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v.ak ii|> the ole host, bonus an g n him the
idear that he’d best leave town quick; to
lie laid bis rears book and straitened out
his tail an shot. lie made kindlin wood
oaten the waggi.i agin a sine post, and be-
tnck hisselftu tbe woods, stretched out
about 20 feet long, an not morn three feet
high ot the withers, with jist about enul
harness stickin tu him tu make a culler
for a bell cow.—Thar wus wun cussed nut
meg making Yankee broke plum up an
I’m darn’d glad ove it. Old Rack Back
Davy, the boss rack man, made fur the
ruver, an I follered tu the hank tu see ef
he hednt drowned hisself; hut no sir! 1 har
he wur, about the ntiddil ove the ruver, a
swimmin fur tntlierbankjist a splilin the
water wide open an his busted britches
legs a floarin arter him. He . looked over
his shoulder ever} other lick like he spec-
ted tu see the devil; his face wur as black
as a pot. sept a white ring round his eyes,
and the smoke was stiii risin from among
the stumps ove his burnt har. His bed,
boys, in that ruver wus the ugliest sourest
an savidgest site I ever seed pt spec tu see
in this world, env how. I dereams ove it
vet o’nights, a)) it skares the swet outen
me. I seed a lot ove fellers a fishin onder
the bank so I thot I’d help him on a leetle
faster an I hollored, “ketch the murderer
five hundred chillers an a big boss roward.
He’s kileed an omen and nine children an
I speck adog, anliketu whipped another
plum tu death.” They jumped inter thar
ounces and tuck arter him, opening on his
trail like a pack of boons.—The last I
ever seed of him he wur a rackin up the
tother bank on his all four, and looked
mitily like an ole bar what had jist cum
outen a harrycane He still kept up bis
lookin back, .an I speck wus the wust seal ed
man in the world an ef he aint ded, he s
runnin yet. The idear now begin to soak
tliron mv bar that owin to the fuss S^tuif
Gut and me lied raised, that perhaps I d
better scoot, less they mout want me. So
I left in a peart trot an soon got on old
Stuff's trail. It wur like a waggin bed
been drug upside down by a par of runa
way mules, an the dry grass and leaves, an
in sum places the fences wus sot afire. He
tuck to the mountains, an turn’d wolf, an
tuck up the trade ove sheep kilim fur a
livin, an tbe bole settlement is now out
arter his scalp- ’1 hat trip tu town, like
the cutting box, lies changed liis disper-
sition agin, all sliowyt thepowerful changes
that kin he made in even a dog. 1 cum
outen that scrape purty well, yet I bed
tu show the family dispersition tu make
d—d fools ove thar selves.”
“How. Sut?”
“Why, I ought to a toted a lode ove
that permiscus tin war. Ouglitent 1 ?
say- ? ”
A four horse truck passed through South
street yesterday, from Peck Slip to Ham
ilton Avenue Ferry, bearing a coil of fif
teen inch rope,nine hundred and sixty feet
long, weighing 7:500 pounds. This rope
was manufactured by Messrs. A\ illiam AN all
Sons, Williambnrg, and is intended to be
used oil the coast in the wrecking business.
TX. Y. Hour. & Enquirer.
Short Time in Manchester.—The last
return of the condition of the Factories in
Manchester shows 25 cotton mills in full
work. 4 s on short time, and 15 stopped;
9.596 hands working full time, 11.065 short
time, 4,307 unemployed. Of the cotton,
silk, woolen and small ware mills, print
works, dye works, machine shops and foun
dries, 57 are on full time, 159 are on short
time or with a diminished number of hands,
and 21 are stopped. Of the whole number
of workmen in these establishments 15,-
2*7 are full v employed, 21,872 are on short
time, and 9,220 are entirely out of work.
Compared with the week before the num
ber entirely’ out of work is increased 156.
the number working short time bis dimin
ished 1,11)0, and the number working full
time lias increased 907.
Two gentlemen in Fedcrick ef unty, Ya..
who owed an old lady -S34 54, having
been much annoyed by their creditor,
lately paid her the who! ■ amount in
coppers. The weight of the coin was 79
pounds and 7 ounces.
Admission of Kansas.
In the Seriate oi the United States, Febnary 1*,
1858, Mr. GREEN, from the Committee on Terri
tories. to w hom was referred the message of the
President of the I'uited States transmitting a
copy of the Lecompten constitution, submitted a
report accompanied by a bill for the admission of
the State of Kansas into the Union; which was
read and passed to a second reading, a. d the report
was ordered to be printed. The report is a very
elaborated document, and from the hasty glance
which the reporter was able to procure of it, ap
pears to go at length into a history of tlie move
ments in Kansas, from the inception of the tcr-
ritoral goverment down to the present time. After
summing up the evidence, mostly derived from
official sources, the committee says that it appears
to their., from the official evidence adduced “that
the opposition in Kansas to the Lecompton con-
s’itution consisted of persons engaged in insurrec
tion’ rebellion, and revolution. Some few are
known to he citizens of the United States. Wheth
er others are citizens or aliens, whether in
allegiance or not they *re all known to he ene
mies of the government, and openly engaged in
attempts against law and order in the Territory,
and against the peace and quietude of society
Many oftliciu have been shown by Gov. Walker to
he hired mercenaries sent out by the abolition so
cieties of the East; and all working in concert to
accomplish in Kansas what the Supreme Court
and pnolle sentiment have decided Congress has
no power to do: that is, to prohibit slavery in the
Territory of Kansas: and more than, that to
prevent the people of the Territory from exerci
sing the privilege of deciding that question for
themselves in their own way; to do which they
have gotten up military organizations ofrebelious
character, have committed the most revolting
outrages against persons and property, threatening
to deluge the land in blood, alienting one section
of the Union trom the other, and endangi ring the
govemm- nt Such are the cliaracteis. such ate
the objects and dangerous results of the oppo
nents of the Lecompten constitution, liut without
regard to these insurrectionary movements, the
regular legal convention of Kansas, in pur
suance of law. assembled and adopted the
constitution now before the committee, w hich is
throughly republican in form. Out of deference
to those who might he opposed to African slavery,
and to aveid all pretext of complaint on the part
of opponents, the convention submitted the ques
tion of slavery or no slavery to a direct vote of the
bona file inhabitants of the Territory. That elec
tion was ordered for the 21st of December, 1*57,
when it was accordingly held and resulted as fol
lows:
Constitution with slavery 9,22!) votes.
Constitution without slavery,- 509 “
Making nil aggregate of - 9 795 “
An opportunity has consequently been afforded
to the people of Kansas to deisde this question of
slavery for themselves, and that decision is now
before us with all the sanction of law. No real
or vaiid exception can be taken to any other part
of the constitution. On tics subject President
Buchanan has well said in Ins message: ‘In fact
the general provisions of onr recent State consti
tutions, after an experience of eighty years, are
similar and so excellent that it would be difficult
to go far wrong at the present day in framing a
new constitution.’ The constitution conforms
precisely to w hat Governor Walker said would
meet his most cordial approval, arid that he should
devote his wlwle time in addresses every day to
the people of every county in the Territory to in
sure its adoption.’"
The committee further say that they do not ap
prove the ordinance accompanying the constitu
tion, and report agaiust its acceptance: but they
do not regard itas any part of the constitution,
nor will Tts approval or disapproval by Congress
affect the validity of that constitution, if the State
be admitted into the Union as receonmiended. In
conclusion, they express the opinion that when a
constitution of a newly-formed State created out
of our ow n territory is presented to Congress for
admission into tbe Union, it is no part of the
duty or privilege ot Congress either to approve or
disapprove the constitution itself, and its various
provisions, or any of them, hut simply to see
whether it be the legal constitution of the new
State, whether it he republican in form, whether
the boundaries proposed be admissible, and
whether the number of inhabitants is sufficient to
justify indepeundent State organization. Believ
ing that the paper presented is the legal consti
tution of Kansas, that it is republican in it* form
that the boundaries proposed by it are admissable,
and, conceding the sufficiency ot its population.
The * committee recommend the admission of
Kansas into the Union upon the constitution pre
sented, and report a bill accordingly.
of II... Liotb H. C. Lamar, old! sGss pp^
on Kiraragnan and Kansas Alialis.
Drltrerrd in the Hon e ifvHrpjr^riitatircs. Jan. 19.
The House being in Committee oftb. Whole on
tile state of ti e Union, and having under consid
eration the President’s Annual Message—Mr.
LAMAR said
Mr. Chairman: It is not my purpose to discuss
the various questions involved in our Ceutral
American relations. Should I avail myself of a
future occasion to do so, I may he forced "reluc
tantly to dissent from some of the views so ably
presented by my distinguished colleague, (Mr.
Quitman.) However painful this may be to my-
selt,! nevertheless feel confident ot his generous
,.udulgeuce, especially) when he sees in my course
| only the rellex of his own spirit of independence
j a spirit which runs tike a stream of fire throng!
nil his aets and wririugs, which enabled him t
j few years since to light up the ardor of a thousand
patriots, to tire his country men to the assertion
( of their rights, and at this day enshrines him in
I the hearts and affections of the people ot his State
’ without distinction of party.
. Mr. Chairman, any proposition which has for
I its object the advancement and progress of South
ern institutions, by equitable means, will aiway
commend itself to my cordial approval. Other
! may boast of their widely-extended patriotism,
and their enlarged and comprehensive love of this
Union. With me, I confess that the promotion of
Southern interests is second in importance only
to tlie preservation of Southern honor. In read
ing her history and studying her character, I de
light to huger in the contemplation of that stern
unbroken confidence with which she has always
clung to the integrity of her principles and the
purity of her honor. In that unfortunate divis
ion which has separated our countiy into sections,
natural causes beyond our control have asgigned
to her the weaker section. A numerical minority
finds safety and protection alone in the power of
truth and invincibility of right. The South,
standing upon this high ground, has ever com
manded the iespect of ner friends and defied the
assaults of her enemies. When ruthless majori
ties have threatened wrong and injustice, their
hands have been stayed only by the deference
which the worst spirits unconsciously pay to the
cause of justice. In the long and hitter contests
which have marked our internal struggles, the
Soutii has made but one demand—the Constitu
tion ot our common country, the claims of justice,
and the obligations of States; and it is our boast
to day, that vve can present a record unstained
with a single evidence of violated faith or attempt
ed wrong. The same regard for truth, justice,
and honor, which characterizes our intercourse
with the various sections of our own countiy,
furnishes the safest rules for our dealings with
other countries. As the Constitution is the law
ot our conduct at home, so let good faith be the
rule of our conduct abroad.
If I could do so consistently with the honor of
my country, I would plant American liberty,
with Southern institutions, upon every inch of
American soil. 1 believe that they give to us the
highest type of civilization known to modern
times, except in those particulars dwelt upon so
elaborately and complacently by the gentleman
from Massachusetts, (Mr. Thayer.) In that par
ticular form of civilization which causes llie popu
lation of a country to emigrate to other lands for
the means of subsistence, I concede to the North
great superiority over our section. (Laughter)
1 here can be no doubt that New England, espec
ially Massachusetts, is a splendid country to emi
grate from, and, m this respect, stands unrivalled,
vviiii perhaps the single exception of Ireland.
( Lauglucr.) And right here I desire to express
my ackuowledgeineius to the gentleman for tlie
very apt and elassical comparison which he insti
tuted between hiss eliou and tlie officina gentium.
It never occurred to me before, but since la- has
mentioned it. I must confess to the resemblance,
in many respects, between the recent emigration
turn. Nevv England and the irruption of the Goths ^JYfonn-icss of the United States as legal
and \ audals. (Laughter.) Ins also due to can- Qn „ ir cmitrnrVi lie k „ n „ Si that iluriii
.lor that 1 should say that the gentleman s vindi- j f , nn . r( , ss j rP|10 f tP ,i H i,;n f r .„n the Committee on
cation of the emigrant aid societies places the ob- , Te ^ ritories t o authorize the people of Kansas to
to nil loitful Jf.. jrcto of l,£9*11 ton CO. S sUfli*. \> t
the Constitution.
It may ho said that, if this construction be true,
t’-e bill mb' -J two entirely distinct a tel di«-
-itniiar -ubj. ■■■' • on..- organizing a Territory, and
tho oile r }• willing lot (he a uiissi. '.i of a Stare.
W eil sir if i am fTol mistaken, tins very objec
tion was made, to wit; that the bill was against
all regular parliamentary procedure. And a dis
tinguished gentleman from Missouri, after exhaust
ing his powers of invective, like a man in fight
reserving his most potent weapou lor the last
blow, threw at the hill an immense word, which
sent our venerable Secretary of State stuened and
reeling to the dictionaries. He said it was “am
phibological." But the framers of that bill were
not after parliamentary symmetry or harmony of
outline. Their object was to settle gnat questions
of 6tiife which threatened tbe integrity of the
I nion; to bind in one compact and durable
structure the equality of the States, the authority
ot Congress, and the glorious right of self-govern
ment; to build a platform on which the rights of
every section in the Union might rise above the
turbulent waters of sectional strife, and proudly
defy all the attacks of fanaticism. In continua
tion of the view I have taken, I desire to invoke
the authority of the distinguished publicist and
juris! who is now lendiudg his iutlueucs lothe
enemies of the South and of Kansas. Mr. Rob
ert J. Walker, in liis inaugural address as Governor
of Kansas, speaking of the Lecomptun convention,
says:
That convention is now about to be elected by
you; under the call of the Territorial Legislature
created, and still recognized by the authority of
Congress, and clothed by it, in the comprehensive
language of the organic law, with full power to
make such an enactment. The Territoral Li gisla-
ture, then in assembling this convent.on were lully
sustained by the act of Congress.’’
Again he says:
‘ The people of Kansas, then are invited by the
ghest authority knourn to the Constitution, to
participate, freely and fairly, in the election of
delegates t frame a constitution and 8tate gov
ernment. The law has performed its entire luc-
ti->ii when it extends to the people the right of
suffrage ; but it cannot compel the performance of
that duty. Throughout our whole Union, and
w hefever free government prevails, those who ab-
tain from the exercise of voting authorize those
w ho do vote to act for them in that contingency ;
uid the absentees are as much bound, under the
law and Constitution, where there is no fraud
or violence, by the act of the majority of those
who do vote, as though all had participated in the
election.”
It is true that the distinguished author of the
bill denies that it confers any such power. And
yet the very ground upon which he rests his
opposition to the admission of Kansas seems to
break the moral force of this denial. His position
is, that the Kansas Bill intended that the consti
tution, adopted, should be submitted to a
direct vote of the people ; that this was its intent
and meaning Now, sir if the hill went so far at
to prescribe the mode of adopting the constitution,
it certainly contemplated the framing of it. A
constitution cannot be submittal to the people un
til it is formed.
Having demonstrated that this convention, as
sembled To form the constitution, possessed every
attribute heretofore regarded requisite to complete
the work effectually, it is objected that before it
can present a valid title to this Congress, is
should be first submitted, for adoption or rejection,
to the people: not to the people whose delegates
framed it. but to them and such settlers as may
have come into the Territory during its progress to
completion! In order to show how empty and
ridiculous are the pretexts for rejecting Kansas, I
propose to give this argument in the language of
its author. Speaking of what the President says
of the convention at Lecomptou, the distinguished
gentleman to whom I refer, (Mr. Douglas,) says:
‘ The President does not sav. lie does not mean
that ties convention had ever been recognized by
>r valid,
the last
•au nical at the • xpens. of the quiet and iml« riy
Whon Missouri applies for admission, Abolition
ism gets up an excitement about slave territory.
Pei p ace sake Congress overleaps the Cotisliti-
j lion, nod marks out aline beyond which slavery
s lak i:o» go. Abol : fioniaiu laws to be heard in
about slavery generally, and for the sake
ffiTpS
•cts and
Ftnigii
motives ot" tin
t enterprise upon more | asspmble and forma constitution for themselv
iihsequentlv, the Senator from Georgia, (Mr.
defensible grounds than we of the South suppos
to exist. For one, I an, perfectly satisfied that j Toombs!) hron<riVt forward a'substituteformv bill,
the thing was demanded by necessity, and has re- j aftpr having been modified by him and
suited in benefit to all the pai ties-concerned; that "‘
the country _was b, in tilt, d by getting rid of tbe
population, and the population greatly benefiltei r B
bv leaving tbe country. (Laughter.)
To return from this digression; while lama
Southern man, thoroughly imbued with the spirit
of my section, 1 will never consent to submit the
fate our noble instuiions to the hands of maraud
ing bands, or violate their sanctity by identifying
their progress with the success of unlawful ex
peditions. And most especially, when I sec them
receiving the countenance and sanction of a dis
tinguished Senator, w hose course on the Kansas
question is so fresh in our r< collection.
Before I consent to any new schemes of territo
rial ocquisition, to be < ff'ected, as usual, by the
prow ess of Southern arms, and the contribution of
satisfactorily settled by the legislation of th
Congress. These territorial acquisitions, so far,
have been to the South like the farfamed fruit
which grows upon the sltores of the accursed sea,
beautiful to sight, but dust add ashes to the lips.
We learn from the President’s Message that the
people of Kansas, having reached the number
that would justify her admission into the Union
as a Slate, she lias, by her duly constituted
authorities, taken all tlie steps necessary to the
attainment of this object, and will, in a short time,
demand the redemption of the pledge ot the Gov
ernment, that she “shall be admitted, with or
without slavery, as her constitution may prescribe,
at the time of such admission.’" But in advance
of her application, we are inform, d by the dis
tinguisiied author ot the Kansas bill, and gentle
men upon this floor, that her case has been pre
judged, and her claims rejected. This presents a
question before whose colossal magnitude the
wrongs of Walker, and tlie criminality of Pauld
ing sink into insignificance.
I propose to examine into the grounds upon which
this violation of pliglitod faith is attempted to be
justified. The giound principally relied upon is,
that tbe constitution which she presents was
framed by a convention not called in pursuance of
an enabling or authorizing act of Congress, but
on the mere motion of the Territorial Legislature.
Now, sir. apart from the practice of the Govern
ment, which h„s not heeti uuifurin on this subject,
I, for out , admit, to the fullest extent, the proprie
ty and importance of snch an act of Congress. I
have always held that the sovereignty over these
time.
Territories was vested in the people of these ; t j lis j‘ n ; oll! because it happened to be a free State
United States; tiiat tlie power of legislation
reference to them belonged to Congress, and that
that this power was limited by the Constitution
and the nature of the trust, and that before the in
habitants of the Territory are competent to form a
constitution and a State government, it is neces
sary tbat Congress should first withdraw its au
thority over the Territories. The necessity of an
enabling act, I concede to tlio fullest extent.
Whenever individuals in a Territory undertake to
form a State government, without tlie previous as
sent of Congress, they are. in my opinion, guilty
of gross usurpation and flagrant disregard of the
lights of the United States and the authority of
Congress. Under such circumstances, it becomes
a question purely of discretion with Congress,
whether to remand them to their territorial condi
tion, or to waive the want of authority, and to rati
fy the proceeding as regular and lawful. The
question now presents itself, do tlie circumstances
attending the application of Kansas for admission
into the Union present such a case?
Was the* convention at Lecompton an unauthor
ized and revolutionary assemblage, usurping the
sovereignty of the State and throwing off unlaw
fully the authority of the United States? 1 hold
that it was the convention of the people called by
the regularly constituted authority, and with the
previous assent of Congress. 1 hold that the
Kansas bill was an enabling act, vesting the Ter
ritorial Legislature with power to call such a con-
I veil lion. In analyzing tlie provisions of that
! noble law, we find that it looks to higher objects
j and more enduring results than the mere organ-
I ization of euiporary territorial governments tor
j Kansas amt Nebraska, It looks beyond the terri-
| torial states; it procult s for its admission as a
State; and in express terms pledges the faith of
Government that it shall bo received in'o the
Union “with or without slavery, as its constitu
tion may prescribe at tlie time of such admission.”
It aiso deii ares the “intent and meaning of this
act" to bej“not to legislate slavery into any terri
tory or 8 "ate, nor to exclude it therefrom: hut to
leave the veople thereof perfectly free to form and
regulate their institutions in their own way, sub
ject only j) the Constitution ot the United States
and the p ivisions of this act.’*
Now, irjjj the biil stopped here—had it gone tio
further—mere might be some ground for the ob
jection t!»it additional legislation by Congress is
necessary* For the hill might gnaianty to tlie
people aifnission as a State, and the right of form
ing their ;• institution, and yet reserve to Congress
the all-it .iortaut power of determining ir/itn the
people
growth
of tli is 1
e rumen'
detei mi
—who
short, o
I ."Je
I
d attained a sufficient maturity and
tit them for tlie enjoyment and exercise
he.st and most glorious right of selt gov-
It might reserve to itself the power of
ig who should constitute such a people
ould be tlie qualified voters—and in
.'escribing all the steps preliminary to a
call of the convention of the people. I say Con
gress might well have reserved ail these high and
delicate discretionary powers to herself, and there
might he some ground lor claiming them in be
half of Congress, had the bill stopped with the
clause which 1 have quoted.
But unfortunately lor the enemies of Kansas,
tlie bill does not stop here. It goes on to confer
the most ample powers on the Territorial Legisla
ture. In section twenty-two, alter providing for
the first election, it says :
“But thereafter the times, places, and manner of
holding and conducting all elections by the people
shall he prescribed by law.”
Again, after providing for qualifications of vot
ers lor the first election, it says:
“But the qualification of voters, and of holding
office, at all subsequent elections, shall be such as
shall be prescribed by the Territorial Legislature. ’
In section twenty-four, it is further enacted that
the legislative power of the Territory shall extend.
What then said this stickler for enabling acts
How spoke the putative father of these latter-day
doctrines? Mr. Douglas said, in 1859:
“I come now to consider California as a State.
The question is now presented, whether we will
receive her as one of tlie States of this Union ; and,
sir, why should we not do it? The proceedings, it
is .said, in the formation of her constitution and
State government, have been irregular. If this he
so, whose fault is it? Not the people of California,
for you have refused, for the period of two years,
to pass a law in pursuance of which the procee
dings would have been regular. Surely you will
not punish the people of California for your own
sins—sins of omission as well as of commission.
“It will be recollected by every Senator present
—I trust the fact will not be foigotten—that more
than one year ago I brought in a hill to authorize
the people of California to form a State constitu
tion, and to come into the Union. Had that
bill passed, the proceeding would have been reg-
lar.
“Well, the bill was defeated, and the people of
California acting upon these suggestions, and re-
King upon the precedents cited, have formed a
constitution and presented themselves. Now they
are to be told that they cannot be received, lie-
canse Congress failed to pass a law, and the pro
ceedings are irregular w ithout it. I do not precisely
understand what is meant by the irregularity of
these proceedings. I have examined the prece
dents in all the cases in which new States have
been admitted into the Union, from Vermont to
Wisconsin. 1 will not go over them in detail,”
Ac.. “Those ■pToceedents show that the re is no
established rule upon the subject. There aie
several cases in which there have been no previ
ous assent of Congres, no census taken no quali
fications for voters prescribed. There is no rule,
and consequently can he no irregularity.”
“I hold that the people of California had a right
to what they have done—yea, they had a moral,
political, and legal right to do all they have done,”
How different is this language to Kansas! The
very refusal of Congress to pass an enabling act
for California is urged as a justification of her
monstrous proceedings, and is presented as her
strongest title to admission. But when Kansas
applies, the same action ‘by Congress is relied
upon as an insurmountable obstacle to her ad
mission. The California convention had the
perfect right, moral, legal and political, to do what
they have done. But the Kansas convention,
although acting under an act of Congress which
pledged the faith of the uaiion to her admission as
a State, acting under a regular and legal call of her
people, every safeguard provided, is held to have
no power to do any act ns a convention forming a
<T0vernmeut; that the act calling it was null and
voidf rom the bagining, and tiiat Congress in refu
sing to pass an enabling act. (no matter what the
motive.) denied to the people the right to form a
constitution and o tiie government.
Sir, how are we to reconcile such glaring in
consistency! There is hut one solution, and
every day is riveting it in the Southern mind ; mid
tiiat is, where a State applies for admission with
a constitution excluding slavery, no irregularity
can he too enormous, no violation or precedent too
marked, no disregard of constitutional procedure
too palpable, no outrage can be too enormous for
its admission as a state into this Union : but wheu
a State applies for admission with slavery in its
constitution no excuse can be too trivial, no prr-
tenee too paltry and ignoble, to keep her out.
Sir, the direct tendency, and with some avowed
object, of all this opposition, is to delay the ad
mission of Kansas.until she becomes a free State.
I do not charge this on that gentleman. But w hy
d ies ho pursue this course/ It is hut an offshot
of that damnable policy which has been preying
n pou the vitals of the South for the last forty
years—that of buying peace for tbe turbulent and
myself in consultation, was passed l>v the Senate.
| It is known in the country'as “the Tm tubs, bill.”
authorized the people ot Kansas Territory to
assemble in convention and form a constitution
preparatory to their admission into the Union as
a State. That hill, it is well known, was defeated
in the House of Representatives. It matters not,
for the purpose of this argument, what was the
reason of its defeat. Whether the reason was a
political one: whether it had reference to the then
existing contest for the Presidency; whether it
| was to keep open the slavery question ; w hether
j it was a conviction that the hill would not be fairly
j carried out; whether it was Leans- there was not
people enough in Kansas to justify the formation
of a State; no matter what the reason was, the
House of Representatives refused to pass that liil
bout hern blood and treasute, I desire th.* <ju. stion j aR(] t]ms t eu i e d t0 the people of Kansas tlie ripl.t
oi the South s rijrlit to extend her institutions into j f orni a constitution and State government at
teiritory already within tbe Union, practically and .
Proceeding then to discuss the power of the
Territorial Legislature to call? a convention, he
londudes as follows:
“If yon apply’ these principles to the Kansas
convention, you find that it had no power to do
any r act as a convention forming a government;
you find that the act calling it was null and void
from thebegining; you find the Legislature could
confer no power whatever on the convention ”
Upon a subsequent occasion, defending his po
sition, he says, as follows;
“In other words, I contend that a convention
constituted in obedience to an enabling act of Con
gress previously giving assent, is a constitutional
body of men, with power and authority to institute
government: lmt that a convention assembh d
under an act of the Territorial Legislature, with
out the assent ofCongress previously given, has
no authority to institute government.” * *
“This was my position in regard to the effect of
an enabling act' I 'then went on to show that,
there having been no act passed for Kansas, the
Lecompton convention was irregular.’"
It is rather late in the day for this gentleman to
begin to rectify such irregularities. We need go
no further back than California. She was begot
ten by a military general, and forced into the
famiiv of States by the Caesarean operation of an
executive accoucheur. (Laughter.) Yes, sir,
without any previous assent of Congress, with
out. even the authority of a Territorial Legislature;
without any’ census; a hand of roaming adven
tures was lugged into the Union over all law and
precedent, as the equal ol tlie oldest State of
ace Congress allows it to fill the Capitol with
A'loliton petitions w hich it has no power on mirth
to grant. .Abolitionism hires arme4'bamls to go
and drive slaveholders out of Kansas, and Robert
J. Walker, for peace sake, would hand it over to
them. To pacify a band of rebels, reeking with
the blood of Southern men, women, uud children,
to whom he is indethed for all hois, he turns
against his benefactors, lie violates liis pledges,
abuses his trust, disgraces his office, truckles to
the vile, tramples on the just, and scatters tie'
fires of discord throughout Kansas, the Union
and the Capitol, and Stephen A Douglas, who
was for lassoing California and dragging her into
the Union overall law and precedent, and the vio
lated rights of fifteen of the soverign States of this
Union, would now subject Kansas to all the rigors
of the Inquisition to keep her out of the Union.
But we are told that it is a contempt ot the au
thority of the people of Kansas—that it it an in
road upoK popular sovereignty to withhold from
them a revision of their constitution. Sir, the
authority of the people is fully re ognized ; popu
lar sovereignty, as a principle, is fully enforced
when an opportunity is afforded to the legal voters
to deposit their votes for del-gates to a conven
tion. And are not those delegates the people's
representatives ? Is there a lawyer present who
would teach his client that the acts of an author
ized agent are invalid if not submitted for ratifica
tion to the principal ? Would he toll them that
such acts uusubmitted would be insulting to the
principal's dignity, or intrusive upon liis preroga-
ti\es ? Would yon say that no respect should he
paid to the aets, or to the principal himself, if he
suffered them to go forth as his own. unratified ?
The truth lies just in the opposite direction. “The
l ight of electing delegates to a convention,” in
tlie language of tie- profouudest writer on the
philosophy of government, "places the powers of
the Government as fully in the mass of the com
munity, as they would he had they assembled,
made, and executed the 1 iws themselves without
the intervention of agents or representatives ”
The people act in their sovereign capacity when
they elect delegates; and the delegates thus elec
ted, and convened, are, for all practical purposes,
identical with the people. Sir, I take higher
grounds. I hold that the highest embodiment of
sovereignty, the most imposing political assem
blage known to our constitution and laws, is a
convention of the people legally assembled, not
en masse, for such an assemblage is known in onr
representative system, hut by their delegates, le
gally elected. When such a body, with no de
clared limitation upon their powers, are deputed
to form a constiiutiou, and they execute their
trust, the constitution, ipso facto, becomes the su-
i preine law of the laud, unquestionable and un-
j changeable by any power on earth, save that
which oidianed it. This is no novel doctrine. It
has the sanction of the wisest and greatest men
known to Ameican history. Mr. Calhoun, speak
ing of a convention of the people, says it implied
“a meeting of the people, either by themselves or
by delegates chosen for the purpose in their high
sovereign character. It is, in a word, a meeting
of thepeople in the majesty of their power; in that in
which they may rightfully make or abolish constitu
tions, and put tip and down governments, at their
pleasure."’ (Calhoun’s Works, v.2, plil2 ) Our pres
ent Chief Magistrate, in standing by the action
of the Lecompton constitution, is only acting in
accordance with his opinions, long since recorded.
In ihe debate on the veto power, lie said :
“The Senator (Mr. Clay) asks, why has not the
veto been given to the President on acts of con
ventions held for the purpose of amending our
coiistitiitioiis ? If it he necessary to restrain Con
gress, it is equally necessary to restrain conven
tions. The answer to this argument is equally
easy. It mould be absurd to grant an appeal
through the intervention oj the veto to the people
j themselves against Till'll: own ACTS. They cre
ate conventions by virtue of their own undelega
ted and inalienable sovereignty ; and when they
speak, their servants—whether legislative,judicial,
or executive—must be silent.”
8uch was the convention of Lecompton, and
the constitution it presents was established under
laws, Federal and territorial, to which every man
in Kansas (except rebels) has given his consent.
These laws direct the election, prescribe the order
of it. the qualification of voters, and the times of
holding the meeting, and the duties and qualifica
tions of tlie presiding officer. In tnis way the
delegates were elected. They met, and upon ma
ture deliberation tramed a constitution—a lonsti-
tution republican in form, and securing to the
people ot Kansas all those great institutions of
freedom which have ever been regarded as the
only and surest bulwarks of civil liberty. Viola
ting no law, inconsistent with no principle of the
Federal Constitution it preserves and guaranties
to the people of Kansas all the great agencies of
freedom, the right of habeas corpus, trial by jury,
freedom of the press and speech, and liberty of
conscience, as inviolate and pure as when they
were first given to us, baptized in the blood of our
n volutionary lathers. Now, sir, can a greater in
sult he oili-red to the understanding of the Amer
ican people, than to say that a constitution thus
established would gain anything ot creditor sanc
tity by a ratification like that contended tor !
1 grant that the people, through the legislature,
may resei ve to themselves the right of ratification,
or the delegates may recognize it in the constitu
tion itseli; and in either ease a ratification w ould
become necessary to the validity of the insiru-
meiit; bnt without those terms it would become
absolute as soon as sanctioned by tlie delegates.
I go further. I boldly maintain that wisdom,
prudence, and policy demand that the delegates
should be entirely uxitianiineltd in framing the
fundamental law. The people in mass cannot de
liberate upon a constitution, adopt wliat is good,
and amend what is lamty in it. ihey must adopt
or reject it, in the entire; and thus, on account of
objections to a single clause, they might reject the
must admirable constitution ever devised by the
wisdom of man. i lie radical error which under
lies the whole argument ot these gentlemen is this:
they assume that there is a geneial agreement of
opinion, a collective sentiment of the people, us a
unit, as to vvliat shall be the principles and provis
ions of their fundamental law, and tiiat this sen
timent is to he ascertained only by a direct vote
of tlie people. And yet, sir, such a course might
result in a grave and capital delusion. It a meth
od could Lie devised tor collecting the opinion of
each citizen, upon each clause of a constitution,
the diversities of sentiment would be equal to the
number of voters, and, peihaps, greater. The
theory of ratification, however, does not allow to
the peopie the right ot framing a constitution, or
even offering amendments and modifications.
1 hey can only, like a witness oil cross-examina
tion, answer “yea” or “nay.” And 1 repeat, a
constitution which might stand an imperishable
monument of human wisdom, could be voted
down by an immense majority, of which eaeii in
dividual member might lie in an actiul minority
on the particular subject-matter of his dissent
Such a process, so far from evoking the general
pervading sentiment of a people as to what shall
be their fundamental law. may signally fai
eliciting the true view of a single individual.
Sir, 1 admit that a direct vote of tlie people is a
fair test of their w ill, when you submit to them a
single isolated proposition, such as the question of
excluding slavery submitted by the Kansas conven
tion. But whether it is the best mode or not de
pends upon circumstances. It depends, tor in
stance, upon the number voting on tlie question
of ratification as compared with the number who
vote for delegates. Now, so far as 1 have observ
ed, the elections in which the people manifest the
least interest me those in which they are called
upon to pass upon constitutions and constitution
al questions It is not the way the people choose
to exercise their right of selfgoverument. in the
ancient city of Athens, where democratic abso
lution existed in its purest Jprin, the number of
citizens entitled to vote amounted to about twen
ty-five thousand persons: and yet not more than
five thousand were generally given on the most in
teresting questions. And on questions of ostra
cism six thousand votes were sufficient. If t on
w ill consult the poll-hooks of the diffident States
of this Union, w here men and propositions claim
the suffrages ot the people at the same time, 3 011
will generally find that the men get three votes
where the proposition gets one. 1 could call at
tention to numerous instances of this kind which
have fallen w ithin my own observation.
We accordingly find, that nearly all writers on
governmental and social science, representing
every class of opinion, (except a few run-mad red-
republicans of Germany and France,) unite in con
demning, this theory of direct appeal to the people.
Montesquieu, in his “Spirit of Laws,” speaking
of democracy, says:
“The people, in whom resides the supreme
power, ought to do of themselves whatever con
veniently they can; and, what they themselves
cannot rightfully perform, they must do by their
ministers.
“The people are extremely well qualified for
choosing tiiose whom they are to entrust with a
part of ttn-ir authority.
“Should we doubt of the people’s natural abil
ity; in re-peetto the discernment of merit, we need
only cast an eye on the continual series of sur
prising elections, made by tbe Athenians and Ro
mans, w Inch no one surely will attribute to hazard.
But are they able to manage an intricate affair;
to find uut. and make a piopcr use of places, oc
casions, moments ? No; as most citizens have a
capacity of choosing, though they are not suffi
ciently qualified to be chosen, so the people,
though capable of calling others to an account for
their administration, are incapable of the admin
istration themselves.’"
A distinguished Senator lias laid down the pro
position that under the power to admit new States,
Congress is forced by a paramount duty to see
that the constitution of a State asking admission
into the Uhion embodies the will of the majority
of the peeple. Sir, I hold that a constitution pre
sented by the regular and legally constituted au
thority is conclusive upon Congress as to the will
of a people. We will not allow any such issue to
he presented. We assert the right of the people
to form their government; but we hold, and 1 think
I have already shown, that the highest and purest
exhibition of their sovereign will is a people ac
ting by their own chosen delegates in convention
ft si-mM.-d. The Fei't-r .1 Government, and hall
of tlie ’ t tei of this Union, were formed in this
way, and they need no improvement from the
I c . i-titutional t nki-iingof this day.
To ohjo. t that the convention may have Viba ed
its pew.;:-, and lbut the constitution should be sub
mitted to a direct popular vote, in order that it
limy he ascertained whether it accords with the
will of the people, is to beg the question, and to
strike nt tlie very root of constitutional and legal
authority, it is an o jectiou not to the constitu
tion of Kansas alone, but to the very genius and
tramework of all representative government.—
upon the same ground that a constitution framed
by delegates should be submitted to the people, it
11a also be demonstrated that every law enacted by
Uoi g ess, or by a legislature, and that every ver
dict oy a jury, or decision of a court, should like
wise he submitted for the approval of thepeople.
Sir. a delegate may misrepresent the people, a Sen
ator or Representative may misrepresent his con-
srituents, hut the remedy does not lie here in this
central power of the Republic, (more liable to
abuse than any other.) it lies in the hands of the
local constituency, to whom the representatives
are immediately responsible. And le-re lies the
efficacy and power of our form of Government,
flic direct responsibility of onr rulers to their
constituents, the right of suffrage among tiro
people, aided by that great moral engine of free
dom, tbe liberty of tbe press, are the ris medica-
hic natune of our political system, sufficient to
remedy every disorder and throw off every impu
rity, without resorting to violent irregularity and
revolutionary action.
When a State applies for admission, Congress
is lmmid to subject her to no restrictions except
such as Congress may constitutionally impose
upon the States already composing the Union.
There is but one limitation which you are bound
to impose, and that is, that her form of govern
ment should be republican. But, under tlie pow
er to guaranty a republican form of government,
you have not the right to range with unlimited
discretion through every provision of her consti
tution. interfere with her internal and local distri
bution of political power, adjust questions of 111.1-
j- rlty and minority, laydown arbitrary rules of
your own as to wliat constitutes republican gov
ernment, and by compelling her to conform to
them, to substitute the will of Congress for hers
as to what shall be her fundamental law. Are not
the constitutions of tbe original thirteen States
pretty fair tests ns to what constitutes republican
government? Can any one say that the Kansas
constitution, tried by this test, the only one which
you can rightfully apply, is not a republican form
of government ? Where is the feature in it con
trary to our republican institutions, or repugnant
to the paramount constitution of the Union ?
We are told by a distinguished gentleman that
he w ould “pass over forms, ceremonies, and or
ganizations, to get dow n deep to the will of the
people.” Sir, the will of tlie people can only
be obtained through these forms, ceremonies,
and organizations; and the structure oi our gov
ernment is intended to provide these forms and
organizations, through which the people can speak
authentically and authoritatively. What can he
mean by passing over and disregarding these
forms ? The Constitution ot tlie United States is
a form. Times, places, and manner of holding
elections, and qualifications of franchise, are but
forms, through which the people exercise their
power. This matchless Government, springing
t'roni the Constitution and the division of power
between tlie federal and State Governments, is
but an oi gauizat o.i. Would he pass over all these
to get dowu to what he sees proper to consider the
will of the people ! The doctrine is monstrous,
dangerous, and disorganizing It gives to the ac
tion of regular government no more authority
than belongs to an ordinary, voluntary assemblage
of citizens, outside of the Constitution and law.
It these views be correct, ne had hotter, at once,
tear down this splendid fabric of American* aichi-
teeture and discard conventions, legislatures, and
Congress, as inconvenient, cumbrous superfluities,
and resort at once to tlie democratic absolutism of
i Athens. The doctrine has ber u in Europe om-
j nipoteut tor pulling down forms, ceremonies, and
oigauizations, but powerless for re-construction;
like [those serpents in tlie East, which, while
they inflict a death-blow, breathe out their own
file in the wound of their dying victim.
4\ e were told by the gentleman from Ohio, (Mr.
Cox,) that the constituiiou is not republican in
loi'in, because it prohibits amendment, alteration,
or change, until alter 1801, and then hampers the
perfectly tree action of the people by requiring
a majority of two-thirds of the Legislature to
concur before they will allow the majority to call
for amendment. But the climax of anti-republi
canism is the provision that “no alteration shall
be made to effect the lights of property in the
ownership of slaves;” a doctrine that would tum
ble into it retrievable ruin the Federal Constitution,
and the constitution of half the States in the Un
ion, including that ot the gentleman’s own State ;
for there is not oneot these which docs not con
tain as stringent and dilatory limitations as are
found in this Kansas constitution. The argument
by which he supports tiffs view is, that the “De
mocracy, as taught in Ohio, believes iu the repeal-
ability of everything by the popular voice.” Do
the Democracy of Ohio consider tlie clauses of the
Constitution securing all those great rights, such
as freedom of speech, freedom oi the press, liber
ty of conscience, inviolability of property, re-
pealable by ine popular will ? Do tlie Democracy
of Ohio believe in the repeatability of that clause
guaranteeing the right of a State to equality ref
representation iu the Senate of the United Sta'es?
This may he Democracy in Ohio; but I hope it is
a Democracy confined to Ohio alone. It may be
Republicanism, hut it is not the constitutional re
publicanism of America; it is the red republican
ism ot France. The very tenure by which the
gentleman exercises the privilege of uttering
these objections agaiust the Kansas constitution,
is an oath to suppurta constitution liable to them
all ; a constitution imposing the heaviest restric
tions on the power of amendment: a constitution
whose framers intended it, not as an instrument of
power, but as an instrument of protection against
power.
It would be well for these gentlemen to consid
er u lien, and by whom, tins particular mode of
adopting a constitution, which they insist is the
only true mode, was first established. It was not
by tin fathers of this Republic—the men of 1770.
1 he Federal Constitution was not submitted for
adoption to a direct vote of the people, nor were
the constitutions of the Old Thirteen. The first
instance in modern times, so far as my researches
go, was the constitution of 1799, which w as sub
mitted to the people of France, and accepted by a
vote of three million to fifteen hundred. This
was in accordance w ith the teachings of Rousseau
— the doctrine of unlimited, indivisible, undelega
ted power of the people—a doctrine almost iden
tical in terms to that upon which the opposition to
the admission of Kansas rests. Wliat was the
result ? The sovereignty of the people was es
tablished and recognized, the King w as beheaded,
the nobility were banished, the religion abolished,
property confiscated, and France convirted into
one moral and political volcano, from the con
flict of whose discordant elements arose tlie demon
of centralization and military despotism, the rod
of whose power smote down all the valuable rights
of the people, and the cherished interests of hu
manity It was during the progress of this fanat
ical and bloody drama, that one of its most con
spicuous and sanguinary actors, appalled by the
magnitude of the power which he had invoked,
exclaimed “Do you not seethe project of appeal to
the people tends but to destroy the representative
body ? It is sporting with the sovereign majesty
of ill - peopie, to return to it a work which it
charges to terminate promptly.”
The next constitution submitted to the people
was the consular constitution of J802—only three
years later—making Napoleon Bonaparte consul
for iile, an J conferring on tiim the power of nam
ing his successor and the Senate: in other words,
a despotism. It was submitted to the vote of the
people of France, and accepted by 3,568,885,
against 8,374. And from that time, the unlimited
sovereignty of the people has been the potent in
strument by which the Napoleons have fastened
upon France a despotism more grinding and de
basing than that of the Autocrat of Russia. The
fathersofour Republic proceeded on principles
totally opposite. Adopting as a fundamental dog
ma that all political power springs from the peo
ple, they insisted and ineorpoi iti'J into their or
ganic law. that this |>ower should not he unlimited
and absolute. They accordingly established our
grand system of representative government, with
its checks, balances, guarantees, and organic laws
—the noblest political institution that adorns the
pages <>f tlie history of civilization,and which exper
ience has shown to lie the only means of securing
and (liff'usingauiongthepeoph that broad 1 ivil liber
ty which constitutes the distinguishing features of
the American and British Governments. I say
British Government; for the statesmen of J776
founded our inststutions, not upon Utopian theo
ries, but upon those great fundamental principles
of tlie common law inherited from our .Saxon an
cestors, which guarantied to English freemen I lie
right of personal security, personal liberty, and
private property, with their judicial safeguards
and protecting forms, as iuvuilabie and irrepeal-
abte by any power on earth.
The convention in Kansas, having declared in
their fundamental law tiiat the right of property in
slaves, already existing, shall not he interfered
with, has only given a constitutional sanction to a
principle as old as the foundations of free gov
ernment. And, sir, Congress is hound, by tlie
most solemn obligation that honor can impose, to
admit her with this very clause in her constitution.
8ir. we of the South demand the redemption of
your pledge. The issue is boldly tendered, and
we are to go before the great Areopagus of the
American people upon it. And when the enemies
of Kansas shall aftempt to justify their opposition
to her by invoking a principle which 1ms deluged
Europe in blood, only to sink her into more de
graced despotism, we will justify her admission
upun the principles w hich lies at the foundation of
our republic We will call upon the people to
stand true tp the traditions ot our ancestors and
tlie practice of tlie Government when Washington
was President and the men of the Revolution min
istered at the altars of liberty.
One word on the hill introduced into this
House by a member from Massachusetts, (Mr.
Banks,} calling another convention iu Kansas, for
the purpose of framing a second constitution,
to be submitted to the people for acceptance or rejec
tion. Mr. Chainnan.C'ougress has no more right to
call a convention of the people of Kansas than it
...is the ii„hi to call such a convention in New
York. By the act of Congress, and the action of
her people,.the entire relation of Kan.-as te this
Gove uineut lias been changed. It is no longer a
IVrritOry otTi“>«e. I'nired States tin l.as. by
your own authority and permission, thrown off’ tiie
ltabliments of territorial dependence, and stands
now a State, clothed with all the attributes and
powers of a State, and asks admission as an equal
in this noble confederation of sovereignties. You
may reject her application, ifyoa will; but it will
beatyourowu peril. To remand her to her ter
ritorial condition you cannot, anymore than
jou can roll back to their hidden sour
ces the waters of the Mississipdi. Kansas is a sep
arate, organized, living State, with all the nerves
and arteries of life in full development and vigo
rous activity. Between your laws and her peopl
she can interpose tlie bread and radiant shield ot
State sovereignty, and may laugh to scorn your
enabling acts.
A Few Words to Mothers.
The Mortality Among Children.
American mothers know, to their sorrow, that cholera
infantum or summer complaint, is one os* the mout des
tructive diseases of our Tueie is probably no
country in the world where tlie mortality among chil
dren bears so large a proportion to the sum total of
death* os the United States. About one-third of the
weekly interments registered in the city of New Yoik
may be classed under the head of infant mortality, and
{coin May to November the majority of the young chi'*
dren who die are swept oft* bv diseases of the bowels.
We do nut iviaii to speak li unify, bu it cannot be eon-
eealed that much of thin wholesale destruction is caused
by cai elesHuess, over indulgence and improper treat
ment. Umipe fruit and other unwholesome ailment, is
generally the primary cause of summer complaint, uud
the administration of drastic purgatives uud other per
nicious drugs too often lead to fatal results. Under
these cireumstances we shall make no apology for ex
pressing tlie belief, that any case of cholera infantum
or diarrlueu in the adu'.t stage of life, however violent
in its nature, or whatever its origin, can be radically
cured hv the use of Holloway’s Pills.
Ill saving this we are merely repealing it is true, the
general opinion of the world; hut iu adding our person
al declaration to tiie great muss of test iinouy which has
been accumulated during twenty years, we im.y, per
chance, more immediately interest our own circle of
readers, than it' we c inline J ourselves to outside evi
dence. If bnt one mother aets upon the suggestion,
and one child's life is thereby saved, we shall not have
written in vain.
Tlie rapidity with which favorable results follow the
exhibition of this remedy, in all affections of the stom
ach and bow. li, are justly considered phenomena in
medical practice. The scientific explanation of these
phenomena belongs rather to the medical professor than
the editor of a newspaper, and it has been fully given
by the distinguished inventor himself. Cholera
Infantum uud its kindred diseases are caused, immedi
ately, by undue irritition of the a native membrane
which lines the bowels, ami upon that coutiug the pills
exercise a moist and healing influence, earnying off, by
their mild, laxative action, the acrid and pungent matter
which produces and aggravates the disease, and invigo
rating the intestinal vessels as well as assuaging their
excited action.
The season when this class of disorders is most preva
lent is commencing: “forewurnicd,” says the proverb,
and should our article induce parents to pay more
strict attention to the diet of their children, and to adopt
the most certain means of core, in cases where bowel
complaint has actually set in, we shall at least have ac
complish some good. “Dr. Diet and Dr. Regimen’,’
says a quaint writer; “are tlie best physicians iu the
world; but we must beg leave to place Dr, Holloway
in the same category and to recommend his pills as the
best and safest medicine, for a complaint which annual
ly, leaves as a token of its ravages, so many vacant
places by the domestic hearth.—,V. (>. “ True Delta.”
From the Baltimor Sun.
Inauguration of tli« Washington Statue.
Richmond, Va., Feb. 22.—The inauguration of
the Washington equestrian statue iu this city to
day, was the grandest and most imposing demon
stration ever witnessed in the “Old Dominion.”
An immense multitude of strangers, from almost
every section of tbe country, were witnesses of
tlie interesting ceremony.
Among the distinguished visitors were Mr.
Brown, Postmaster General; Govr Floyd, the
Secretary of War; Lieut. Gen. Scott: Hon Wra.
C. Rives; Hon. Edward Everett; John A. and
L. Washington; Gov. Newell, of New Jersey;
Gov. Holly, of Connecticut; Gen. Harney, Gen.
Persifer F. Smith, and Major Van. Vleit, ot the
army, and hundreds of others, including Mrs.
Craw ford, the wife of the late sculptor. She and
her two daughters are the guests ot the State.
The weather this morning was by no means
favorable, but the streets were thronged at an ear
ly hour. The roar uf artillery, the stamp of long
lines of military, the waving of banners and flags,
and the strains of music from some of the finest
bands in the country, added interest and excite
ment tu the anticipated ceremonies of the day.
About ten o'clock the procession was formed,
and was composed of military, distinguished
guests, Governors, Congressmen, Judges, mem
bers of Legislatures, and other civil officers Fire
men, Masons. Odd-Fellows, Sous of Temperance,
Red men, Druids, Kecbabites. United Brothers,
and various other benevolent societies, citizens,
ptml Jtotrcts.
U.reuu.»l.s.u-ls only cured permanently , „
■ lunch's Anti-Ilhenmntic Powders,” ns it is tU /
remedy extant tiiat attack the root, of the dis,.,,*.. .
others being ointments, embrocations, Sec., are m, r 1
palliatives. ’ rt ’/
It is sold, wholesale and retail by J. (J q ;j Kn
Eatoaton, Ga., and retailed by James Herty Milled" 11 ’
ville. Ga. ’ ke "
21 tf.
Ai.cnoHoi. an a nt uinxV
PHYSICIANS OF THE UNITED 8TATFS
WOLFE'S CELEBHA TEI>
9CIIIKDA.il AKO.HATIC KClI.\APp*g
A Medicinal Diet Drink, of eminently salutary « u , ■■
ties, manufactured by himself exclusively at his f-
ry at Schiedam, iu Holland.
It is made from the best barley that can be selected
ill Europe, with the essensc otan aromatic Italian be'
ry of acknowledged mid extraordinary medical primes
ties. It 1ms long since acquired 'a higher r.-i,
tion, both in Europe and America, than any other diu
retie beverage.
I11 Gravel, Gout, and Rheumatism, in Obstruct inns
the Bladder and Kidneys, and in general Debilities
effects are prompt, decided, and invariably reliable
And its is not only ft remedy for these maladies but '
all cases iu which'they are produced by drinking b^j
water, which is almost universally tlie cause of then, j t
operates as a nurepreventive.
Tlie distressing effect upon the stomach, bowels n n ,l
bladder, of travelers, or new residents, and all persons
unaccustomed to them, produced by the waters , f
nearly all our great inland rivers, like the Ohio Miss
issippi, mid Alabama, from the large quantity Jt de
cayed vegatable matter contained in them, in n „,.jj
of solution, is well known, us also that of the w,t,
of limestone regions, producing Gravel, Calculi nil ,i
Stone in the Bladder. The Aromatic Schifdim
Schn apps is ffn absolute corrective of these injuri,.„ s
properties of had water, and consequently prevents
the diseases which they occasion. It i$ also found to
be a cure and preventive of Fever and Ague, (l ( .J ln J
plaint caused by the conjoint effect of vegetable niuh-
ria in the atmosphere, and vegatable prutescences i,J
the waters of those districts in which it
principally pre
strangers, officers of the army and navy. The . .
whole procession was under charge of Major Gen- such a manner, as a specific for the diseases it profes
vails. Tl#t Aromatic Sciedam Schnpps ]s emu,-,
quently iu great demand by persons traveling, or about,
to settle in those parts of the country, especially ,,s
well as by many in every community where it has be
come known, on account of its various other remedial
properties.
In ull eases of a Dropsical tendency, it is generally
the only remedy required, when adopted in theenrlv
stages of the disease. Iu Dyspepsia maladies, when
takenin proper quantities, as a diet drink, and espe
cially at dinner, it is found, by uniform experience, to
be eminently efficacious in the most obstinate eases
when even the la-st of the usual remedies have failed
to afford more than temporary relief. In eases of Fla
tuh-ncy, it is an Immediate and invariable specific;
and it may be administered in diluted and proportion
ate quantity even to young intuits, in all those pu-
roxysms of griping pain iu the stomach and bowels to
which they are especially subject, us well as in the colic
of grown persons.
Itsjudieious adoption in connection with the principal
meals, or when a sense of exhaustion dictates its use,
never fails to relieve the debility attendant upon pro
traeted chronic maladies, low temperament, and ex
hausted vital energy, by whatever cause induced.—
These ate facts to which many of the most eminent
medical men both in Europe and the tailed States,
have borne testimony, and which are corroborated by
their highest written authorities.
Put up in quart mid pint bottles, in cases of one
dozen each, with my name on the bottle, cork, and
far-similt of my signature on ihe label, For sale by
all the respectable Druggists and Grocers in the United
States.
UDOLPnO WOLFE, Side Imjmrtv.
22 Bevi r Street, New-Tork.
CAUTION TO THE PUBLIC.
The word Schiedam Snapps, belongs exclusively
to my medicinal beverage, all others is counterfeit and
imposition on the public.
UDOLPIIO WOLFE.
December 1,1857 28 3m
[3P BLISS’ DYSPEPTIC REMEDY lias been
gaining the confidence of the Dyspeptics, uutilii is now
pronounced by all who have used it, to tie the remedy
long Bought for bnt just found. Many have used it nnd
have been entirely cured of that very distressing disease
Dyspepsia, all who are afflicted with that complaint
cun have an opporunity of trying this remedy, by ap
plying to either of the Drug Stores in Milledgeville. M
BtKKIIAVKN HOLLAND GITTKRX.
The press of the country has been particularly loud
in the praise of the Bitters. Among the many notices,
we offer the following to an impartial public:
“It is a well known fact that we do not puff patent
medicines, and that we but seldom advertise them, but
Bcerhave’s Holland Bitters comes to us endorsed in
eral W111. B. Taliaferro, as chief marshal, assisted
J by deputies Col Fauntleroy, U. S. Army, ami Col.
Ellis, of the Virginia nulitia.
i The procession moved from Twenty-first up
I Mam to Second, along Second to Broad, down
Broad to Tenth, and thence to tiie Capitol square,
and made a truly magnificent display ; oue, in
deed, seldom if ever witnessed iu iliis section of
the Union. Governor Wise, in an eloquent ad
dress, welcomed the strangers present to the hospi
tality of the city, and was followed by John R.
Thompson, Esq., who delivered a beautiful ode
prepared for the occasion. Seuator Hunter, the
orator of the day, then took the stand, and deliver
ed an oration that was listened to with profound
attention throughout by a 11 that could get within
hearing distance. The exercises closed by J. Bar
ren Hope. Esq . delivered an ode and Robert G.
Scott, Esq , an enthusiastic speech.
The staiue was saluted by a discharge of artille
ry , amidst tlio loud and prolonged cheering of the
immense multitude of spectators. Everything
passed off" handsomely without any serious acci
dent. The State dinner was a sumptous affair.
During the afternoon the military were review
ed bv Lieut. General Scott. To-night there is a
ses to cure, that we not only advertise it, but give it tliia
favorable notice unasked by the proprietor.—Handel
Zeitan", X. Y.
The Philadelphia Argus, in speaking of the late ex
hibition held iu that city by the Franklin Institute says:
“In noticing medicines, we are always extremely
cautious, unless satisfied of tbe merits of tbe article.
Among those exhibited is the celebrated Holland Bit
ters. This medicine has been extensively introduced
into every State into the Uuion, and into the Canadian
Provinces, principally within the last two years. The
exhibition shows testimonials in every language known
in America, among which we notiee one from the late
Hon. John M. Clayton, of Delaware.”
Sold by Grieve. & Clark, Milledgeville.
Fine, beautiful lmir—jet black or brown,
Or tresses curling uud golden—
R the certain result—without change or doubt—
Of the use of LYON’S KATHAIRON.
The immense sale of LVON’N K A Til A IRON—
nearly 1,(MM),OIK) bottles per year—proves its excellence
and universal popularity. It restores the Hair nPcr it
has fallen out, invigorates and beautifies it—making it
rand illumination of the greater portion of ;he gofti pu ,.,_ v m)(l (jiossv—demises it from Scurf and
city.
Tlie hall of the Young Guards is now iu pro
gress. The Baltimore City Guards arc their in
vited guests. Two or three otln r hails are also iu
progress. The entire city, in fact, is a scene of
general festivity and enjoyment.
Besides the Baltimore City Guards, Captain
Warner, there were present from Washington
City, the Light Infantry, commanded by Captain
Davis, and the Yeagers by Captain Schvvarzinan.
Alexandria was represented by two volunteer com
panies, commanded by Captains Devaughn and
Herbert. Norfolk and Portsmouth sent a whole
regiment.
(J At one o’clock to-morrow Mr. Everett's great
“Washington oration” will be delivered at the
theatre, with a presentation by Col. G. W. Mun-
ford of the cane and spy-glass of Washington, to
Mr. Everett and Mr. Yancy.
Interesting Surgical Operation.—A New York
correspondent of the Boston Journal under dateot
the 3d inst. says:
“A very skillful operation was performed by Dr.
Mott last week. Two years ago, a lady attempt
ing to dine ou fish, lodged a large hone in her
throat. She suffered inteiisley,{could get no relief
and during the two years had not spoken a loud
word. The inflauiatiou created by the obstruction
produced ulcers- It was found that she could not
live long unless the hone was removed from her
threat. With great reluctance she consented to
have an operation performed, and Dr. Mott was
called in. Nearly a pound of chloroform was ad
ministered to her without the least apparent effect
She was keenly alive to the agony of the surgery.
An incesion was made in her windpipe from the
outside. The bone was removed, the ulcers dress
ed. A silver tube w as inserted in the windpipe,
and the wound dressed. Immedtately upon clos
ing the, opeiation the patient spoke audibly, the
first time for two years. The first thing she said
was, “Oh! had I known the agony of this opera
tion, I would have died before I submitted to it.’
This delicate and critical performance, so well
done indicates thfti Dr. Mott’s eye is not ‘dim" nor
his natural force abated.”
impartsto it a delightful perfume. The Ladies univers
ally pronounce it the finest and most agreeable article
ever used.
Sold by all respectable dealers, everywhere
for 25 cents per bottle.
HEATH, WYNCOOP & CO.,
Proprietors and Perfumers,
35 8t. 63, Liberty St, N.Y
Ocy""nted Hitlers.—We hear of fresfi triumphs
every day from the use of the Oxygenated Bitters.—
The cures it is effecting on every sid. is w ithout pre
cedent. People who have suffered from Dyspepsia for
years have been entirely relieved by a few bottles.
1ST EXTRACT OK BUCHU.—Helmbold’s pure
and genuine extract of lluchu, has been highly recom
mended by those who have used it nnd been perfectly
cured of the following complaints: diseases of the blad
der, kidneys,gravel, drepsev, weaknesses,obstructions,
secret diseases, fenuile complaints, A e. This lluchu is
for sale by E. J. White, also by Jas. Herty 8t
Valuable jay in iavar of the Ox
ygenated Bitters.
Washington 1>. C., June 10.
Having made use ot tlie Oxygenated bitters, prepared
by Dr. George B. Greou.of Windsor,Yt. and from know
ledge obtained of their efficacy in other eases, we cheer*
fully recommend them to the public, believing they will
fully sustain the recommendations of the proprietor—
We hope that this valuahleremedy.be accessible to all
the afflicted.
IVlLLIAjfuPILVM 8 ’ ( U.SJSenatorsjfrom Vermont,
JAMES F. SIMMONS, U. S. Senator, from Rhode
Hand,
J.T. MOREHE VD, U. S. Soaator, an l formerly
Governor of Kentucky.
L. II. ARNOLD, formerly Governor of Rhode Is
land.
\VU. WQQDBRIDQE, late Gaveraor of Michigan.
Its siucan ia severe etui of D/sp-qnia, Asthma,
nnd general Debility of the System, places it among
the most wonderful disc vveries in medical science, for
these complaints, in all their various forms.
Seth W. Fowle Sc Co., 13S Washington Street,
Boston, Proprietors. Sold by thoir agents every
where.
Two Thousand Living Witnesses
Certify to their neighbor* from day to dny.
the wonderful etfeetMof
DAVIS’ PAIN KILLER,
Mr. J. N. Harris:—Dear Sir:—Your favor of tlirffMli
ultimo is at hand, and in reply will sav. We begun sel
ling Perry Davis’ Pam Killer, and with very little effort
on our part: sales were small at first, but as it became
known in our community, the demand increased very
rapidly, fur beyoml our expectations, and every person
that bought it would eoine after more, uud speuk in the
highest terms of it as a valuable remedy for all those dis
eases your pampldet spoke of. From these recom
mendations we were induced to use it iu our own fami
lies, and the good effects of the medicine were immedi
ately apparent. We now continue its use with great
satisfaction. We have sold more of the Pain Killer
than we have ever since or before of any other medi
cine in the same length of time; and we do not hesitate
to say that U has given better satisfaction the pur
chaser than any other article we have ever sold. Hur
ry of business hus prevented our sending certificates,
but we have incur vicinity from fifteen hundred to
two thousand living witnesses who testify to their
neighbors, day by day, of tlie value of Davis’ Pain
Killer; and thus the circulation of its influence is be
ing constantly enlarged.
Keep a large supply in the West, it is just such a
medicine as the people want, and they have already
found out that they can cure the Fever and Ague for
twenty-five cents.
The more we sell, the better we are convinced that
Perry Davis’ Vegetable Pain Killer will take the place
and throw out ot use, raorc than two-thirds of all the
nostrums now selling so profusely throught the IV est.
Why shouldn’t ill It will cure u cold in one hour—a
severe cough in one night—and has proved to he the
best medicine in use for a diseased stomach and many
other purposes. Yours, dec.
LOCKWOOD & GRAHAM.
SANDUSKY CITY, Ohio.
Perry Davis’Pain Killer is a very valuable article,
and one that would be well for every householder to
have at hand, iu ease of bruises, scalds,bums, diarrheal,
dysentery, cholera, fever and ague, and the host <d dis
eases, external and internal, which it is adapted tocaie
or alleviate.—Selim Observer. 31) It.
For sale by Druggists and Grocer dea.ers gci' e f
ally—John B. Moore Sc Co., Savannah; and ID' 1 '
land, Chichester & Co., Augusta, Wholesale Agts.
WORMS! WORMS!
Then*; is no disease more common among
and yet noue which so frequently baffles the skill el 1 e
physician; as worms. They are highly detriments |°
the constitution; and their presence should he care u 1.
guarded agaiust by parents. On the first uinuitesfo' 111 ^
of symptoms, every means should be used toexp*I ^
promptlyamd thoroughly. M’Latie’s bermi'Uge, P 1 *
pared by Fleming Bros, ot Pittsburgh, is wellesta * ^
ed as the most certain, safe imd speedy remedy eV “^
offered for this troublesome and dangerous moladjt
ull who have the magemeut of ohildrot^siauddkeep t
invaluable medicine on hand. In addition to i tj U 1 ^
feet safety, it never foils to produce the desired et< >
Sold by E J. White, James Herty and F. O- ° neTe »
Milleiigevilte. n
r-ar* Purchasers will be careful to ask for D ■ _
/-I 1 / 1 J IT . A'.. ..... .nn.illl'ilolttl-IMl
tgp*To the Ladies.—Your attention is respect
tully called to the Advertisement of Dr. C. L
Cheei*man, to be found on our First Page.
I ‘IT t orenusers win ue eaiciu. ... .•— -
Lillies Celebrated Vermifuge, manufactured by ** 8
Bros, of Pittsburgh, Penn. All other \
comparison nrewvortfiless. Dr. M’Lanc s geeJ j ia ,l
inifuge, also his celebrated Liver I ills, can : t i wu t
at all respectable Drug Stores.
the signature o H.KMIAW