart aud side, arising from indigestion.”
For Sale bv F. G. Grieve, Milledgeville.
Counterfeits! Counterfeits!
Having been informed by our friends in some sec-
ti.ms of the country, of the great injury done to their
Hair, by the use of wlmt purported to be the genuine
LYON’S KATHAIRON, but proved to be worthless
counterfeits; we caution the public against such imposi
tion. Avoid all dealers who attempt to sell the spuri
ous articles, for they are not to be depended upon in
any matter. The great excellence nnd universal popu
larity ofthe genuine LYON’S KATHAIRON is attest
ed bv its immense sale—nearly 1,0(H),(.00 bottles per
vear; all pronounce it the most excellent preparation
for the Hair ever made.
Sold by ull respectable dealers, everywhere, for 25
cents per bottle.
IIEATU, WYNCOOP & CO.,
Proprietors and Perfumers,
13 4t. 63, Liberty St, N. Y
Do not neglect a Cough, however slight, it is hardly
excusable, when a simple remedy like Wistaria )\ ild
„ Cherrv Balsam is within vour reach. This is in nearly
all other times, is the one when every dictate of patri- aU case8 effectual. No family should be without it.
otism requires all the real and true friends of the Kan- —
sis bill, North and South, to stand together and see that Pib: Salve—Dr. Cavanaugh, we are glad to see, is
it is faithfully executed—and deal with aU who oppose p ast winning a reputation for the production ofthe only
it as they deserve to be dealt bv. Tiie whole South in j for tl|e PiU . B knowl i in the United States. Every
the next C ongress will approach nearer to unanimity, ....... ,,, • ^
in its natty character, than ever before—she will pre- one who lias used it attests Its nwnts.-Uncago Dady
sent almost a united front—so nearly so, ns to warrant Journal.
the division of the House for ull practical purposes into j gold by ull the Druggists in Milledgeville. 13 2t
lmt two parties, the Democratic and the Black Repnb- j — .
I lican. The American party North is utterly defunct— WISTAK’S BALSAM OF W ILD CHERIIi.
they have not a member elected to the next Congress The following Letter from Rev. Henry Wood, of
that I am aware of. At the South thus far, they have £ oncor( ] \ jf editor of the Congressional Journal,
elected but five, I believe; two in Kentucky, two iu ,
r r , t , • /• • it* o| lfttl ] j speaks volumes in iavoi oi \v i*tm s jsaisam.—
Iemiessee, and one in Missouri—live in ail. Should 1 v u \i«r J 9
Georgia send her entire delegation of that party, they Concord, N. 11. J a c\ .
could do nothing, however williug they might be, with- Messrs. SetliW. Fowle & Co.—Gentlemen: Two
out the co-operation of the National Democracy, years ago, a sudden and violent attack upon my Lungs
From the North, fifty-one Democrats have beeu elec- I ‘. on 5 Ile j me to n ,y beu for several weeks, and when I
ted, pledged t" the principles <.f the Kansas bill as «’’• I ret „ verc d I was so much oppressed bv difficulty iu
forth in the resolution oi the Cincinnati Convention I .. ... -
have quoted. The paramount object, therefore, in se- j breathing, that I was often unable to sleep or rest upon
curing the rebuke oi Walker as well as the maintenance a bed by night. Tiie suffering was extreme, and judg-
of our principles in any and every contingency_ should j j U g from the inefficiency of the remedies used, I sup-
bc to select lor Congress men true to the print iplcs | the disease incurable. Being persuaded to try a
same great end in vi. w. This is no time for those devo-j confidence in its efficacy. I found the difficulty almost cu-
ted to these principles, to abandon tlieir organization, | tirely removed before one bottle was used up. Sympathy
ither State or National. It ,s a time when they should j with my fellow-sufferers induces me to make this pub-
Jndic Brown and Ur. Hill.
! Wo hope these gentlemen will continue to trav
el in company, and address the people at the same
places. We are perfectly willing to let the people
; hear them and form tlieir own estimates of the
i two men. The open, earnest and frank manner
! of Judge Brown tells at once upon his audience.—
1 There is nothing of the demagogue or political
| trickster about him. He uses none of the arts
| of necromancy or chicanery to deceive the people;
! but speaks out plainly, and with much sincerity
| bis views. He may not be so good a clown or so
complete a mimic as Mr Hill, but lie lias decidedly
a more taking way with the people. His face bears
upon it the impress of sincerity, and honesty.
And if lie fail to tickle the fancy of the b’hoys and
girls, by bis funny antic and laughter-moving
anecdotes, he does not fail to convince the judg
ment and carry the hearts of sensible men. No
mail who looks upon the two men for the first
time together, can fail to tell which is the statesman
and which the political mountebank. Brown
looks like a nobleman of nature ; while Hill’s ap
pearance is anything else. We do not deny Bon
Hill’s talents—he has talents, but he has put them
to such unprofitable uses, that they have been
cumbered with thistles and thorns. He has, for
three years, been engaged in the very small bush
i ness of defending the heresies of Knovv-Nuthingism
and has failed utterly to get judgment in his favor.
During the same time Mr. Brown has been upon
the Bench dispensing justice, and enforcing the
laws of the State. Judge Brown is fresh from the
people, and knows their wants. Mr-Nlill is fresh
from the hustings aud the political arrena, where
he has spent some of his best days in the
most unprofitable business mortal man ever en
gaged iu.
lie statement, and recommend the article to others simi-
liuriy afflicted.
With respect, vours truly,
HENRY WOOD.
None genuine unless signed I. BUTTS on the wrap
per. Sold by Agents every where. E. J. White, Ag’t.,
M Wedge ville. Ga.
A LADY uf OI K ACQUAINTANCE.
MRS. POWELL, No. 18, STANTON STREET, N. Y,
J^e-Was troubled with liver complaint for n iong
time, nnd after trying ntanv remedies, was advised to
try Dr. M’LANE’S Celebrated Liver Pills, prepared
by Fleming Bros, of Pittsburgh. She did so, and says
tb.it with one box she was effectually cured.
Indigestion, stoppage of the menses, coslireness, and
general irregularity ofthe /.creels, arc nil diseases orig
inating m the same prolific cause, ns is also that dread
ful scourge, DYSPEPSIA. Those who are afflicted
with any ofthe above enumerated diseases, may rest
assured that the source of nil tlieir maladies is in the
liver, nnd for its correction the best remedy ever offered
to the public is Dr. M’Lanc’s Celebrated Liver Pills.
Try them. The money refunded if not satisfactory.
Sold by James Herty, E. J. White .and F. G. Grieve
Milledgeville.
\'W“ Purchasers will be careful to ask for Da
M’Lase’s Celerratet) Ijifk Pills, manufactured by
Fi.emino Bros., of Pittsburgh, l’n. There are other
Pills purporting to be Liver Pills, now before the pub
lic. Dr. M'Lane’s genuine Liver Pills, also bis celebra
ted Vermifuge, can now be bad at nil respectable drug
stores. A'onegenuine without the sixnatnre of
mi
YVhnl will they *lo with Ilf
We mean what will the Know Nothings do with
the dead carcass of their party f Will they bury it
out of sight, or will they suffer it'to remain above
ground still longer, to pollute the political atmos
phere of the country ? What will they do with
tlieir name ? Will they cherish it as a sacred me
mento of the past, or will they suffer it to go down
“to the vile dust from whence it sprung, unwept, tui-
honored and unsung” ? Towards many members
ofthe Know Nothing party, as individuals, we feel
nothing but good will. We know them to be hon
orable and pure meu, but we confess it has always
been a mystery to us, how such men could have
remained for a long time members of the Know
Nothing party. We believe the fact, that a party
so prescriptive, so it.tolerant, so illiberal, so anti-
American in ail of its principles, could arise into
power and importance even for one year, will long
remain a stigma upon our name and fame as a na
tion. We hope sincerely that those good and honest
men who are opposed to the Democratic party on
principle, will bury the dead carcass of Know
Nothingism out of sight, will change their party
name, and if they cannot join the Democracy, will
form a new party, more congenial to the American
name and principles, than the defunct ever was.
We believe that thousands of the Know Nothings
are heartily sick of tlieir party, and all of its sub
terfuges. Why not then renounce the devil and
all his works ? Come out from them and be separ
ate. To such we commend the solemn reflections
of the Richmond Whig of the 11th inst. Read
and reflect:
Nstkiai Is Wear.
All of the world and the rest of mankind havfl
probably heard of the controversy, now going on i n
the literary circles at the North, concerning ths
authorship of the Poem with the above title. It
was published as the production of Mr. William A
Butb-r. Some time after its publication a Miss
Sarah Peck, daughter of an Episcopal clergyman of
Greenville, in Connecticut, claimed the author
ship. Our readers may judge for themselves, btq
we think there is abundant evidence in the poem
to prove that it is the production of a man. Asa
general rule when there is a dispute between a gen-
tic man and lady we decide in favor of the ladv
but in this case we are constrained to decide
against the pretensions of Miss Peck.
From Harper’s Weekly.
Nothing to H ear—in Episode of City Life.
Miss Flora M’Flimsey, of Madison Square,
Has made three seperate journeys to Paris,
And he r father assures tne, each time she was there
That she and her friend Mrs. Harris,
(Not the lady so famous in history.
But plain Mrs H without romance or Mvstery.)
Spent six consecutive weeks without stopping,
Shopping alone and shopping together.
At all hours oftlie day, and m all sorts of weather:
For a!! manner of tilings that a woman can put
On the crown of her bead or sole of her foot,
Or wrap round her shoulders, or fit round her waist
Or that can be sewed on, or pinned on, or laced,
< >r tied on with a string, or stitched on w ith a bow
In front or behind, above or below-:
For bonnets, niautillas, capes, collars and shawls;
Dresses for breakfast, and dinners, and balls;
Dresses to sit in, nnd stand in, and walk in;
Dresses to dance in, to dirt in, to work in ;
Dresses for winter, spring, summer ami fall;
All of them different in color and pattern,
■Silk, muslin, and lace, crape, velvet, and satin,
Brocade and broadcotli, and other material.
Quite as expensive and much more ethereal ;
In short, for all things that could ever bo thought
of,
From ten thousand francs robes to twenty sous
frills ;
In all quarters of Paris, and to every store.
While M’Flimsey in vain stormed, scolded aad
swore,
They footed the streets, nnd he footed the bills.
The* last trip, tlieir goods shipped by the steamer
Arago,
Formed, M'Flimsey declares, the bulk of Iter cargo,
Not to mention a quantity kept from the rest,
Sufficient to fill the largest sized chest,
Which did not appear on your ship's manifest;
But for which the ladies themselves manifested
Stieb particular interest, that they invested
Their own proper persons in layers and rows
Of muslins, embrui leries, wo ked under clothes,
Gloves, handkerchiefs, scarf, and such trifles as
those.
Then, wrapped in great shawls, like Circassian
beauties,
Gave good-by to the ship and go-by to the duties,
Her relations at home all marvelled, no doubt,
Miss Flora bad grown so enormously stout.
For an actual belle and a possible bride;
Rut t lie miracle ceased when she turned inside out,
And the truth came to light, and tho dry goods
besides,
Which, in spite of Collector and Custom IIousb
sentry,
Had entered the port without any entry.
1
And yet, though scarce tl re j months have passed
since the day.
This marcliandize went, on twelve carts up Broad
way,
This same Miss M’Flimsey, of Madison Square,
The last time wo met, was in utter despair,
Because she had nothing whatever to wear !
Nothing to wear ! Now, as this is a true ditty,
I do not as.-ert—this, you know, is between us—
That she’s in a slate of personal nudity.
Like Powers’ Greek Slave, or the Medici Verms;
But I do mean to say, I have heard her declare,
When,at the same moment, she bad on a dress
Which cost five hundred dollars, and not a cent
less,
And jewelry worth ten times more, I should
guess,
That she had not a thing in the wide world to wear.
1 should im ntio.i just here, that out of Miss Flora's
Two hundred and fifty or sixty adorers,
1 had just been selected as he who should throw
all
The rest in the shade, by the gracious bestowal
On myself, after twenty or thirty rejections,
Of those fossil remains which she called “her affec
tions,
And that rather decayed and well known work of
art,
Which Miss Flora persisted in styling “her heart."
So w e were engaged. Our troth had been pligh
ted,
Not i>v moonbeam or stearbeam, by fountain or
grove.
But in a front parlor most brilliantly lighted.
Beneath the gas fixtures we whispered our love,
■ Without any romance, or raptures, or sighs,
j Without auy tears in Miss Flora’s blue eyes,
Or blushes, or transports, or such silly actions,
It was one ofthe quietest business transactions,
With a very small sprinkling of sentiment, if auy,
And a very large diamond imported by Tiffany.
On her virginal lips while I printed nkiss,
She exclaimed, as a sort of parenthesis,
j And by way of putting me quite at my ease:
1 “You know. I’m to polka os much as I please,
j And flirt when I like—now stop, don't you speak—
; And you must not come here more than twice a
I week,
Or talk to me either at party or ball,
But always be ready to come when I call;
8o don’t prose to me about duty and stuff,
If we don't break this off, there will be t.mr
enough.
For that sort of thing; but the bargain must be
That, as long as f chose, I am perfectly Iree.
For this is a sort of engagement you s e,
Which is binding on you, but not binding on me.
Andrew H. II. Dawson, Esq., lias withdrawn
from the Congressional contest in the first dis
trict. He was running as an independent Know
Nothing.
Steamboat Collision.—A very serious steamboat
disaster occurred on Fall River, in New York, on
Friday night last. The steamer Metropolis, of the
Fall River rout, canu in collision with a propeller,
sinking the latter vessel immediately. She had
twenty-five persons on board thirteen of whom were
lost.
Holloway’s Ointment anti Pills.—Possessed of these
remedies, everv man is bis own family physician. If
bis wife anil children are troubled with eruptions, sores,
tumors, white swellings, sore throat, nstluna. or any af
fection of tho skin, glands nr muscles, a persevering
use of the Ointment is all that is necessary to prodace a
radical cure. If, on the other hand, the internal organs
are assailed by disens.—whether it be located in the
liver, the stomach or the intestines—he c.ia eradicate it
.f R.i Bl.f
New Yoik. Aug TJ.—The s’eamship Arabia, with
Liverpool dates to the 8th inst., has been tele
graphed from below.
No Cotton quotations have been received.
Rice bad declined. Spirits of Turpentine was
dull, but Rosin firm, with sales of 5.000 barrels
during the week, and closing active at a slight ad
vance.
Misuelaneous.
Parliamentary proceedings were unimportant.
The dissensions between Fiance and Turkey
continue, although it was reported that Turkey-
had declared the Wal lavia elections void.
New York, Aug. 19.—The Cotton market is buoy
ant, with sales of 500 bales; Middling Orleans Hie.,
and Middling Uplands 15 5-tic. Flour is unchanged.
Wheat depressed, and Southern White $175
to .$1 8): and Red $1 55 to $1 GO. Naval stories
quiet ; and Rice quiet, at 5J cents Freights
heavy.
“We are not unmindful of the fact that the re
sult of the recent elections lias practically wiped
out of existence—for the present at least—the en
tire opposition to the Democracy in the Southern
States. In the Northern States, the same thing
bad been already effected. We have been so ac
customed to defeat, that we have long since aban
doned th" melancholy and profitless exercise of re
pining over any political disaster that may befal
us. We feel that we are in our natural element
only when gloom and clouds and darkness over-
bang and surround us. We feel, somehow, that it
is right tor us to be thus encompassed about—to
be in a glorious minority—in the company of mar
tyrs, and patriots, and good men of all countries
and all times. These things you call majorities are
generally unprincipled, despotic, wicked, and bent
on the pursuit of selfish ends by unworthy means.
By the vote and at the instigation ofa reckless and
b.oody-minded majority the fraviorof the world him
self was persecuted and crucified; and we poor da-
fealed, down-trodden Whigs should endure a similar
fate with becoming cheerfulness and resignation,
and in the spirit of true patriots and good Christians
as we are. There is nothing in the wide world n liich
so exalts, ennobles, and purifies like adversity; and
we therefore embrace it as an essential good—a
pious blessing iu disguise—and we repine no more
over Loeofoco successes and triumphs, which are
“of the earth, earthy,” which signify only spoils
and the d< basing love of spoils, and which have no
attractions for a patriotic and pious le art.
We may learn a lesson, however, from the par-
ticulaily cruel disaster which has befallen the
Whigs and Americans throughout the country.
Experience is the only sound and reliable teacher,
and wc should turn its admonitions to a useful and
immediate account. Wliat. then, is the moral we
should draw from tli*» r»*eult of the recent elec-
lions? It is, in onr judgment, that we should re
organize our forces under a new name and upon a
broader basis of principles. And this should be
done speedily—in time to be fully prepared for the
high duties and labors of the next I’residential
campaign. Americanism,as a party organization,
is essentially and eternally defunct; ami the soon
er the members of this party, loaders and followers,
recognize the existence of that fixed fact and simple
fact, the better it wili be for them and the country.
It may be replied that Wliiggery is just as dead.
We are willing to admit it; but Know Nothingism
is not only dead, but stiuketh. From the tomb of
the latter no fragrance will ever come, and its uu-
fortunato life supplies tto pleasant recollections.
Wliiggery is totally unlike it, therefore, iu this re
spect: for "‘it smells sweet, and blossoms iu the
dust.” In all seriousness, then, we advise what we
have heretofore advised, ait abandonment of the
lifeless remains ot the American party, and the
substitution in tlieir stead of a new and living
party, with just and comprehensive principles.
Unless there is manifested the sagacity, the wis
dom, and the common sense to adopt the course wc
have radicated, the opposition to tiie Democracy,
which constitutes an overwhelming majority of
the people of the Union, can never be unitedly and
successfully rallied. This, it seems to us, is a self-
evident truth, and needs neither argument nor il
lustration to enforce it.
We trust, therefore, that the wise men of the
American party will put tlieir heads together, and
they will undoubtedly reach the inevitable conclu
sion that Americanism, as a respectable and for
midable organization, is dead—dead forever beyond
tlie prospect or tbo hope or the power of resurrec-
tiun. With only five or ten members of Congress
in both brandies, what of cheer does the future
promise tor it ? We commend the melancholy
subject to the calm and prayertul consideration of
every Americau iu the Union.”
Apptisliarau ®f I(*n, J«. E. Brown.
Hon. Jos. E. Brown will address the citizens of
Harris county, at Hamilton, on Tuesday the 1st. ot
September; Wednesday the 2nd, Sept, he will
speak at Columbus, Thursday the 3rd. Sept, at
Tilbuton; Saturday 5th. Sept, at Zebulon, Pike
county.
Well, having thus wooei Miss M’Flimsey snJ
gained her,
With the silks, crinolines, and hoops that contain
ed her,
I had, as I thought, a contingent remainder,
At least in the property, and the best right
To appear as its escort by day and by night;
And it being the week of the Stuckup’s grand III!
Their cards had been out for afornight or so,
And set all the Avenue on th" tip-toe—
I considered it only my duty to call,
Aud see if Miss Flora intended to go.
I found her—as ladies are apt to be fouuJ,
When the time intervening between ths
sound
Of the bell ar.d the visitor's entry is shorter
Than usual—I found; I won’t say—I caught her—
Inteut ou the pier-glass, undoubtedly meaning
To see if perhaps it didn’t need cleaning.
She turned as I entered—“Why, Harry, you sin-
ner, i
I thought that you went to the Flashers to u.n- ^
“So I did,” I replied, “but the dinner is swallowed
And digested, I trust, for ’tis now nine or unre.
So being relieved from that dnty, followed
Inclination, which led me, you see, to yoordoor.
And now will your ladyship so condcseeud
As just to inform me if you intend
Your beauty, aud graces, ami presence !o lent!.
(All which, when 1 own, I hope no one will oor-
row)
To the Stucknp’s whose party, you know, is to
morrow ?’’
The fair Flora looked up with a pitiful air.
And answered quite promptly, “Why Harry, too*
chrr,
I should like above all things to go with )0 a
there;
But really aud truly—I’ve nothing to wear
“Nothing to wear, go just as you are ;
Wear tiie dress'you h ive on, and you’ll he hy far-
I engage, the most bright and particular star
Ou the Stucknp horizon’"—I stopped, lor her ere,
Notwithstar di ig.this delicate ons> t of flattery,
Opened on me a most terrible battery
Ot scorn and amazement. She made noreplfr
But gave a slight turn to the end of her mtse,
(That pure Grecian feature.) as much as to say-
“flow absurd that any sane man should suppose
That a lady would go to a ball in the clothes,
No matier how tine, she wears every day!”
I
So I ventured again—“Wear your crimson
cade,"
(Second turn up of nose)—“That’s too daik by*
shade.” .
“Your blue silk,”—“That’s too heavy;” “l 0 "
pink,’’’—“That’s too light.”
“Wear tulle over satin”—“1 can't endure wlute ^ J
“Your rose-colored, then, the best of the batch " j
“I haven’t a thread of point lace to match. (
“Your brown moire antique”—“Yes and look h* c i
Quaker;’’ ,i
“The peari-colorcd.” “I would, hilt that pihfP ■ j
dressmaker _ |
Has had it a week”—“Then that exquisite m* : f
In which you would melt the heart ot a Jslivloe K
(Here the nose took again the sanii-e!evaiio n )-,. F
"I wouldn’t wear that tor the whole of creation I
“Why not? It’s my fancy, there’s no •“
could strike it,
As more commt ilfaut”—“Yes, but dear me, i.
luan .
Sophronia Stuckup has got one just like i . . i
And I won’t appear dressed like a chit 5,1 - nf . I
“Then that splendid purple, that sweet «•* l
That superb point a’uiguadle, that inipena K '
That zephyr-like tarleton. that rich g n * a
“Not one of all which is tit to be se- u.
Said tiie lady, becoming excited and nusm- • B
“Then wear,” I exclaimed, in a tone wtuen t j
crushed , • i, r<k ,
Opposition, “that gorgeous toilette |
sported lotion. "
In Paris last Spring, at the grand P"‘ 5e "** dol tt *
When you quite turned the head ot tne uc
nation, n ,u
And by all the grand counts was so ve j
courted.” u?
The end of the nose was portenonsly
And both ths bright eyes shot tort.i ‘‘‘ ‘j;, ia ,; 0 !
yes suui. ..i an i»lit’
As she burst upon me with the fierce e *
‘•I have worn it three times at the leas
And that and the most of ray dresses ari
ripr
up
rH
Here I ripped out something, perhaps jp
Quite innocent, though; but to use