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found Tier en route to some gny assemblage.
T<> \f • -t infohtrrm?, a11T her !’ *»Ji*'h
<icli' hi. . i Lu-btmJ never rcmo:r Uate.d.
On the com-. • y. she often fom.-l -’i on her
dressing table some choice little ornament
which he liad provided .or the occasion;
and Mary, as she fastened it in her hair or
bosom, would say bitterly: “He is
anxious that I, like the other appendages
of his establishment, should reflect credit
on his faultless taste.”
Mistaken Mary.
Time passed on. Mark Ware was
“patient,” as ho had promised himself to
he. Ilis evenings were not so lonely now,
for his little babe kept him company 1 lie
reprieved nurse, only too glad to escape to
her pink ribbons and a “chat with John at
the back gate.” It was a pretty sight—
Mark and the babe! Old age and infancy
are always a touching sight together. Not
a smile or a cloud passed over that little
face, that did not wake up the father in
Mark Ware’s heart; and he paced the, room
with it, or rocked it to sleep on his breast,
talking to it, as if it could understand the
strong, deep love of which it was an uncon
scious object.
“I am weary of all this,” said Mark’s
young wife, as she stepped into the car
riage, at the close, of a brilliant hall. “I am
weary of seeing the same faces and the
same stupid nonsense night after night.
I wonder shall I ever be happy? I wonder
shall I ever love anything or anybody?
Mamma is proud of me, because 1 am
beautiful and rich, but she does not love
me, Mark is proud of me”—and Mary’s
lip curled scornfully. “Life is so weary,
and I am only eighteen,” and she sighed
heavily.
On whirled the carriage through the
deserted streets; deserted save by some
inveterate pleasure seeker like herself,
from whom pleasure for ever flees. Oc
casionally a lamp twinkled from an upper
window where a half-starved seamstress
sat stitching her life away, or a broken
hearted mother heat over the dead form
of a babe which her mother’s heart could
ill-spare, although she knew not where to
find food for the remaining babes who wept
beside her. Now and then a woman, lost
to all that makes woman lovely, flaunted
under the flickering street lamps, while her
mocking laugh rang out upon the night air.
Mary shuddered and drew hack—there
was that in its hollowness, which might
make even devils tremble. Over-head, the
sentinel stars kept their tireless watch, and
Mary’s heart grew soft under their gentle
influence, and tears stole from beneath her
lashes and lay like pearls upon her bosom.
“You need not wait to undress me,” said
Alary to the weary looking waiting maid,
as she averted her swollen eyes from her
gaze; and taking the lamp from her hand,
Alary passed up to her chamber. So
noiseless was the fall of her light foot on
the carpet, that Mark did not know she had
entered. He sat with his hack to the
door, bending over the cradle, till his white
snowj- locks touched the hube’s rosy
cheeks, talking to it, as it were to beguile
his loneliness.
“Mary’s forehead—Mary’s eyes—Ma
ry’s mouth, no more like your father than
a rose bud is like a chesnut burr. You will
love the lonely old man, little one; and
perhaps she will by-and-by, who knows?’
and Mark’s voice trembled.
"She will! she does!” said Marv, drop
ping on her knees at the cradle of her child,
and burying her face in Mark’s hands; “my
noble, patient husband!”
“You don’t mean that?” said Mark,
holding her off at arm’s length, and looking
at her through a mist of tears; “you don’t
mean that you will love an old fellow like
me? God bless you Alary, God forever
bless you! I have been very, very
lonely,” and Alark wept for sheer happi
ness.
The gaping world, the far-sighted
world, the charitable world shook its wise
head when the star of fashion became a
fixed star. Some said her health must be
failing; others, that her husband had be
come jealous at last, while old stagers
maliciously insinuated that it was wise to
retire on fresh laurels. But none said what
we say, that a true woman’s heart may
always be won, aye. and kept, too, by any
husband who does not consider it beneath
him to -top off the pedestal of his dignity
to learn how.
Early Religious Training.—Devotional
feelings should be impressed as early as
possible on the infant mind. They cannot
be impressed too soon, and a child, to feel
the full force of the idea of God, ought
never to remember the time when he had
no such idea. We should endeavor to
impress his mind hv connecting religion
with a variety of sensible objects, with all
he sees, all he hears, and all that affects
his young mind with wonder or delight:
thus, by deep, strong, and permanent associ
ations, we lay the best foundation for
practical devotion in future life. He who
has early been accustomed to see the Cre
ator in the visible appearances around him,
to feel His continual presence, and to
lean upon His daily protection, though his
religious ideas may he mixed up with
many errors which his reason will ultima
tely refine away, has made large advan
ces towards that habitual piety, without
which religion can rarely regulate the
conduct, and will never warm the heart.
[ Channing.]
Reproduction of Plants.—In all the
beautiful creations of nature, there is noth
ing that strikes the enquiring mind with
a stronger conviction of the power and good
ness of God, than the facility with which
the vegetable kingdom can be produced.
As the population of the earth increases,
and man.s wants multiply, science is bring
ing to light new methods of propagation.
The bud of a tree is found to contain in
embryo all the the parts of a growing tree
—trunks, leaves, roots and fruit. How
beautiful that science which teaches how
to eliminate from the inert hud the per
fect tree! This is done by grafting, bud
ding, and in many cases by planting the
buds in the earth. Hard wood plants are
reproduced for cuttings of the smaller
limbs. Any plant containing sap enough
between the bark and to exude may be
made to throw out roots, and make a liv
ing tree or plant. To do this effectually,
no more wood should lie left above tlie
ground than the earth below will keep- in
a healthy state, until the elongating roots
thrown out from the solidified sap lias ta
ken nourishment enough to cause the bud
to expand and start in its career as a tree.
One bud only should be left above and tlie
cutting should not be placed in the ground
beyond the influences of light. As soon
as the roots have started, the ground
around the cutting should be kept moist
enough by shade to cause them to travel
freely in search of food; once having pene
trated to the subsoil, the plant is safe.
The President in Summer Quarters.—The Wash
ington correspiindent of the N. Y. Cornier says—
“The spring flowers and the young grass re
mind the President of the necessity of selecting in
time comfortable summer quarters. He has di
rected a friend to negotia-e with Gen Hirarn
Walbridge fo*- the use of his beautiful villa of In-
gleside during the hot season. Ingloside is about
one mile out of the city, and immediately north
ward from the White House. It is to be the rural
abode of the chief magistrate of the country. The
f oint of difference between the landlord and the
’resident is a singular one—Gen. Walbridge ob
jects to the receipt of rent, while Mr. Buchanan
positively and properly objects to taking the prop
erty unless at a fair yearly rent. The correct and
delicate views of the President will doubtless pre
vail.”
Oh. J?nry Vc V>t.
BY w . IWITMAN-.
“Ob, i,:. • t /. •!: .1 i k old woods,
Where the sunbeams never shine!
Wheie mingle the mists of the mountain floods
With the dew of the dismal pine!
Bury me deep by the bright, blue sea,
I have loved in life so well;
Where the winds may come to my spirit free.
And the sound of the ocean swell
Oh, bury me notin the surging sea.
Where the tempest rages loud.
And the storm-god riderli madly free
On iiis chariot of cloud;
Where the solemn chaunt of ocean’s wave,
And the wailing night-wind’s cry
Come mourning o’er the stranger’s grave
Where the mermaids sit and sigh!
Oil. bury me not by the rolling sea,
Where the storm kisged billows heave
Responsive to the tempest's glee;
Where ocean sprites in darkness weave
The sea-weed shroud for ocean’s dead;
Where flaps the hungry sea-bird’s wing
Above the drowning sailor’s le nd.
And tempest-flends his requiem sing!
But carry me far into the grand old woods,
Where the fragrant jessamines spring,
Where the turtle rears her gentle broods
And the wood uymplis love to sing;
And bury me there in some lovely glade,
By the sound of the streamlet’s wave;
‘Neath the rustling boughs in the beechnut's
shade,
Let me sleep in my woodland grave!
The Proud Heart Broken.
fell him, tell him in the hall
was the light of the festival,
fell him how proudly’ 1 paced the dance,
vVhat powers 1 bore in a word or glance,
Vnd how each wave of my careless hand,
teemed a strong sjigll, like a king’s command.
fell him, tell him my lips were wreathed
vVitli a glad cold smile, as his name was breathed—
Tell him I laughed with the proud and cold,
In mockery deep at those days of old;
fhose dreams of folly, the far, the dim,
When my haughty spirit was bound to him.
But tell him not, tell him not. day by day,
The light of my eye, how it blanched away,
Tel! him not how in the hush of night
His form would arise to my aching sight,
fill my hands were clasped o’er my closed eye’s,
To shut out those haunting memories.
Friend! gentle friend! thou hast loved me long,
And thy heart is stirred with my woe and wrong—
Oh! be it ne’er to the false one known
That my spirit’s worship was his alone;
In my dying Irnart is a gush of pride.
Tell him not, tell him not how I died.
Say that I passed, in my flush of power,
A rose-bud dashed by a sudden shower;
A string which burst in the tide of song.
Touched by a hand too lull and strong;
A star that shot from its lofty sphere.
Losing its lusture and glory hi re.
THE CO.YFEREKE Hi!,I, FOR THE A1DUSS10Y
OF KANSAS*
Remarks of the lion. It. D, T. Hunter,
OF VIRGINIA,
In the Scnocte. on Tuesday, April 27, 1858.
Mr. HUNTER said:
Mil. Psf.SIDKN'T: As I think the senator from
Kentucky [Mr Crittenden ] has entirely miscon
ceived the proposition presented by the committee
of conference, X must beg the indulgence of the
Senate for a few moments whilst Ipiesentitin
what 1 deem to be its true shape
The proposition of the committee of conference
is the substitution of an entirely new bill in place
of that which passed tlve >>eimte. and in place of
the amendment which was proposed by the House
of Representatives. This proposition affirms that
the. people of Kansas elected a convention of dele
gates who assembled at Leeompton, and that
through that convention these people formed for
themselves a government. It affirms that this con
stitution, having been examined, is found to be
republican in its character. It thus acknowledg
es not only the authority of the Leeompton con
vention, but it acknowledges the validity of their
action; it receives the constitution presented by
them as the constitution of the people of Kansas,
and it admits that the application which they have
made for admission into the Union is the applica
tion of the people of Kansas speaking through
their convention.
But this proposition, in its preamble, goes a lit
tle further. It refers to the fact that the people of
Kansas, through their convention, have presented
an ordinance in which they proposed to concede
tinir right to tax the property of the United States,
upon condition that certain grants of land should
be made to them. It affirms that this ordinance is
not acceptable to Congress, but that Congress is
willing to make them the same grant that was
made to Minnesota, which is the same that was
proposed by the amendment of the senator from
j Kentucky; and is willing to give that much on
condition that they will surrender or concede the
; taxing power over the property of the United
States; and that if they are willing to do so, they
I are to declare th»-ir wish by a vote of the people, a
I majority of those voting to determine the question;
[and, when they shall say that they will agree to
j this contract thus modilied, then, upon that vote,
(they are to be admitted by proclamation of the
1’resident.
Accordingly, this bill proposes to enact that
Kansas shall be received into the the Union with
the Leeompton constitution upon equal terms with
the other States; upon the fundamental conditions,
however, that she shall signify, by a vote of her
j people, their acceptance of this modification of the
contract which Congress proposes. It then pro
ceeds to offer an alternative proposition in the event
that a majority of the people of Kansas should de
termine not to accept this modified contract and
not to be admitted into the Union under it. It
then provides that there shall be no more con
ventions; that they shall not offer themselves for
admission until they have population enough to
entitle them to one member of the House of Rep-
res* utatives according to the existing ratio. Now,
I maintain that both of these propositions are en
tirely right in themselves, and perfectly consistent
with the previous action of the Senate.
The hill passed by fhe Senate recognized the
authority of the convention, at Leeompton; and
the validity of their action; and it proposed to
admit Kansas with the constitution framedby them,
but admitted her upon the fundamental condition
that she should concede he* right to tax the property
of the United StMes. There it stopped. It did
not proceed to provide for the eventjthat the peo
ple might not chose thus to modify this contract
and to enter into the Union on these terms. The
proposition of the committee of conference, and
tiie bill passed by the Senate, are alike in these
J respects; both acknowledge the authority of the
. Leeompton convention; b th admit the validity ol
the constitution framed by that convention; both
I act upon the principle that Congress has no
! right to require that constitution to be submitted
j to the people: both recognize that principle fully
|ar.d entirely; both admit the State conditionally
I that is to say, upon the condition that they shall
cede away the right to tax the public lands of the
United States.
But the proposition of the committee of con
ference goes further than the bill of the Senate.—
The bill of the Senate stopped there, and did not
seek to provide for that contingency tl ata majori
ty of the people of Kansas might not accept this
modification of the contract which we propose
to them. The bill pass 'd by the Senate took the
risk that the people in that troubled region might;
assemble in convention and declarethat they would
not accept this condition, and would therefore bt
out of the Union. The bill passed by the Senate
provided for none of these contingencies, bttt ac
ted upon the supposi'iou, as has been done some
times before, that the people of Knnsas would
concur in all these things, and risked the chances
of meeting these difficulties. The scheme of the
conference committee goes further. It provides
especially for the difficulty I have just suggested.
It says, “before we admit you you must say
whether you will concede away taxing power for
tins modification of the grant which we have given
you. If you ere willing to concede away the tax
ing power for tiie cinsideration we now offer yon.
then you shall be admitted upon proclamation by
the l’resident ’’ In doing this the bill under con
sideration has proceeded in precise conformity I
with principle. What was Hie case of Iowa'—
Shu offered herself for admission with a constitu
tion republican in form, and with certain bounda
ries which Congress changed. Congress admitted
her upon condition that her people would consent
to that modification of boundary. Congress said
the assent was to be signified by a vote of tile
people, and thus the precedent is precisely paral
lel with the proposition that is now made; and
Congress declared that if tin y did assent by a
vote of the majority of the people, then the State
should he admitted into the Union on an equal
footing witli the other States by proclamation of
the President. Ilow was it with regard to Michi-
j jail? Th*' same tiling occured. r l he same con-
idition was imposed, except that Congress said it
should be refun d to a convention of the people
■ that was to be called to consider this one question
: only.
In regard to an ordinance claiming lands I know
of hut two cases in which changes were made.—
One was in Arkansas, and the other in California.
In Arkansas the State was admitted upon the ex
press condition that she should cede the taxing
power over the properly of the United States, and
a change was made in the quantity of lands which
she proposed to take in consideration of that
concession. The bill of admission was passed on
the l.YtliofJune, and on 23d of the same month
supplemental act was passed submitting it to
The pioneer Paper Mill, near Athens,
Ga., was defrayed by fire on Friday even
ing, 23rd iust. *
I lands within its dominion was a right which be-
i longed to sovereignty, a right to be. given by the
nil j which .undo constitutions, and which
! iTvcii conventions. It is obvious that if, in re
gard to buundsiy, it required an act of the sover-
ign people, either through their own vote, or
through conventions, or through legislatures that-
had been specifically endowed with this power by
the convention, to cede away the jurisdiction over
certain territory, it certainly would require it in
order to cede a particular portion of that jurisdic
tion; that is to -say, the right to tax.
Is not this practice fortified and supported by
reascti? Is not this conditional submission of the
ordinance—and nothing else is submitted —this
submission *>1 a change in the terms ol a contract
in regard to land, proper in itself/ Suppose there
had been no controversy in regard to i lie consti
tution offered by Kansas; suppose it were admit
ted on all hands that the convention which assem
bled at Leeompton was properly authorized; that
its proceedings were legal aud valid; and suppose
this precise difference iiad arisen in regard to the
land, that they hud demanded the twenty-three
million acres provided for in their ordinance, and
that we hail thought proper to give not more than
the three or four millions which this proposition
of the committee of conference proposes to give
them, would it not have b en said to be perfectly
fair and right and proper,and that it was due to the
.State that we should ascertain whether she would
give her assent to the change in the contract?—
Why,sir, it takes two parties to make a contract,
and it takes two to change it. Would any ono
have objected? Would not all have said that
perhaps it was the wisest way, because thus we
avoid the danger of the people meeting in
convention, and saying that they would not
accept this fundamental condition upon which
they were admitted? We avoid tiie danger of all
the mischiefs that would accur from the anarchy
and confusion which would arise if they were
thus to assemble and reject the condition—a dan
ger which is the greater in atroubled Territory,
where its population is disturbed and divided,
than in ordinary cases for in most cases itmigiil be
with presumed safety that in order tube admitted
the butte wouldacquiesce in the conditions which
were proposed.But sir, it is a risk that would be
run in all such cases; aud no one can say that it
is not only suf- r and better to pursue the prece
dents to which I havereferred but that it is right
and proper in itself that it .s due to llie people of
the State who ask admission.
Now, sir, 1 ask how can it be suid that by this
act we submit the constitution. We do no such
tiling. We acknowledge the validity of the con
stitution, and we say, in regard to this contract
which is offer.d to us, “the terms are not accepta
ble; we will not accept the terms you oiler; but we
will accept others, naming them and if you choose
to be admitted on them, you may.” It is true
that in giving that vote for admission, they may
be governed by other reasons than those which
relate merely to the proposition itself. But is
that any concern of ours?. Can we look into the
human breast and search for motives? Can we
prescribe what are to be the reasons which are to
govern the popolar vote?. By no means. Ail
that we have lu do is to keep within the limits of
our powers, and to respect those ot the Slates.
Aud what is it that ive have affirmed in regard to
the submission of the constitution? We have
never said that the people, might nut submit their
own constitution; weliave never said that it was
improper to do so; what we have said is, that.it is
a matter for the people themselves to determine
that they must determine it cither through the act
which called the convention into being, limiting
and defining its powers, or they must determine
it through their own convention; and we have
said that if they did not require the submission,
Congress could not require it ot them, because
that was an act which belonged to the sovereign
power of the State itself. That is our doctrine.—
If, then, we submit this proposition in irgard to
the modified contract, how do we depart from this
doctrine? Wc do not say to them, “Your con
stitution is unsatisfactory.” We do not say to
them, “You must have a popular vote on the con
stitution.” \V e do not say “We dispute the ev
idence which you have presented according "to the
legal form.” On the contrary, we say, “we re
ceive it all; we acknowledge the authority of your
convention: we acknowledge the validity of
your constitution,and we acknowledge that we
have no power either to change that, instrument
or to require you to pass upon it in any other form
than that which you have determined for your
selves; but in regard to the contract that you pro
posed to us, we have the right to change that, and
we submit it to you to sty w hether you will, or
will not accept this modification w liieh we propose
of the contract.” Is not that a fair statement of
the case? Is it not plain that we pteserve our
consistency because we not only require no
submission of the constitution, but because we
accept and acknowledge it, wi'submit only w hat
we have a right to submit, and that is the change
we make in the contract that they propose to
us.”
But Mr.President,, the senator from Kentucky
objects that in doing this we are doing what is
unfair, because, he says, we accompany it with
another proposition; w e say to the people of Kan
sas: “If you will consent to this change, and de
sire admission upon these terms, then we will
make you these grants of land; but if you do not,
you must remain in a territorial condition until
you have people enough to entitle you to oue rep
resentative in Congress, and then only can you
form a constitution and eome into the Union as a
Slate.” He says, in this way we otfer them a re
ward to accept, one constitution, and we propose
to punish them in the event that they do not ac
cent it. This is an entire mistake on the part of
the senator, and it arose from begging the question
We do not submit the constitution to the people
at all. We say to tliem:_ “So far as you have
gone, you have proposed to come into the Union
upon certain terms; you have presented us a
constitution; yon have also presented us an ordi
nance which contains a contract in regard to the
taxing power; w e accept your constitution; we ac-
know ledge that to be republican inform; but we
do not accept tiie ordinance. If, however, you
choose to take a lesser quantity of land, we make
you a grant which is liberal;” but w hich ought
not to have been called excessive by the senator
from Kentucky, because I believe it is precisely
the same grant which he proposed in his own
amendment to the Senate bill. How is it unequal
and unfair? How is it that it is to be considered
as revengeful or fretful legislation, if we say to
them, “in the event that you do not come in un
der this application which you yourselves have
made to us for admission you must remain in a
territorial condition until you have people enough
to entitle you to one member, according to the
ratio of representation?” He himself, in his own
remarks, gave the answer to it.
We maintain as a general proposition, that
the people of no territory ought to he admitted as
a State until they have population enough for one
member of congress. Does any one dispute that
principle? Is it not evident upon its face? But
we say in this case of Kansas—and we are sincere
in it; for we said it two years ago in the bill offer
ed by the senator from Georgia—we will waive
these considerations for the sake of the peace of
the country, and in order to settle this agitating
question, provided you will come in and make a
final disposition of the, whole matter. If. howev
er, you refuse to come in and make a final dispo
sition of the whole matter, the consideration tails
upon which we were willing to incur the mischief
of admitting a new State with an insufficient pop
ulation. We can no longer attain that good.—
Tiie next best thing we can do for the peace of the
country is to say to her, “you must be quiet until
you have people enough to entitle you to at least
one member before you enter the Uh;on ”
Wctlius at least put down these attempts at con
ventions which may disturb and distract that peo
ple and introduce questions of discord and confu
sion in congress. We thus establish a sound gen
eral principle. whose justice, I think, cannot be
disputed. In regard to tiie grants of land, it was
not necessary tosay anything of them in the con
tingency of a rejection of our proposition, because
it is obvious that whenever the people of Kansas
come in hereafter, ifihey should fail to eome in un
der this submission of the ordinance, they will
make their own propositions in regard to land, and
there is no doubt but that we.shall deal with them
as liberally as we have always done with the new
States. If they do not come in under this con
stitution, and we cannot settle the question in
that way, is it not obvious that the nearest ap
proach we can make to putting nil end to these
agitations, is to say to them, “you must remain in
vonr territorial condition uutil you have more sta
bility, more people,and give us at least a truce and
a breathing spell.”
How much better is that for the peace of the
country than the proposition mad*'by th*' senator
from Kentucky! In that event he thinks it fair
to allow these people to form a constitution for
themselves, and to require when that constitu
tion is formed that the President shall l>ring|it in up
on proclamation thus abdicating the constitutional
duty imposed upon congress to see that this in
strument is republican in its character; thus vio
lating, as it seems to me, in a most essential
particular, that.greatconstitutional duty which is
imposed upon us to see before a State enters info
the confederacy, that its constitution is republi
can in form. Why, sir, without this it is impossi
ble that we could carry out the guarantee of a
republican form of government which is imposed
on us by the constitution of the United states.
If we pursue that routine, we do not admit them
-.inti! we know that they have a republican con
stitution; and if a change is attempted to be made
we can maintain the existing government against
any proposed change, if it should be anti-repub
lican. But if we nilmit. it beforehand, with an
anti-republican constitution, on proclamation by
the President, how can we ever afterwards change
it? Can we go in to impose a government upon
the people? Can we say what must be a proper
and republican form of government to suit them?
That was never designed. All that was meant by
the constitution of the United states was that we
the legislature of Arkansas to say whether they i should choose between one government which we
had acknowledged to be republican, and another
which might be attempted to be substituted for it
which was not rebublican in its character. But
we were not to ehoose between a government made
by the people of the State and one made by our
selves, but between two governments of which
one at least had been made by the people and ac-
would accept certain propositions—there were
five of them, I believe—in consideration of this
concession of the right to tax the property of the
United States Congress refered it to the legisla
ture to determine; because, as they said in the
act, the power had been given them by the conven
tion which formed the constitution; thus showing
that, in the opinion of Congress, the right to cede j knowledged to be repuelican.- .
away the power to tax any portion of the property or I After this, what becomes of the question of
frauds, which has been dwelt upon so largely
here? Is not such a proposition as that which
was cou'ainedin the second branch of the amend
ment of the senator from Kentucky an admission
that these questions of fraud are matters which
it is not for us to consider, that we must take the
chances, that ive must take whatever the proper
authorities of the proposed State pronounce to be
legal? Dies be uot thus concede the precise prin
ciple upon which we have acted in receiving the
Leeompton constitution? or, if he repudiates this
conclusion, does ho not admit that he is opening
the door to frauds of every description in Kansas,
when he abdicates all power on the part of Con
gress to look into questions of fraud or fact in re
gard to the formation of the proposed constitution?
And how would this scheme affect the peace of the
country? A new constitution to be formed in Kan
sas out of the distracted elements existing there!
Each of the sections of the Union pouring in its
people to produce a desired result, and this under
temptatious to fraud and violence, which would be
the stronger from the fact that the result, no mat
ter how obtained, would be final, aud no longer
subject to the supervising power of Congress. Do
we not know that we should he thus sowing the
seeds of dissensions and agitations which would
probably disturb this Union to its centre? Because
we do not accept such a proposition as that in the
alternative that the people do not come in under
our scheme of submitting this modified ordinance;
because, instead of that, wo leave them in their
territorial condition, and impose upon them the
sound restriction that they must thus remain until
they have people enough to entitle them to one
representative in the House of Rcpiesentatives,
the senator thinks we are trying them with threats,
and acting unfairly and unjustly towards them.
Sir I can see no foundation for any such charge.
I believe that if a majority do not vote to accept
this proposition, on which their admission will de
pend, the best tiling for the people of Kansas, and
certainly the best thing tor the people of the Unit
ed States, which can then be done, will be to let
them know that they will have to remain in this
position probably for some years to eome. We
may thus obtain a truce ou this agitating and dis
turbing question, and a truce for even four or live
years may he of inestimable advantage to us. It
may be that, in that time, we may improve the
opportunities of this truce into a permanent and
lasting peace; that we may engage the public
mind in the consideration of other questions;
that we may employ it in those vast interests, ma
terial and moral, which arc necessary to our pro
gress and advancement; that we may learn to
treat each other with more of justice and modera
tion, aud with a more conciliatory spirit. When
ever that is attained, I believe, then with the sen
ator from Kentucky, it will be hard to fix the lim
its to our progression! our improvement.
But, sir, if these agitations are to continue—and
it seems to mo that his scheme invites them, in
stead of putting an end to them—for four or five,
or even, perhaps, three years longer, no man
can say what is to happen in the future. I
believe that the deepest interests of the American
people are concerned in adopting sumo scheme
to quiet this question for the present, at least; and
if they w ould adopt this scheme presented by the
conference committee, it is probable, in my opin
ion that we should have repose for a while at
least—a repose which, perhaps, might be improv
ed as 1.said, into a permanent peace. I believe
that, by adopting this proposition, the question
would pass for a time, at least, out of federal poli
cies; it would be localized ; and when that is done
I think there are interests of magnitude enough to
employ the public mind, and to engage it in a
more wholesome manner. But, sir, like tiie sena
tor from Kentucky, I can only say that in signing
iny name to this recommendation of the confer
ence committee I sought to do what I believed to
be best for the whole country. I believed it to be
just in itself: I knew it to be consistent with the
principles w hich I and my friends have been ad
vocating here; aud I was willing to do almost
anything which was compatible with just and fair
dealing, anil which did not sacrifice consistency or
principle, to settle this question. If I could se
cure justice and preserve the peace of the country,
I belive I should secure all the good which those
w hom I represent can derive from any settlement
of this question.
From the Baltimore Sun.
Thirty-Fifth Tongress—First Session.
Washington, April 29.—Senate.—The Sen
ate refused, by a vote of twenty-two against
eighteen, to recede from the amendments striking
out the appropriation for the payment of the re
porters, and section three ot the House deficiency
I bill.
On motion of Mr Toombs a committee of con
ference was appointed.
The Kansas bill, as reported by the conference
committee, was then resumed.
Mr. Douglas objected to the substitute because
it did not submit the Leeompton Constitution
fairly to a vote of the people, but the admission
virtually contingent upon the acceptance or rejec
tion of the land grant. He objected, too. to the
offer of a bribe to Kansas to come into the Uniou
with forty thousand population under one kind of
Constitution, and not unless she have ninety thou
sand under another. What is this hut Congres
sional intervention? offering a bounty on one
hand aud a penalty on the other to control the le-
sult? This left no freedom of election. For five
months past he (Mr Douglas) lias stood as he now-
stands, with the Democracy of his State, on thi
principal of" submitting the Constitution under
which the people ot Kansas shall come into the
Union to a direct vote of the people. That glo
rious band of Democrats who acted with him in
Congress, and out of Congress, have achieved a
triumph. He sought no personal triumph, and
would not therefore enter into the question of
which party has hacked down from their original
pretensions, although the government did say at
the commencement of the session that Kansas
must come in, unconditionally, under the Lecomp-
tou Constitution. Tiie administration has receded
from that proposition, and he and Ins party are
asked to recede Torn tiie position they have taken,
because the other party have made so many con
cessions. But that is no reason why lie should
concede a principal. From that he cannot rec* de
.Strike out the laud giant and strike out the limita
tion of population and he would vote for the con
ference proposed at onee. In other words, if you
wish to make the proposal fairyou must giveequa!
terms to Kansas, under whatever Constitution she
elects. How. he asked, would, his friend from Vir
ginia. (Mr.’Hunter,) as a southern man, like to
have Congressional intervention brought to influ
ence the admission of new States/ The times
may he reversed. There may become an anti
slavery majority in Congress, and would he like
to see a grant ot millions of acres as a bounty for
new free States to come in with forty thousand
population
Mr. Toombs warmly defended the conference
substitute, denying that any bribe of laud was
offered; on the contrary, the committee refused
to give Kansas the seventeen millions of acres she
asked.
Mr. Wilson replied to Mr. Toombs in reference
to the seventeen million acres. A direct bribe is
offered of hundreds of thousand of acres aud ot
dollars! Two million of acres of public lands
aro advertised to be sold outlie 1st of July, and
here is a direct bribe of five per cent, on the sales,
amounting to hundreds ot thousands ofdoliais,
offered ii she will eome into the Union before the
1st ofJuly.
On the other hand, the direct penalty is that she
shall be kept out of the Union, although every
oue acquainted with Kansas knows that the feel
ing in that Territory is almost unanimous in favor
ol admission.
Mr. Wilson then went into a lengthened dis
cussion of the hostility of Kansas to the Leeomp-
ton Constitution, and charged that it was now
being attempted to bribe and threaten her into
the Union, under a project gotten up by a confer
ence committee, and attempted to be imposed by
deceit and baud
The Chair tvas suggesting that the expression
was unadvisahle. when .or. Green ruse and said
he was ono of those referred to, aud he felt no
hurt.
Mr. Wilson said ho had made, the charge of
fraud, aud could prove it; aud would take rhe re
sponsibility. He then went over the records of (lie
lvansas election to show that the administration
assented to and approved of them by continuing
ils countenance to their authors. He thought the
people of Kansas would reject the bribes, scorn
the threats, and could not he got under this con
ference scheme into tiie Union except by stupen
dous and gigantic frauds of fraudulent votes. The
people of Kansas will make a new, free Constitu
tion, and bring it before Congress. If she has
enough population to come in now as a slave State,
you must admit Tier as a tree State, or to keep her
out at your peril. There is no truce in this sub
stitute, jLlthougli there would have been peace in
Mr.’ Crittend* u's
Mr. Green took occasion to refer to Mr Wilson’s
charge of fraud, and said that “out of the fullness
of the heart the mouth speaketh.” He would like
to put him under oath and cross-question him
whether there ever were frauds in Kansas till
Mr. Wilson went tlier:, and whether he did not
send lor “Jim Lane” and concoct the matter with
him.
Mr. Wilson utterly repudiated the charge, and
reminded Mr. Green that the frauds were commit
ted tiy his constituent Missourians.
Mr. Bell explained the reasons which would
govern Ins vote. He also compared the Crittenden
and the conference substitutes, showing their rela
tive worth aud effect.
Mr. Seward read a paragraph in the Washington
correspondence of the New York Tribune, in
which incidents having occurred in the committee
of conference were related. They were mainly
correct in the tacts, but were colored to convey
the erroneous impression that Mr Green coerced
Messrs. Seward and Howard. Mr. Seward exon
erated Air. Green, whereupon Mr. Green returned
the courtesy by moving an adjournment, which,
Mr. Seward being slightly indisposed, was glad to
hear. Adjourned.
Alessrs. Broderick and Seward speak to-morrow,
which closes the debate. The vote will probably
be taken by three o’clock.
House.—The House resumed the consideration
of the Kansas report.
Mr. Cox defined his position. He was the first
in the House to oppose the Leeompton Constitu
tion, but after a careful consideration of his duty
to his party, to his State and to the Union, and to
the welfare of the whole people, he had come to
th#deliberate conclusion to support the report of
the committee. Though by it the Constitution is
not submitted to the people, yet means are pro
vided tor obtaining the sense of the people. They
can reje t it if they do not like it. No Dribe, as is
assorted, is offered to Kansas, for she will get the
lauds as have other new States. Gov. Walker
had informed him that Kansas will have the re
quisite population next autumn lor a representa
tive according to the federal ratio. In the spirit
of concession, for the sake of the united Democra
cy, to which lie owed all that he had. with a view
to peace and the dispatch of public business, he
would give the report of the committee his sup
port.
Mr. Cox, according to an arrangement with Air.
Clingwau, renewed the motion for the previous
question.
Air. Marshall, of Kentucky, and Air Campbell,
asked to be heard on the matter, claiming the same
privilege rur his side as was accorded to Air. Cox.
Air. Lawrence said the report was not all he de
sired, but was substantially what lie claimed, and
ho was proceeding to give the reasons why he
should vote for it, when Mr. Cliugman interposed,
saying that the demand for the previous question
had been renewed. Many gentlemen claimed, in
the same jusiiee, that they be beard against the re
port. Amid the confusion, Mr. Garnett said he
should move for a postponement, but the time
named by him was lost in the cries for order.
Air. Campbell muved a call of the House.
The call was refused—yeas 90. nays 119.
The question was stated on seconding the demand
for the previous question.
Air. Marshall, of Kentucky, again unsuccessful
ly asked that the demand be withdrawn, as ho
wished to say a few words.
Air. Garnett inquired whether if the demand
should be voted down would it be in order for
him to move a postponement of the subject to Tues
day week?
The Speaker replied in the affirmative.
The demand for the previous question was ne
gatived—yeas 103, nays lu8.
Air. Marshall, of Kentucky, got the floor.
Mr Marshall, of Kentucky, gave at length the
reasons for his opposition to the report of the
committee. He said that the authors of it were
nut agreed upon the effect of its provisions. Hp
would have this report laid upon the table and
another committee appointed. Strike out the dis
abling section, and it would come sufficiently near
to the Critteuden-Montgomery amendment to
enable him to vote for it.
Air Giddings made an explanation as to his
former vote on that amendment; and had no sooner
finished than he was seized with tainting. He
was conveyed from the hail, but soon afterward
returned to his seat:
Air. Hughes demanded the previous question,
which was not seconded—yeas 99; nays HI >.
Air. Jones, of Tennessee, moved, as a test ques
tion, that the whole subject be laid upon the table,
hut the question was decided in the negative—yeas
103; nays 107.
Air Garnett moved to postpone the further con
sideration of the subject until the second Tuesday
in May.
A brief debate ensued involving the merits of
the question of postponement. It appeared that
half a dozen southern Democrats wish to leave the
city to attend to matters at home. To this it was
said it would be better to settle the question be
fore they go.
Mr. Phillips moved the previous question, which
was not seconded—yeas lu3; nays i HI.
Air. Alillsou deteuded the southern members,
and denied that any injustice was to be perpetra
ted o:t the North.
Air. Quitman briefly gave his reasons why be op
posed tiie report. It proposed to submit the Con
stitution to the people, when their act was com
pleted aud final, and besides made a concession
ou slavery.
Without coming to a vote, the House adjourned.
Washington, April 30.—Senate.—Air. Doolit
tle offered a resolution that a wagon road be con
structed trom Fort Benton to the navigable waters
of the Columbia river, at Walla Valley. Referred
to the Military committee.
Air. Toombs reported from the committee on
the deficiency bill that the two Houses were un
able to come to an agreement.
AIi. Hunter gave notice that he will again move
that the Senate recede.
Mr. Houston moved to take up the resolution
for the Alexicau protectorate. He made some
verbal alterations, and asked that it be referred.
Air. Wilson claimed the floor, and said, as it
was worded, the resolution was a gross insult to
Alexieo.
Air. Alason also was opposed to a resolution
thus reflecting ou Alexieo, and moved to lay it on
tiie table. Agreed.
The Kansas question was then resumed.
Air. Broderick said that after the matter had been
so ably discussed, he would nut make a length
ened speech. He would vote against the confer
ence bill for several reasons, the must potent of
which is, that Kansas cannot come into the- Union
as a free blato during the continuance of the pow
er of this administration. It has but thirty-five
thousand population now, and it it does not swal
low the Leeompton Constitution, it must be live or
six years before she will have the requisite popu
lation to entitle her to representation. The ori
ginal bill was less objectional to him than this con
ference substitute.
Air. Doolittle read from the Secretary of Gov.
Kearney’s history ot Kansas, to show, in reply to
the remarks of Air. l’ugh yesterday, that the pop-
uUnion of the country has diminished on account
of the deeds of violence committed.
All. Fugh replied, after which Air. Seward took
the floor, saying the debate had manifestly lost in
terest, although approaching a yet undetermined
conclusion. This decay of interest was partly ac
counted for by the great length of the past discus
sion, but something, too, was owing to the change
of the subject matter 1* it lor debate, commenced
by a consideration of the high principles of State
sovereignty. It has gone lino conference, and
comes out an artifice—a trick of legislative leger-
dcniaiu. Both ends of the capitol are engaged to
day in attempting to take to pieces and put togeth
er the legislative puzzle. He had little talent and
no taste for this sort of legislation. He illustrated
his position by reference to the perpetual motion
medium and automaton chess-player, which, like
the conference project, were gotton up for the pur
pose of not being explained by one side or the
other.
He objected to the conference because it pre
sented a false issue to the people. The true
question at issue is the submission of the Consti
tution direct to tiie people. The question of public
lands has nothing to do with that, inasmuch as the
lands are the dowry of all new States. The laud
question does not occupy one line ot ihe one thou
sand eight hundred quarto pages of the Kansas
debate, and is therefore a feigned issue—a James
Jackson and John Styles issue of the old black
letter lawyers. He, (Mr. Seward,) although of good
natured aud kindiy disposition, felt like the
chivalric Virginian who wanted to challauge the
Janies Jackson who was alway s distuibing and ex
citing his neighbors. Besides, the question of
members is equally new—dating only from the
conference—that Kansas lias enough population
fora slave State and just half enough for a free
Stale.
Air. Seward replied severely to Air. Pugh, say ing
that he (Air. Sewaul) in ls50, stood for the admis
sion of Kansas as a free State, and stands there
now. lie cared not for numbers. Ten hundred
or ten hundred thousand, or if it even reached the
population of China, he would not aid, by oue vote,
the admission as a slave State. As to his estimate
formerly made of her growing populousness, ho,
predicted it ou the fact oi lier being a free State.
He never promised rapid progress for a slave State.
He never was so y oung that when )ie first saw
the gentle daughter of a senator of Venice married
to a Aloor, in the first act of Othello not to know
that discord would follow iu the second, aud death
aud dissolution in the last.
Further, he objeeted to the bill because it bears
equivocation on its face. It purports to be a sub
mission of her dowry, but it submits the Lecomp-
ton Constitution. It is so regarded by the Demo
cratic papers. lie quoted from a New Hampshire
paper. In this lie found a paradox as irreconcila
ble a> free iri/t aud fate, which so puzzles theolo
gians.. Here he read from the speech of Air. Cox,
ot Ohio, that the sense of tiie people was to be ta
ken oil the Leeompton measure, although it was
nut directly submitted. It was like voting by
black ami white balls iu Masonic lodges without
saying anything about the candidate who is wait
ing. No State but Ohio could have got, at the
outside, so lucid an explanation. Thus indirect
ness, and equivocation are ou the bill.
Aloreover, he said, ify’ou make a slave barrier
ucioss this latitude of forty-six degrees, yon in
terpose a oarner to progress more insurmountable
than the Roey Mountains or the Sierra Nevada,
It amuses him when lie hears patriotic men talk ot
removing the capitol. Ifyou confine slavery with
in it.- legitimate limits; the capital of this nation
may remain where it is, and the empire may
grasp the polo aud the equator; but no sueb des
tiny awaits it, if you separate by a slave harrier
the Ailantic free from the i’acific free!
Further—This bill is nothing but Leeompton—
Leeompton with a viration. You toss a coin
and bid Kansas cry “Ragle or Liberty.” If
“Eagle,” you give her slavery. If the effigy of
“Liberty,” you give her slavery still. What
thinks the Seuaior from Pennsylvania, represent
ing ihe first free State! The Senator from the old
island of Roger Williams? The Senator front
Iowa? The Senator from California, whose State
was saved from slavery by efforts other than his?
The Senator from Indiana? But they have
another question to settle with their people at
home. What answer will they give to this propo
sal which leaves only the semblance aud not the
choice of Liberty.
My friend here asks, what says the Senator of
New Jersey? He would himself answer, because
the blood of the men who hazarded their life and
means for her liberty, flowed through his veins.—
He knows the blue hills of New Jersey, and will
answer that the votts here given for Leeompton
will he her last slave votes given for the next ten
years.
Addressing himself next to the subject of the
election board, he said the ghost on the Styx are
not more thick and cloudy than are the spirits of
the defeated Governors of Kansas, who attempted
to give correct returns. He had no confidence in
the President as an element of that board. He has
had experience that some would cry “shame”
that he disparaged or defamed the President, but
he would console himself that once men in Virginia
cried shame on Patrick Henry. Men were not
wanting iu Rome to cry “shame” ou Cato, and
they were no friends of liberty who in Senates fear
to oppose Kings or Presidents.
The debate having been terminated, the Senate
proceeded to vote on the report of the committee
of conference ou the Kansas bill, which was agreed
to—yeas 31, nays 22.
After an executive session, the Senate adjourn
ed till Alonday.
House.—Mr. English called for the regular or
der, being the Kansas report of the committee of
conference.
Mr. Clark, of New York, had intended to give
his reasons why he should vote against the sub
stitute. but a night’s sickness had left him, he
said, physically unable to undertake the task.—
He would merely now say that he regarded this
new scheme as eminently objectionable in form,
and still more dangerous in substance. He would
seek the floor at a future occasion to deliver his
views
Mr. Bryan gave his reasons why he had acted
with the little squad of southern members on this
subject. After alluding to the remark of Senator
Seward that lie regarded the battle between free
dom aud slavery as already fought, lie said he
would do nothing to jeopard the union of the
South for the protection of the South, which is
much needed.
Mr. Shorter said he had, with five or six south
ern Democrats, uniformly resisted the previous
question. He had wanted time for discussion iu
order to arrive at a correct construction of this
hill. He now found the general construction was
that it did not refer the Leeompton Constitution
back to the people of Kansas. If he believed it
did lie would vote against it, even with the Black
Republicans. Fhe gentleman from Georgia, (Air.
Stephens,) said the Constitution was not to be
submitted, and the gentleman from Indiana, (Air.
English) by silence, acquired in that view.—
Therefore, he (Mr. Shorter) would now co-operate
with the friends of the measure aud vote for the
previous question.
Mr. Campbell said his colleague, Mr. Cox; at
the commencement of the session took the banner
of popular sovereignty in hand, and triumphantly
defended it; but now, in full view of a glorious
victory, he beat a retreat.
Mr. Cox wished to say that be thought the
amendment which the House passed was the best,
but as that could not become a law he was willing
to take the next best under the circumstances.
Mr. Campbell now asked Air. Cox whether lie
understood the bill of the committee of confer
ence submitting the Constitution to a vote of the
people?
Air. Hughes objected to Mr. Cox answering this
question.
Air. Cox replied that although the Constitution
was not submitted directly, yet in effect the people
of Kansas will have an opportunity to say whether
they want it.
Mr. Campbell said be wanted an equivocal
answer, and then produced a letter written by Mr.
Cox, dated February 6th, in which the letter said,
while lie bad a vote it should never be draggled
in the Leeompton mire; and that, help him God,
lie never could do otherwise.” Yet. remarked
Mr. Campbell, my colleague said he would vote
for no proposition which would not submit the
Constitution to the vote of the people.
Mr. Campbell concluded bis remarks in opposi
tion to the measure, when
Mr. Bonham moved the previous question.
Mr. Grow moved that there be a call of the
House which was disagreed to.
Mr. Haskins made a brief speech against the re
port, when
The demand for the previous question was set
tled, and under its operation the House agreed to
the report of the coinmittQe of conference on the
Kansas bill—yeas 112, nays 103.
There was much interest everywhere manifested
during the taking of the vote. There were slight
demonstrations of applause, accompanied by hiss
ing iu the galleries, which the Speaker promptly
suppressed.
At a subsequent period of the session, Air.
Clarke, of New Y ork, on behalf of Er. Haskin and
Air. Kox, made an explanation with regard to some
misunderstanding between these two gentlemen,
by which it appeared their difficulties were recon
ciled.
A messenger was received from the Senate, an
nouncing that that body had concurred in tho re
port of tiio committee of conference on the Kansas
(bill.
The House then adjourned until Monday.
Striking nutl Itranlifu] Thought*.
Whatev* r may be said against Henry Ward
Beecher’s politics, and it is odious enough, it can
not be denied that lie is a man of great intellectu
al power, as the following selections from his off
hand sermons abundantly evinces. Some of the
thoughts quoted are original, and all are striking
and beautiful.
Of the scriptures, he says.
How sad is that field from which battle has just
departed! By as much as the valley was exqui
site in its loveliness, it is now supremely sad in its
desolation. Such to me is the Bible when a fighting
theologian has gone through it.
How wretched a spectacle is a garden into
which cloven-footed beasts have entered! That
which yesterday was fragrant, and shone all over
with crowded beauty, is ta day’ rooted, despoiled
trampled and utterly devoured, and all over the
ground you shall find but the rejected cuds of
flowers, and leaves, aud forms that have been
champed for their juices, and then rejected.
Such to me is the Bible, when the pragmatic
prophecy-monger and the swinish utilitarian
have toothed its fruits and crunched its blos
soms.
And in another place:
The truthes of the Bible are like gold in the soil,
whole generations walk over it, and know not
what treasures are hidden beneath. So centuries
of men pass over the Scriptures and know not
what riches lie under the feet of their interpreta
tion. Sometimes when they’ discover them they
call them new truths. One might as well call
gold, newly dug, new gold.
Hisviews of religion are not contracted, nor
hound by the fetters of sectarianism; nor does he
believe in a cold, dead formalism, bnt in tho true
living tire of Christianity, carried into the daily
experiences of life.
Morality must always precede and accompany
religion, and yet religion is much more that mo
rality. You buy a camelia and determine in spite
of florists, to make it blossom in your parlor.—
You watch and tend it, aud at length the buds
appear. Day by day you see them swell, and fond
ly hope they will come to perfect flower; but just
as they should open, one after another they drop
off, and you look at it despairingly, exclaiming,
“All is over for this year!” Blit 1 say, What!
the plant is thrifty. Are not japonica roots and
leaves and branches good? “Yes,” you answer,
“hut I do not care for them. I bought it for the
blossom.” Now, when we bring God the roots
branches and leaves of morality, He is not satisfied
He wants the blossoming of the heart, aud that is
religion.
A religions life is not a thing which spends it-
selflike a bright bubble on the rive’ss surface. It
is rather like the river itself, which widens con
tinually, and is never so broad or so deep as
at its mouth, where it rolls iuto tho ocean of eter
nity.
Yon have seen a ship out o n t) le bav •
with the fide, and seeming as if it would foTloi"!
and yet it cannot, for down b* neath the w*T r
is anchored. Bo many a soul sways toward h ‘
en but cannot ascend thither, beJuseit K ane
ed to some secret sin. ant.mr-
A lie always needs a truth for a handle •
else the hand would cut itself which sou Jl *
drive it home upon another. The |. t0
therefore, are those whose blade j, rT ‘! es ’
whose handle is true. 8 false ' but
Doctrine is nothing but the skin of truth . „
up and stufied. set
A man ought to carry himself in the ,,
an orange-tree would, if it could wait U 38
down in the garden swinging perfume from P a "' 1
little ceusor it holds up to the a ir 1 tVer >'
There is reason why students prefer the ■ .
to the day for Jtheir labors. Through h f ht
their thoughts are diverted into a thousandVrJ7*
but at night they settle into pools, u l ch d
and undisturbed reflect the stars. But
bor in time will destroy the student, for i t f, J
lamp fromklS °" nb0,leS With ' vhich l*o fill
' vel1 for a lni »> P^y, cream; aud
his
live,
pictures which
Do not be troubled because you have not great
virtues. God made a million spears of grass where
lie made one tree. The earth is fringed and car
peted, not with forests, but with grasses. Only
have enough of little virtues and [common fideli
ties, and you need not mount because you are nei
ther a hero nor a saint.
See to it that each hour's feelings and thoughts
and actions are pure and true; then will your life
be such. The mightiest mazo of magnificent har
monies that even a Beethoven gave to th** world,
is but single notes, anil all its complicated and
interlacing strains are resolvable into individua i-
ties.
Some men think that religion is a mere ecstatic
experience, like a tune rarely played upon some
faculty; living only while it is being performed
and then dying in silence. And, indeed, many
men carry their religion as a church carries its
bell—high up in the belfry, to ring out on sacred
days, to strike for funerals, or to chime for wed
dings. All the rest of the time it hangs high above
reach—voiceless, silent, dead. But religion is
not the speciality of any one feeling, but the mood
and harmony of the whale soul marching heaven
ward to the music of joy and love, with tvell-rauk-
ed faculties, every one of them beating timo and
keeping tune.
Thus he speaks iu one place of life;
A Christian man’s life is laid in the loom of
time to a pattern which he does not see. but God
does; and bis heart is a shuttle. On one side of
the loom is sorrow, and oil tiie other joy; and th
shuttle, struck alternately by each flies back, and
forth, carrying the thread, which is white or black,
as the pattern needs and in the end, when God shall
lift up the finished garment, and all its changing
hues shall glauce out, it will then appear that the
deep and dark colors were as needful to beauty as
the bright and high colors.
And of death:
Death is the dropping of the flower that the fruit
may smell.
When engineers would bridge a stream, they
often carry over at first but a singlecord. With
that, next, they stretch a wire across. Then
strand is added to strand, until a foundation is
laid for planks; and now the bold engineer finds
safe footway, and walks from side to side. So God
takes from us^oine golden-threaded pleasure, and
stretches it hence into heaven. Thou he takes a
child, and then a friend. Thus he bridges death,
aud teaches the thoughts of the most timid to find
their way hither, and thither between the shores
There are numerous of these life Thoughts equally
beautiful as any we have extracted. Mr. Beecher
S athers illustrations from nature and from every
apartment of human industry, and many of his
most beautiful passages are those wnich he
breathes forth in the inspiration of the momeut.
Here are a few more specimens. t
skiui milk.
When Allston died, he left many
were mostly sketches, yet with
part hmshed up with wonderful beauty Z I
think Christians go to heaven with their'virtoe*
A Christian had better go to the theatre tlnn
go home whining that he canil go. If it ; s u „
while todo anything for Christ, it is worth wlffri
hear°t. ,tWl iy0Ur ad UP ' a ' ,d with >' uur "hole
Flowers are the sweetest things God ever made
aud forgot to put a soul into. ’
Do you ask, "Why not do away with the church
it its members make so many mistakes?”. Would
you take away the lighthouse because car* loss
mariners, through wrong observations, run their
ships high and dry upon the shore? Would von
put out the lamp in your home because moths and
millers burn their wings iu it? What would the
children do/
From the Journal of Cmniuerc \ April 27.
“Reconstructlcu of Parlies.”
Under this heading the Richmond Whig advo
cates, in an elaborate article, the organization of
a new political party, to t*ke the place of what
it is p.eased to term the “corrupt factions” now in
existence. Ils arguments, although quite exten
ded, scarcely have evidence of an intelligent un-
derstauding ot the phases and tendencies of po
litical parties at the present time.
In the first place, the Whig jumps to the con
clusion that the democratic pin ty has not tho slioh-
test chance ot electing its candidates at tin* next
[presidental] election,” being, as it says, “de-'i-
tute ot the elements of vitality, and fast crumbling
to pieces. ’ As proof of this positiuu, the Whig
refers to the pr. sent “divid* d state of the party iu
the South,” and its “utter want of strength of the
North,” and also to the great struggle required to
place Air. Buchanan in the presidental chair iu
1856, when, as it professes to believe, the repub
licans had iar less strength than they possess at
present. The Whig assumes that rJuusvlvania,
Indiana, and Illinois, which voted for Buchanan
in JtoU, will certainly, and that Maryland will
probably, go against the democratic candidate in
ISO*?.
It these calculations arc correct—if the case is
clear that the republicans is going to sweep the
country iu i860—it is difficult to discover any
good cause for the anxiety which the leaders of
that, party manifest for a “reconstruction of par
ties,” or the nervousness inainifested by the Y\ ,;i*>'
and its hioiiijs in desiring to so give direction to
political affairs as to secure the defeat of ihe only
party wnich can oppose any powerful opposition
—the republican party, which the Whig professes
to hold in much contempt. But tiie Whig should
bear m mind that the prospects of the democracy
in le55 and 56 were even less encouraging than
at the present moment, and especially should it he
cautious in assuming that the new States of Oregon
aud Minnesota are to be counted with the oppo
sition.
The joke of the proposition of the Whig consists
iu the fact that while that sheet professes to depre
cate the success of the republican party, and
would consider the prevalence of its principles a
public calamity, it gives iu its adhesion to tho
project for a “reconstruction of parties”—a plan
which, if it has any practical significance, is in
tended to simply extend ibe sphere of the republican
party—to nationalize it—just so far as is uecss-
ary to catch such politicians as those represented
by the Whig, and turn their services to account
in electing Air. Seward, c*r some other republican,
to the presidency in 1860. It is idle to talk of any
other “reconstiuctions” than this. The democrat
ic party lias a national existence and a mission of
of its own: and its members are not going to unite
to any great extent, iu a movement tending only
to benefit their enemies. Whatever changes may
take j dace in the modification and reconstruction
of parti's in the next two years, it may beset
down as certaiu that the democratic party, as such,
and substantially on its present basis and plat
form of principle, will be one of the two great or
ganizations contesting for supremacy in the gov
ernment. Precisely what will be the name or
the platform of the other,(for there can only two
ot any great importance,) it would, at the present
moment, be difficult to predict with any degree of
precision.
This tendency to “reconstruction” is a sort of
political necessity which manifests itself period
ically among the opposition to the democratic
party. The lever is just now raging fearfully at
the North, but is painfully protracted by the un
certainty which at this moment hangs over tho
fate of the Kansas question. Northern politicians
have tor several weeks been seriously exercised
on the subject, and from the moment of Gov. Sew
ard's avowal of a truce against slavery in the
United States Senate the contracting parties have
been exerting their best diplomacy in perfecting
the selit ino which is to bring into the field a party
in 1S60 powerful -enough to cope with the demo
cracy, with a fair prospect of success. While, in
this section of the Union, the contracting parties
base their argument chiefly on the necessity of d -
feating the democratic candidate for Presidental
i he South, if we are to take the language of tlm
Whig as a proof, the same movements are to bo
entered upon with the very commendable object of
preventing “the installation of a black-renublican
President” on the 4th of Alarch, Ic6i. While at
the North this “reconstruction” is believed to be
the only mode of saving the country from the
democracy, at the South it is “the only way under
heaven whereby the black-republicans may be de
feated, and the government put in safe, conserva
tive, and patriotic hands.” Precisely how both
these objects are to be accomplished at the same
time, by the same party, it is difficult to divine,
understanding, as we do, that the new party is to
be mainly under republican auspices.
Killing Made Easy.—The Bitffalo Express
tells of a warlike invention just brought out in
that ciiy, which is of an extraordinary character,
provided it possesses all tliu qualities represented:
“It was tested yesterday afternoon in a vacant
building on Wasliington-street, between S* naca
and Exchange-streets. Tho piece is a beautiful
little brass gun of the usual shape, mounted ou
wheels, and so constructed that a rotary cylinder
constitutes the breach which contains four charges
replenished by means of a hopper, aa*l fired as
rapidly ns a man can work an ordinary lever back
ward and forward. The piece is discharged by
electricity, and from this resulLsau important amt
valuable discovery, which was developed afiertlio
completion of the piece. By means of a battery
and wires connecting with the cylinder by which
ignition is caused, the cylinder becomes perfectly
electrical, trhtch keeps it us cjul as if continually
bathed with ice.
Some two hundred rounds were fired yesterday
iu rapid succession at the rate of about 30 rounds
per minute, at the end of which timo without using
the swab once, the breach was much colcer than
when the firing commenced. The rapidity ot the
firing was much retarded by the bad quality of the
cartridge in use, but such as it was it w as sumcient
to demonstrate the complete success of the inven
tion. Even 20 rounds per minute would seem to
be sufficient for all reasonable, or unreasonable
purposes for that matter; blit we entertain no
doubt that with cartridges properly prepared the
inventor’s expectation of 60 rounds per minute
will be fully realized. We under-tarn! that as
soon as all arrangements arc completed the inven
tors will proceed to Washington and lay “*cir
plans before the government. The necessary
steps have been taken to secure European patents,
aud when ail is cample and the machine in °P^ ra "
tion, we do not believe that nations can h*reaft* r
afford to go to icur.’’
“Janies II Russell, an Englishman, died in A 0
watch bouse at New Bedford, Mass., from exi .’ s _
sivt- use of opinion. Those addicted to sinn »
habits—had better take warning."—Eichaagr.
We suppose the word ‘ opinion” should re»'
“opium”; but we do not doubt that the “excesM'O
use of opinion” has sometimes terminated fatally,
but notwithstanding this, there are those who eon
tinue to give it. onra.ll occasions, though it not ui.
frequently results in headache. It is a strung 0
compound, for it usually operates more disastrous
ly to those who give i‘- than on those to whom it 15
administered. Remember the fate of James
Russell. ^ | ^
The Pioneer Paper Manufacturing Companvios*
about $2U.0W* by the recent tire, 'lhey tuteu
rebuild.
The Banks of Savannah and Augusta,
Fulton and Bank of Athens all res timed • 1
payment on the latinst.