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Si’ELl-iL ORDER. To strike out the 11th sec. 4th art. of the Consti tution as foil - ,ws ' No slaves shall he, after Octo ber next, imported in this State. Upon which a discu.-sion arose, which consumed the balance o the morning. The Senate adjourned till 3 o’clock, P. M. M.nuliillj i/l on the subject. 52. nays 62. The bill was therefore lost. The Lauatic Asylum Committee .composed of quite a number of the business member's of the Huuse, having to visit the Institution this after noon, and other committees having to meet, the House adjourned to 94 o'clock to-morrow morning. In closing, we shall be excused for congratula ting the House upon tbe following announcement, viz; J. T'. Taylor. Esq.. Journalizing Clerk of the House who resigned on yesterday, resumed uis position jo-day at the urgent request of many oi the members. SENATE. Wednesday Morning, Nov. 24. After tlie usual preliminaries a motion was made to reconsider the loss of a bill to compen sate J H Howard of Columbus for certain expen ses incurred in defending the boundary lines be tween Georgia and Alabama. Wilcoxon of Coweba spoke la opposition to the passage of the bill. The memorial was read. Colquitt of Muscogee, then addressed the Sen ate in a beautiful speech in defence of Mai How ard. His defence ,w*s perfect We do not think that there was scarcely a Senator that wa8 not perfectly convinced that the claim was just. Slaughter of Dougherty also advocated the bill he asked, “Ps Senators think that Bn. Brow* would allow any money to pass out of the Treas ury t/)at was not justly due ?" “ Got. Brown seems to think the claim just." 3 O’CLOCK, P. M. Thomas of Gwinnett continued his 8 P«*' L ' toe morning. We cannot report tbe deba f ^ Evening for want of space. Mr. 1 • oppw- ^Cochran of Wilkinson follow^in^w^Rey nolds of Newton L'“ uion. Whitaker o of Stewart, followed in opposing Fallen followed inopposuiom The Senate* adj°”^ed till & o’clock to morrov morning. ^ | m HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Tuesday morning, Nov. 23. The House met pursuant to adjournment,^ Hon Speaker Underwood in the Chair. Mr. U. ha been absent for some days, and we are pleased t. see him back, looking well, and as full ot goot humor as ever. After the usual preliminaries, the House pro ceeded to business. . _ , Messrs. Welker of Henry. Hays oi Walton and Kimbrough of Karris, Milledge and Harkness, were added to the Lunatic Asylum Committee. Mr. Everett was added to the Committee on In ternal Improvement. Brantley of Lee was granted leave of absence, also, Smith of Talbot, Harrison of Chatham, and Milledge of Richmond. Hon. Speaker Underwood v.as added to the special Committee ou Deaf aud Dumb Asylum. On motion, the special order of the day was dis pensed with, and the bill to regulate and dispose of the free persons of color in tins State was taken up. Mr. Moore of Clarke, spoke at length upon the merits qf the bill, farther elaborating and illus trating his positions, as heretofore reported bv us. Suffice it to say, that he fully sustained his char acter as an able debater, and a forcible speaker. Upon the call for the yeas and nays Mr. Lewis •f Green said, he had no idea ot opening Ins month. Ho disagreed with the position of Mr M. The issue was not slavery or no slavery, tins population liave sojne rights, by tbe law of this State, vested fights, as inalienable as the rights of the white man. If these people are danger ous to us, we have the right to send them away. If they are a nuisance to the gentleman and his constituents, it is because the gentleman s con stituents do notenforce the police laws He could not be induced to perpetrate this wrong. It the j condition of freedom is a curse to these people, it is their own business. Mr. Moore replied. Mr Smith of Coweta explained. Mr Kenan gave notice that he should move to recommit the bill for the purpose of offering an amendment. The motion to recommit prevailed, and Mr Kenan offered the following amendment : That thev be divided into foar classes, and that upon an appropriation being made by the Legisla ture for their removal to Hayti or Liberia, or any other place that may be deemed proper His Ex cellency the Governor, shall take such steps as will carry out the object of the Legislature. Lewis* of Hancock, offered a resolution that this bill aud the amendment, be referred to the Judiciary Committee, with certain instructions. ^ The bill to appropriate monay for building a turnpike over Spring Creek in Miller county.— Amended by Cannon of Wayne, »o appropriate money for building a bridge in Wayne county, which was withdrawn. Sheffield of Miller, explained the necessity for this appropriation, and instanced other appropria tions. to other counties, similar to the appropria tion now asked for. The bill was. passed. To aid in the construction of the Griffin and North Alabama Rail Roa 1- Postponed for the present To authorize the Governor to appoint a commit tee to examine into the propriety of establishing a University for the State. Mr. Underwood stated to the House ms reasons for introducing this bill. It is well known that there is no sebool in this State in which the highest branches of education are taught. In order to ob tain these higher branches, , our people are com pelled to send their children abroad- -Is not this a stigma upon our State ? Where do they send them ? Why, sir, to New Haven, where the sen timent of the entire community is against ns upon the vital question, which threatens to destroy our equalityin the American Union. This is no par tiality for Franklin College. _ This bill does not provide for establishing a University, but merely provides for the appointment of a committee to ex amine into the propriety of establishing one, and reporting to the next Legislature. He hoped the bill would pass. Mr. Kenan asked for the. portion of the Constitu tion which made it obligatory upon the Legislature to establish a University. Mr. Underwood read from the Constitution.. Messrs. Underwood and Kenan indulged in a colloquial debate. Mr. Underwood asked the gentleman to take notice. His position was that Franklin College did not meet the wants of the people of Georgia. He asked where and in what manner the Legisla ture had provided for the encouragement of the arte and sciences. This bill does not propose to establish a University. This committee may agree with you, but is it not due to the other side of this question, that the committee should be appointed! He again read from the Constitution. Mr. Kanan said, is not the College at Athens es tablished in pursuance of that portion of the Con stitution, which the gentleman read 1 You are aiming at one thing, viz : to establish a University, or to do something else. You are for the establish merit of a University. -Why does tbe College at Athens draw from the State Treasury $8,000 an nually, if it is not the University of the State ? Is n&i the purpose to endow! the State College.— Leave the denominational Colleges to a generous rivalry. If more money is to be raised, let it be given to tbe Common School Plan of Education.^ We have Colleges enough to educate the class oi' persons, whioh is in want of collegiate education, while the poorer classes are left unprovided for. Mr..Underwood replied AMEN to the sentiment educate the poor. What has Mr. Kenan stood on this floor so long, and not devised some plan to educate the poor? Mr. Kenan, it is on your table, sir. Mr. Underwood said his record was before the public. The people would trust him with the rights of the poor. The Speaker represented the county of Floyd, aud had tne same right on this floor as any other man. Mr. K. Rose to explain. Mr. U. Replied, does the gentleman call Frank lin College a University ? Mr.Jf. It is generally, called so. Mr. U. Svetybody knows it is not a university When Jefferson came to die he asked not that it should be put on his tombstone that he should be known as the author of the Declaration of In dependence but that he was the Founder of the Virginia University. He wished he had it in his power tone, called the founder of the University of Georgia- If the gentleman from Baldwin is opposed to to a university, he is behind the age. He is in the thickest fog of "‘old foggyism.” Ho Mr. U was not opposed to,the Franklin Gollege—let it go on. How did Massachusetts, S. Carolina and others find their need of a University? Shall Geor gia lag behind? He had felt the need in early life the State had not provided the means for the ed ucation of tbe peopie, and his father was not able to educate him at College This committee would report to the next Legislature and the Represen tatives freah from tbe people can act advisedlv. Mr.K It was due to him to state that whenever the iutyect of education had ever been befoie the House, he Ijad always recorded his vote in the affirmative. .Put ou foot your plan for Common School edacatian, and he Mr. jt. would vote an appropriation as high as the gentleman himself, would, if the funds are tojae distributed among the people and not locked up in a university. Being opposed to a university he was opposed to the initmtory step foi endowing one. It is prop er the objection should be made now. Mr. U. The gentleman had made another issue. He had never seen the gentleman meet a question fairly and squarely. He always brings in some side isspn. The Hon. gentlemen indulged in a colloquial debate interspersed with some spicy remarks up on tbe present and past positions of the gentle men. themselves, apd {heir respective parties. They seemed to understand each other remarka bly well, but they failed, signally, (o convince others of the fact. The Hon. Speaker wound up in ap eloquent peroration and a beautiful culo- gium .upon tbe “Empire State of the South.” The bill was recommitted and the last section was stricken out. .Upon.thecall, the yeas were - uf, .... W ,u u 3 .U.-J Mtt information tu.it may tend to secure tbe Slate agonist tlu; pus , eci. Isibility of loss. He, however, objected to the Ward of Butta jrave about as pood a reason ns | amendment, as it may drive off men from taking iv tkr hi.- vote—the bill has passed the Judiciary | stock. Sugh it frictions had never been put up on any Railroad charier in this Urate Mr Milledge of Richmond, said his object in rising was simply to explain the reasons for voting as ha did on this question. He voted at some unanimously in favor of tte bill. And if tbe bill has passed such an examination without opposi tion, I am willing to vote for the bill. Cooper of Scriven desired information. Wilcoxonof Coweta again opposed the bill. Briscoe of Baldwin, in favor. He remarked that this bill had to pass nnder tbe eye of Gov. Brown. And from my knowledge of that gentle man I will say that no unjust claim on tho Treas ury will ever pass unler his eye and not meet his condemnation. Bush of Miller said that on yesterday he had voted against the bill but that he was now convin ced that tho claim was just. Adams of Elbert said the same. Bloodworth of Pike said the same. Bartlett of Jasper was ia favor of the motion; yeas are 23. nays are75. Young of Union, moved to reconsider the mss of the bill, to strike out a part of the 11th section of the 4th Article of the Constitution. Young of Union spoke in favor of the recon sideration. He wished to record his name side by side with those who voted in favor of the bill. Dawson of Green, thought that any gentleman might record his vole without reconsideration. Whitaker of Fulton, said he had voted on the motion to strike out these words on yesterday. He had thee voted in tire affirmative, lie would now vote in the affirmative. He was in favor of this reconsideration. (We, by an accident, misrepresented Mr. Whit aker ou yesterday. He was then opposed to open ing the Slave Trade, but in favor ot striking out those words “in dispute,” in that clause. We do this as a simple act of justice to that gentleman Briscoe of Baldwjn, said, he ups absent as one of the Committee ou the Lunatic Asylum during all the discussion ou this measure. His jnind was in great doubt as to the proper kind of action to be taken.; it was a novel and unexpected move ment. lie was strongly inclined to vote against the bill on the table proposing to stride but the clause in the Constitution, touching importation of Africans; but his mind was open to.conviction, and in order to have more light, he would .vote,for reconsideration. Bartlett of Jasper.opposed the reconsideration. Atkinson of Camden, was in favor of the mo tion. He said : he was not afraid to let his posi tion be known to the people of Georgia.. Cooper of Scriven, wished to record his vote jn favor of the bill. The yeas are G2, the nays are 38. Third, reading. [ To appoint, persons to take a census qf Hie State. Cone of Bulloch wished the power to appoint these men to be taken out of the hands of the In ferior court and toplace.it into tlie hands of the people. .Lost. The bill passed. To allow the children at work for the Milledge- ville Manufacturing Co. ,to contract to work for more than the number of hours now allowed. On motion, the bill was laid on the table for the balance of the session. Bills Introduced Dawson cf Green: To allow Mrs Clementina Billups to purchase real estate. Hines of Worth t To change the, lines between Worth and Colquitt. Bullard of Campbell; To make legal the issu ing of certain grants. Robinson of Talbot: To regulate .the,collection of Jury fees in said county. The Senate adjournud -until 9] o'clock, A. M., Friday morning. Our report of the proceedings of the Senate this morning is short. We do this as an accommo dation to the Printers, Editors, &c. We all want to make a short visit to see Gov. Brown, the ladies, &c. &c., and to enjoy ourselves generally. The fact of the business is, to-morrow is Thanksgiving day, and concluding that the members will scarcely have time, on that impor tant occasion, to read long reports, we have con cluded to condense them, thereby benefiting all parties. We really would have desired to have re ported the debate on the “Factory Bill.” It was entered into by several, and with some spirit. HOUSE. Wednesday Moniing, Nov. 24. The House proceeded to business at the appoin ted hour. The bill in relation to the Atlantic and Gulf rail road was referred to the Judiciary committee, Bills Introduce/!. Mr Gordon of Chatham: To amend tho act in corporating the Skidaway Shell road. Also to repeal part of an act in relation to the city court, of Savannah Sir Boggess of Carroll: To incorporate the Car- roll Mining company in Carroll county. Also to incorporate Carrollton Masonic College. Mr Neal of Cass: To repeal the first section otan act, in relation to evidence, &c. Mr Harris of Cobb: For the relief of Wm B Triddell of Cobb county. Mr Sprayberry of Catoosa: To extend the time for recording mortgages on real estate. Mr : To allow administrators, &c., to dis pose of insolvent assets. Mr Powell of Decatur: To require Justices of the Peace in Decatur county to give bond and se curity, for the faithful performance of their duty. Mr Underwood or Floyd: For the better regula tion of railroads in this State. Mr Pruitt of Franklin: A memorial. Referred to Judiciary Committee. Also a bill to incorporate . a Masonic Lodge in Franklin county' Also to appoint a board of. school trustees for Franklin county. Mr Westmoreland, a memorial. Referred to com mittee on Petitions. Mr Logue of Glasscock: A bill to amend an act to prevent tire levy aud sale of growing crops un der certain circumstances. Mr McDaniel of Gwinnett: To define the duties of Grand Jurors in relation to bills of indictmeut. Mr Brantley of Hancock: To authorize the trus tees of the Sparta Male Academy to sell the same. Also to change the line between Warren and Glasscock. Mr Strickland of Madison: Resolultou to ad jonm this session, sine die, on tbe 10th of Decem ber next. Mr Mott of Muscogee: To amend and alter an act in relation to Americus camp Ground, to incor porate the Deacons of the 1st Baptist church in Columbus, &c Mr Howard of Muscogee : To authorize parties in certain cases of controversy, to submit the same to arbitrators. Mr Batts of Monroe: For the relief of A Cheeny of Monroe. Mr Hillyer of Walton : To authorise defendants in criminal cases certain privileges, &c. Mr Strange of Washington: To provide for a mon ument over the remains of Jared Irwin. Conley of Wilkison. to pay Isaac Lindsay for issuing certain tax fi fas. Third reading of Bills. To authorize the Mayor and Aldermen of Savan nah to institue a system ot drainage. Amended by Mr. Gordon of Chatham. As amended (be bill passed. Mr. Gordon offered a substitute for tlie bill to amend tbe several acts in relation to tbe city court of Savannah. The substitute was passed. The bill lay out a new county from the counties of of Scriven, Burk, Emanuel and Bulloch, was taken up and after some discussion, pro and con, tbe bill was lost. To provide for the appointment and compensa tion of a board of .Visitors to Franklin College. Lost. Leave of absence was granted to Messrs- Me Cants and Moore. To aid in the construction of the Ellijay Rail Road. Mr. Picket of Gilmer,did notknow that anything he could say would alter the opinion of any gentle man ou this floor. The great principle of State Aid had been so ably discussed, that he thought he could add nothing- Will the building of the Elli jay Kail Road benefit the State of Georgia ? The building cf this Road will develop the resources of the great mountain district, through which it passes. It passes through a bed of iron ore, unsurpassed by any similar mines in tbe United States of A- merica. There is, on the East of this projected Road a bed of as line marble as there is in the world Qn tue West, there is a vein of copper now being worked ou tlm Venn. line. Is it right to develop these interests? No one, he presumed would doubt it. He read from tbe statistics of ten of tlie Northern States, and compared with them, the statistics of ten Southern States. Forty mil lions was the balar.ee in favor of the ten Northern States. Georgia was behind any of the Southern States in this respect, except two, North Carolina and Alabama. If gentlemen are willing to vote against this project, to develop the iron interests of the State of Georgia, they are at liberty to do so. Will you refuse, when you are amply secured, to give this aid ? He waited for a reply. On motion of Mr. Hillyer of Walton tho hill was recommitted and he moved to Amend so as to make the 8th section of the bill read as follows : “That he private property .of eg.o}i Stockholder shall be individually and severally bound to the State, for tbe liability thus incurred,” The sec tion originally provided for a liability in propor tion to the amount oi stock subscribed by each stockholder. Mr Hillyer moved further to amend by adding to the 8th section of the bill the following: “And the lien of this liability shall attach to, and bind the private property of such stockholders from the time of the first endorsement by the State pf the bonds of the company. Mr. Hillyer moved further to amend by adding an additional section, to-wit; Sec. 9. Be it further enacted, That before any of the bonds of said company shall be endorsed by the State, as in this act provided, the President and Directors shall severally make and file in the Executive office, their affidavit that the Stockholders are possessed previous session to lend the Aid of the Stale|to this section, which the gentleman said was unable to develop itself. He thought that if there were any project which should receive the Aid of the State, this was the most meritorious ; but there looms up the subject of taxation. The gentleman had accepted all the amendments, which wou d, in the eyes of capitalists, sink the project. Why. sir, these amendments amount to nothing. As the gentleman from Wilkes said the other night, “it will take a more vigilant set of officers, than Georgia ever had to hunt down these stockholders.’ Have gentlemen received instructions from their constituents to impose upon them extraordinary taxation. The proposition to let the people vote on this State Aid question was voted down. Pass this bill giving this company vested rights and you cannot repeal if. Has this question been sifted? He should, before the cdose of the Session offer a bill, or resolution, putting these questions before the people. Until lire people settle this question, he was unprepared to act upon it. He wished to see South Western and North East ern Georgia developed. He was compelled to vote nay. Mr. Pickett said, why did not the gentleman amend the bill, so as to seenre-the State. He had been willing to accept any amendments. This bill required 20 miles to be graded, before the State should endorse the bonds. It will take more money to grade 29 miles in the fountains, than 6!) miles in Southern Georgia. How many hundreds of thousands will it take to build these 20 miles.— How, then can the gentleman expect his constitu ents to be taxed. He was here not to skulk be hind his constituents. They had sent him here to represent them. He was willing to meet responsi bility. Why talk about referring it to the people! Mr. Luffntan ot Murray, asked the gentleman from Gilmer, upon what principle of Justice or equality, he comes here to demand of him as the representative of a portion of the people of Georgia, that he should vote the.credit of the State to him to build a Rail Road through liis section of the State. And because he refused to do so, charges him with want of coprage. He should vote against the bill, and still claim to have as much courage, and patriotism as the gentleman from Gilmer has appropriated to himself. And until he incorporates into the State constitution, a clause prohibiting the right of this House to pass relief bills, the State isnotsecure from ultimate loss: Upon the passage of the bill the yeas were 50 nays 77. To aid the citizens of this State in tbe construc tion of railroads. This is the general State Aid bill. Mr Diamond, of DeKalb, offered a substitute for this bill. The substitute was received in lieu of the original, and 200 copies were ordered to be printed, and it was made the special order for Fri day next. The bill to alter the 1st section 4th article of tho Constitution, was taken up. This is the bill ma king the Supreme Court hold its sessions at the capital, and making but one Judicial circnit. Mr ” “ of private property to an amount amply sufficient to answer toe lien of tbe State and sure it from loss by the liability about to be incurred from cucb endorsement, and the like affidavit shall be made prior to every subsequent endorsement. All of which were adopted. Mr Picket had no objection to any restrictions utes. Kenau of Baldwin, explained the object of the bill. By loeatiug the court at the Capital, the judges would have the use of the State Library, &c. Mr Findlay of Lumpkin, thought that the judges had ample pay for their services, and he wanted to have it sit as near to his people as possible. He called upon Cherokee to assist him. Mr Kenan replied. Mr Westmoreland 1 wished the bill recommitted to amend by inserting Atlanta. Mr Kenan said, whenever he removed the Capi tol to Atlauta, he would vote to carry the court there oo Mr Gordon of Chatham. Tins is not a matter of dollars or cents. When newspapers and others are objecting to tlie Supreme court, they should rather blame the Legislature, lor their legislation. He made an able vindication of the Court, and of this particular bill. Mr Findlay of Lumpkin, asked gentlemen to look to it, that the rights of their constituents be preserved. He and his people were ignorant, but they were alive to their interests, &c. The bill was made the special order for Tuesday next. The bill to organize a new comity from the counties of Fayette and Henry, the new county to be called Clayton, was taken up. Pending the reading of certain memorials, the House adjourn ed to 94 Friday morning. SENATE. Friday Morning, Nov. 26th, 1858. The Senate was called to order pursuant to ad journment. After the Journal was read tire Cleik proceeded with the Call of Counties. Arnold of Henry, To alter the law in regard to Physicians. Fambro of Upson, To incorporate Upson Camp Ground. Arnett of Decatur, To incorporate tlie Bain- bridge Female College. Johnson of Paulding, To explain an act passed in 1857 exempting certain property from levy and sale. No horses kept merely for pleasure are to be exempted. Qnillian of Gilmer, for the relief of John Farmer and William Scott securiteson the bond of New ton Freeman. Riley of Lumkin, to extend the jurisdiction of Justices Courts, to extend to damages not exceed- ' g $50 00. Treadwell of W T hitfield. to repeal certain acts allowing the Justices of the Inferior Court of Whitfield connty to levy an extra tax. Smith of Hancock, to vest the authorities of the town of Sparta with power to punish. Ward of Chatham, to alter and amend certain acts in relation to the city of Savannah. Price of Cass, a resolution to request the Gov ernor to have the freights on iron reduced on the W. & A. R. R. Whitaker of Fulton, To authorize the authori ties of the city of Atlanta to create a system of Public Free Schools in said city. Also to vest the authorities of the city of Atlanta with additional powers. Fields of Milton, to authorized John Boon of the county of Milton to practice Medicine. McConnell of Catoosa, To compel parties plain tiff to give bond and security to the defendant in certain cases and to permit defendants to sue for damages on said bonds in certain cases. Also to change the times of holding the. Superior and In ferior Courts of the counties of the Cherokee Cir cuit. Several bills were read 1st and 2nd time. Bill on their Third Reading. To subscribe for COO copies oi a revised edition of Cobb’s Analysis and Forms. A memorial was read from Howell Cobb of Houston county in con nection, and the resolution was agretd to. To incorporate the Great Ohoopee Manufactu ring Co. of Liberty couuty. Stripling of Tattnall moved to amend by re quiring a channel of 3(J feet to be left opeu for the passage of lafts of timber. On motion the hill and amendment was referred to the Committee 011 the Judiciary. The President announced to the Senate, that this was the day appointed to meet the Trustees of Franklin College, and thut said Trustees were now in session, and ready to meet the Senate. Mallard of Liberty, moved to appoint a committee of three, to wait on the Trustees, aim uiform them that the Senate was ready to receive them. The resolution was agreed to, and that committee are Messrs. Mallard, Harris of Aferriwether, aud Atkinson. The committee retired, and in a few minutes returned, and reported, through their chairman, Mr. Mallard, that they had performed their duty, and the Trustees had directed them to inform the Senate, that they would meet the Senate in the course of a few minutes. In a few minutes, the Trustees made their appear ance. and the Senate received them standing. lion. John E. Ward vacated his seat as President of the Sen ate, and Gov. J. E. Brown took tlie President’s Chair, and the Senate, in connection with the Trustees of the University of Georgia, resolved themselves into the Sen ates Aeademieus. The first business in order, was the cull of counties for information as to the state of Education in every county. The Senators from most of the counties made the following reports: Mr President—“Havingreceived no returns from the Ordinary of my county, I have nothing more to report than that already given in the Comptroller’s report. The subject does not seem to have awakened that inter est that it ought to have awakened.” We were very much pleased with the reports of the Senators from Bibb and Chatham. They represent those counties to he in a flourishing condition. We will say, that we are gratified, highly gratified, at the report of the Hon. John E. Wald, of Chatham. Chatham, like Saul, stands head and shoulders above them all! We are proud to feel, as a Georgian, that one county in the State takis ns much interest ill this question. We would not fail to give unto Caesar the things that are due to Caesar. Therefore we say this, it is to the city of Savannah, aud to it alone, that this county owes its present system of Schools. No country population would submit to the high taxes necessary to be imposed to keep up ibis system. And for this reason, the popu lation being more sparee, they do not feel the same ne cessity for it. But in Chatham tlie eitv of Savannah controls the county. They seeing, yes feeling, the ne cessity tor this tar. submit to it willingly, Afacon, too, is awakening to the great importance of the subject, and Public Schools, not Poor Schools, are springing up in her midst. Atlanta, too, calls for a law to author ize the establishment of Free Schools. The whole country is awakening to tlie vital importance of the subject, audit is the earnest wish of every patriot, that something may soon be accomplished, to the advance ment of the cause of Education. During the call of the counties, the Senatus Acadeui- icus adjourned until 3 P. M The Senate then ad- iounied until the same hour. Belore Mr. Paine had tiuisiied his report | oeeu tested iu M. xico, lio\v can it have iailed the body of Trustees made their appearance | there ? But everything has failed in _Mexico.— and the Senate received tb p m standing, the Hon John E. Ward retired from liis seat, Gov Broivu took his place and the Senatus Acidemicus was in session. The call of counties as tlie unfinished business of the morning was continued. After the call was finished the Hon. Wm. L. Mitch ell offered a resolution referring these reports to the Senate aud requesting the Senate to refer them to the Committees ou education of tlie two houses. The res olution was passed. The Hon. Henry Hull then addressed the Senatus Aeademieus in a speech abounding in powerful argu ment. We listened with pleasure to his beautiful de fence He beu thought that Georgia even owed Franklin College $50,000. H011. Thomas R B Cobb thed addressed tlie Senatus Aeademieus. It is unnecessary for us to say that ilns gentleman was listened to, oy a large audience. Al! know tlie interest that this gentleman has taken in the cause of education. The announcement of this gentleman’s name as a speaker on this subject alwavs draws a large audience. The gallery was full, the lob by was full, and tlie whole house was full during the delivery of Uis speech. Aud a more attentive or si lent audience we have seldom seen. We are sorry that space does uo.t pe.mit us to make a more extensive report of the speeches of these gentlemen. Pending the speech of this gentleman the Sen atus Aeademieus adjourned until to-morrow morn ing. The Senate then adjourned until 94 A.M., to morrow. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday Morning, Nov. 26. The House met pursuant to adjournment. Messrs. Little, Harris of Dougherty, Griffietli, McWhorter and Hines were granted Jegye of ab sence. Price of Pickens moved to reconsider the bill lost on Wednesday last, to lend the aid qf the State to the Ellijay Railroad. The motion to .reconsider prevailed, yeas 7J, nays 69. Bills Introduced. Fulmore of Cass a reselution to authorize the Superintendent of the W. & A R. to reduce the frieght on iron intended for railroad purposes. Sprayberry of Catoosa: To authorize refreshments to petty and special Juries. Gordon of Chgtba iu: To refund A J. Crane certain taxes also G.ray gnd Turly. Also amendatory of the acts iu.relatiqp.tp draw ing Jurors. Also to regulate the fees of Clerk of Superior and Inferior courts of Chatham county and clerk of the city court ol'-Savannah. Also to define the fees of clerk of Superior courts of Chatham county. Moore of Cl mi*!?: To authorize the Inferior court of Clarke county to levy an extra tax for a jury fuud. Aw try of Cobb: To incorporate the town of Ac- worth in Cobb county. Mr. Powell of Decatur: To incorporate the Bain- bridge Female College. Webster of Floyd: To incorporate the Georgia and Alabama Steamboat Company. McDaniel of Gwiuette. To change the line be tween DeKalb and Gwinnette. Diamond of DeKalb: A resolution requiring the State Librarian to return certain receipts &c. Brantly of Hancock: For the relief ot , a free person of color. Mexico herself is a failure. Suppose that slavery bad been tested there and had failed, is it a logical conclusion that because everything has failed un der the Mexican Government, which is itself a failure, therefore everything must fail nnder the American Government, which is not a failure? In all probability, said the South Carolina Senator, slavery will continue to fail there; and he hurls this probability into the face of all the experience of the past; for experience teaches us that Af rican slavery will succeed where it can be made profitable, aud that it can be made profit able iu all regions which produce one 01^ more of the three great staples. Cotton, Itice aud Sugar. I remember that when Mr. Poinsett, another distin guished South Carolinian, aud especially distin guished for the extent and accuracy ot his statisti cal research—was Minister at the Mexican Capi tal, be prepared a treatise on the agricultural pro- duets cf Mexico, .irr which he stated tliat one acre of Sugar laudin Cuba would produo: twice as much as an acre of Mississippi bottom, aud that one acre of Mexican sugar land would produce twice as much as an acre in Cuba, aud hence, four tiroes as much as an aqre of Mississippi al luvion. AB of.us are aware that tbe Cotton plant grows wild iu Mexico. But, inquired tbe South Carolina Senator, what are we to do with t’pe seven or eight millions of In dians who inhabit that territory ? It strikes me that this is a late day in the history of this conti nent to broach such a question, aud that it can be best answered by propounding another; Where are the millions of judians that once inhabited the territory we now possess ? Is it proposed to invalidate the title by which we hold tne better part of this continent? I had supposed that we held it by right of discovery;.and that this right pre supposes that when a civilized aud superior race comes in contact with au iufei iorznd barbarous race, and cannot civilize them, the inferior race must be annihilated, and thut this is the dispensation of God. The civilized world lias been too long engaged iu attempting to regulate the affairs of Heaven. But what, inquired the Senator, shall we do with the two or three millions of Spaniards and mongrels whom we shall find there ? The answer is at hand. Let them be analized ! Those that be long to the Indian must go with the Indian; those that belong to the negro must go to the negro; (these that belong to the Spaniard arc Caucasian; they are our brethren, they must come to us; and he is cruelly unjust who contends that the Span iard can be so depraved by bad government as to be incapable of restoration by good. In refutation ofsuch an idea. I point to your legislative rolls, to the grand jury lists of your sea-board counties, andofthe whole of Florida, where you will find recorded the names of some of the most distin guished, respected and patriotic of our country men. And to whom, and upon wliat principle have we surrendered this territory 1 Was it to a Haps- burgh or a Romanoff upon some principle of legit imate and hereditary right, which, however ab surd and stupid iu itself, is recognized by the in iss of mankind ? Not at all. Do we conquer like the grasping Roman to rob, to render tributa ry, to enslave? We, who could have given order to Mexico, restored her to disorder. We who could have made her people rich, powerful and happy, abandoned them to their poverty, their weakness, their misery. We, who could have re alized for them the dreams of their better days, ere tlie spirit of lion-hearted Castille had altogether abandoned them to their deep degradation ; we, who could have given them a Republican Govern ment of jist aud equal laws, WE surrendered Lewis of Hancock: To regulate granting of re tail license of spirituous liquors in Hancock Coun ty- . . . . Wilkes of Lincoln: To appropriate money for the them to the genius of anarchy and crouic revolu- completion ot the State Lunatic Asylum. This non. There they are! a damning criticism upon Bill also provides for paying ,the Commissioners , ttiat American statesmanship which, from the fear &e 1 ‘ - - -------- Frederic of Macon: To relieve the students of the of doing wrong, fails to do right, and turns from the dictates of conscience and the immutable Collingsworth Institute fromroad and patrol duty. J principles of rectitude and pliilantlirophy to consult Hardeman of Bibb: To define tlie liability of j the public opinion of a prejudiced world. I ap- Railroads for lost or damaged goods. ; prebend that the history of this country will show Phillips of Merriwethen For the.relief of J. P. j too strong a disposition to court the approbation 3 o’clock P. M. The Senate was called to order pursuant to ad- iournment. Painq of Telfair moved to appoint a committee of three to inform the trustees of Franklin College that the Senate was in session aud ready to receive them. The resolution was agreed to and Messrs. Pune, Edmondson and Slaughter are that commit tee. Tbe committee retired and after a few minutes ab> scenes returned and ed on tne tontion of meeting Moore. Also for the relief of C, Findlqy. Mr. Kendell of Merriwethen To Incorjorate the Middle Ground Railroad Co. Smith of Randolph to make permanent the pub lic buildings of Randolph county. Findley of Lumpkin: To appropriate money to open a road across the Blue Ridge from Lumpkin to Union county, Faulk of Twiggs: To establish a board of ed ucation for Twiggs county. A resolution was ottered authorizing the State Printer lo furnish 1000 copies of the.Comptrollers' reports for the use. of members. Postponed for the present Hillyer of Walton, for assessing a tax against the express companies of this State. The tax pro posed is one percent on tlie gross income of said companies. Kimbrough of Stewart, to compel the recusant banks to make certain returns, .under certain penalties. The unfinished business of Wednesday was then taken up, to-wit< The bill to organize a new county out ot' counties of Fayette and Henry. Pending the reading of sundry memorials, some in favor of, and others opposed to said new county, the Hon. Speaker said, he would allow no certi ficates read, unless by order of the House, eastiug any reflections, by an out-sicler, upon any member of this House, or of the Senate. The House decid ed that the certificates should not be read. The call for the previous question was not sustained. The petition in favor of the new county was read. Upon motion of >Ir. Lewis qf Greene, to post pone this bill indefinitely, the yeas were 46, nays 94. The previous question was called by Mr. Spray berry of Catoosa. The yeas are 95, nays 49. The General State Aid bill was taken up. The proposition was to strike out the 9th section, in or der to insert the individual liability clause. Hon. Speaker Uuderwcod explained the provisions of thissection, aud hoped the section would not be stricken ont. The motion to strike out prevailed. A new sec tion was proposed, in lieu of the one .stricken out. The new section was agreed to. Lewis of Greeue, offered an amendment, ap pointing a receiver, in case of the State’s bank ruptcy, Ac , under the operation of this bill, if passed. Messrs. Bigliam aud Lewis’ amendments were disagreed to, when the House adjourned to 3 o’clock this afternoon. AFTERNOON SESSION. Mr. Bigliam raised a point ot order, and renew ed his call for the yeas and mays upon the amend ment offered by hiuiself, extending the provisions of the general State Aid Bill, to farms, manufac tures, Ac. Several gentlemen engaged in thedis cussion of the point raised by the gentleman from I roup, who finally withdrew the point, for the present. Pending the discussion, the House adjourned to 94 o'clock to-morrow morning, when Speaker Underwood has the floor,. [For Saturday’s Proceedings see another column.] [RRIMKTF.il BY A. E. MARSHALL ] SPEECH OF HON. HENRY R. JACKSON, OF SAVANNAH. On tl»e extension of American Empire, %p«l its effects on S«Mth ern Institutions. Delivered in the Hall of the House of Representatives ol ihe Stale of Georgia; on Friday Even- iu^'i November 23d, ISSN. Mr. Chairman and Fellow-Cixizens : Re sponding to the call with which I have been so highly honored, addressing au audience so largely composed of the public men of Georgia, it will be naturally expected that I shall direct my remarks to matters of public concern: the public policy of the Country, State or Federal. The controlling feature of that policy for the future, in all proba bility for the immediate and pressing future, will be, in my judgment, the extension.qf our National Territory. The further proposition.deducible from this is equally clear, that the chief hope as well as the chief danger of the South must be sought in the bearing of this principle ot territorial expansion upon her domestic institutions. Tlie public opinion of the civilized world has been rapidly coming to tbe conclusion of late that the peculiar relations existing between us aud tin- island of Cuba, and more especially the States of Mexico, can only result in their annexation. The cliunge of public sentiment upon this subject, among our own people, is worthy of note. Many of us can remember the violent opposition which was made to the annexation of Texas: yet who would now be willing to see the once ‘ Lone Star” stricken from our National Banner? At the con clusion of the late war with Mexico, when it was proposed to purchase new territory, the idea met with a like resistance; and yet who would not now exert all the power of the National grasp to retain our golden State of tbe Pacific? Nay, .did an A- morican Army now stand, as it stood ten years ago, in the Mexican Capital, who among us would ad vocate tlie policy of surrendering what we might properly have held under the Laws of Nations by the right of conquest? [Cheers ] What .a sacri fice was there! Upon our side indefinitely postpon ing an imperial control over the commerce of the world; surrendering a territory which would have placed the Gulf of Mexico within our embrace, and made it our own Inland Sea, rendering easy of solu tion tlie problems in reference to the Island of Cu ba, the States of Central America, and the connex ion between the waters of the Atlantic aud those of the Pacific. I au aware that a difference of opinion exists among Southern statesmen in reference to the effect of such annexation upon the destiny of the Sunth. And but recently a distinguised Sena tor of South Carolina, iu a most extraordinary speech, did not hesitate to avow his unqualified conviction that such annexation would .only result in the introduction of new nos-slaveholding States into the American Union. Now, fellow-citizens, nnder the genius of our civilization, the man of thought, however potent his intellect, can only hope to control the action uf others by controlling their opinions, andean fair ly hope to control their opinions, not by the mere assumption of positions however bold, broad and striking, but by the presentation of sound argument and historic truth. The iturned and reported that they had whit- South Carolina Senator contends that slave- e Trusteesanc they had signified their in- ry cannot succeed in Mexico because “it appear* of Reefing too fis—te |a a few min- to have failed there.” Failed! When? Has it ever been tested in Mexico ? And if it has never of Europe, an approbation which, in the nature of things, we can never hope to secure. There are certain laws now upon our National Statute Route. Miteiicleit to protect goverrmeiits loo weak lo protect themselves, and therefore unfit to exist. These statutes have been enereet c.iily invoked by other governments, and faithfully enforced by our own,to protect the government of Spain in the island of Cuba, a government which would need no such protection, if, like that of England in Canaila.it was acceptable to the people. It is mainfest, then, that our legislation has been invoked to protect Spain inheroppies sion of Cuba, and upon no other conceivable principle than that, because she hai been oppiessing it lor centuries, she may fairly claim to oppress it forever. But is there a stat ute of limit-tion to Iegali7e political oppression, or to consecrate national crime? Under the laws of nations, as against the action of organized governments, possibly yes! But as against the victims of oppression themselves, ana the chivalrous and adventurous of other countries who may be ready to light their buttles, and to share their fate] all humanity answers truniprt-tongued NO!! (Cheers.) Uet me not be misunderstood! So Ion i as these statutes remain on the Statute Book,they must b * enforced, and en forced to the letter. True to it* sworn duty, our government has been all along cnfocrcing them. It lias kept up a police upon our Atlantic and Southern coast, has issued its procla mations, made its arrests, and urged its prosecutions. What credit has it received therefor? It has been held responsible for the result of twothings, over neither of which has it been able to exert control; since the one is the work of God: and the other the work of the Spanish government. God has placed the island of Cuba within fight of the coast of Floridi, ami the Spanish government has so oppressed it, that the people are notoriously ripe for rebellion. This has attracted the chivalrous, the adventurous, the phi Ian- throplc, towards its shores. In tain is it said by Americans in Europe,that our government Is In no wise responsible for these so-called filibustering expeditions. There is not a po litical thinker of that continent, who do< s not believe that the government connives at it all. And he so believes because be is conscious that such would be the policy of either one of the first class States of Europe. To extend American territory has been styled our “mani fest destiny,” and erroneously only in so far as It would seem to apuropiUte to ourselves what vve simply share in common with tho leading powers of the earth. There is no fact better established in history than that so soon as a dominant empire, instinct with its own peculiar principle of civilization, ceases to expand it begins to decay. The em pires of Cyrus, of Ca-sar, of Charlemagne, of Ma homet, were all of them illustrative of this sig nificant truth. England, at present the lead- ing power of the world, realizes it, and with no expanding fiotliold on the continent of Europe, is energetically building up her gigantic empire in Asia ; is scrupulously guarding and un scrupulously pushing her domination in every quarter of the habitable globe. Napoleon the Great fully realized it in the depths of his own profound thought, reduced it to practice in his daily action, and looking through his own too rapidly, and hence too loosely constructed empire, into the future, saw France and Russia, in accor dance with his suggestion to the then czar Alexander, dividing the continent of Europe between them. At no time in the history of that continent has the tendency of these great powers to absorb the lesser been so marked as at the present : day. Russia, having ab sorbed Finland on the North, Poland ou the West, and one Asiatic province after another ou the East, but for the Crimean war would have absorbed Turkey on the South, and some of us may yet live to hear of another conversation of the Russian Czar with a foreign embassador at St. Petersburg, proposing to administer in advance upon the ef fects of that "sick” and dying man; certainly not with an Englishman, quite as certainly with a Frenchman ; for could wo look into the heart of the Emperor of the French, nay ! could we rend the soul of French statesmanship, we would be hold there inscribed, as the manifest destiny of France, the extension of her Eastern frontier, and first of all to the banks of tbe Rhine. Divided Ger many trembles with the apprehension of Russian encroachment on the North and French encroach- m-nts on the West. It is notorions that deep- seated uneasiness pervades the political mind of Europe. Why these armaments, naval and mili tary, so rapidly equipped, so energetically discip lined, if it be not that the political thinkers of Europe recognize tho workings of this principle of expansion, .and see in the signs of the times, and in the claims of advancing civilization, that the lesser powers must be merged iu the greater? The discoveries and inventions of modern science, steam, tbe electric wire, the rapid transportation of matter, the still more rapid transmission of thought, all enable one government to dis charge the duties which formerly required sever al. Why keep in motion surplus, useless and costly machinery? Geographical divisions, discor dant languages, conflicting governments with their various appliances, their civil establishments, their stand ng armies, their custom-houses and taxation, are all ot them stumbling blocks in the path of advancing civilization. The ideal of a pi-i feet civilization calls for but one religion, one language, one universal law; and the question will eventually be not as to the number of acres to be seized, nor as to the wealth of the nations to be rob bed, in accordance with the old pagan idea of con quest, basing itself upon the brute principle of force, but what government will render tbe greatest good to the greatest number, in harmony with the vi tal principle of the Christian religion, which is love; and it is because we are furthest upon that line of modern civilization, that we meet with the unanimous opposition of those governments which stand upon a different principle. Yet some of the great thinkers of Europe have not failed to do us justice. Guizot, the great political philosopher of France, has said that a republican government is that which places the greatest number of heads in the sunlight, and wliat a volume of thought is embodied in the penegyric pronounced by Lord Brougham upon Washington: *• Here after the test of a nation's civilization will be its capacity to appreciate the character of Washington!” Aud why the test of a na tion’s civilization, if the civilizing idea be not found iu the fact that, fiist and foremost among men,'" on his government, taking it out of material forms and placing it in the abstract law? There it stands, cold yet pure, unsympalhizing yet incorruptible, a crowned abstraction, bolding the sceptre of empire in its pulseless hand, the constitution of these Uni ted States ! (Cheers.) Sublime reflection ! that the American citizen is the subject only of thought. Ex alting prerogative! that wherever or whoever he may be, whether seated in the executive mansion at Washington, the nation's Chief, or following his plough in the broad blaze of the uoon-day sun in the solitude of the Western wilderness, he recog nizes no material medium between himself and the soul of all thought, of all law, of all truth, and that when he kneels hekneels alone tc his God! (Cheers) But although the principle of our government be thus immaterialized, and is thus placed beyond tbe reach of the assassin’s dagger, (no Brutns can stab our Caesar,) yet there may be treason under it Aud traitors against it; aud there are various gradua tions in the attachment eutertained towards it. Were we to test that sentiment by lines of geographical di vision, I fear less of it would be found at tne North than the South; were wc to test it by lines of par^ demarcation I am quite sure that we should discover much more of it inside than ever has existed out side of the democratic party. There must be a reason for this in the nature of things; let us seek it! We must first realize that attachment to our constitution differs from the loyalty which a sub ject feels for his sovereign. Loyalty is an affec tion of tbe heart drawn out towards a man (like the fondness of a dog for his master) precisely as love is an affection of the heart drawn out towards a woman. It belongs to a lower grade of political civilization than the one to which we have attained. I mean, of course, loyalty for a sovereign, not love for a woman. Our attachment to the constitution is rather the result of an intel lectual process, basiug itself upon conscience as affected by the dictates of duty, or upon judg ment is controlled by considerations of interest Now both of these elements combine to attach us ot the south to the constitution. I fear that one of them lias grown quite weak, and is growing still weaker, at the North. The South is numerically feebler than the North, the constitution protects her; the North is numerically strong, the constitution restrains her. We cf the South have been denounced as seces sionists. nullifiers, revolutionists. But from what have we been disposed to secede? Not from the constitution, but from those who have aban doned it. What have we wished to nullify ? Not the constitution,butaets which hare violated it. Why have we been charged with revolutionary tendencies? Because w.e have not desired com panionship with those who are revolutionary them selves—who have rebelled against the constitution. We of the South are necessarily the most conserva- tive.anti-revolutaoarypeopleofthe world. The demo cratic parly, imJike any other national political or ganization which has existed iu this country, has been uniformly controlled by its Southern or con stitutional wing. I say unlike auy other national or ganization' The Northern wings of the great Feder al and whig parties exacted from the Southern un just, unequal and unconstitutional legislation.— They joined issue with tbe Constitution. The. constitution lias prevailed, and tliey have ceased to exist. Read this in the history of National banks and protective tariffs. Behold the.closing scene of the drama when the nullifier of the South stood side by side with theTariffite of Massachusetts, in advo cacy of the unconstitutional doctrine of protection. But the democratic party, anti-bank,anti-tariff, anti- internal improvement, anti-everything not war ranted by a strict construction of the Federal con stitution. has generally triumphed, ou more than one occasion has saved the integrity of the Union, and lias pushed it on towards wealth, power afld grandeur with a rapidity unexampled in tbe history of the world. [Cheers. J While the Democratic party lias thus been con trolled generally by its Southern wing upon ques tions involving the Constitution, that control has been specially exerted in reference to our peculiar institution, the institution of slavery. lean here safely take the position that if the South has ever retained or regained one inch of constitutional right, so far as her peculiar interest is concerned, it has been through the instrumentality of the De mocratic party. At one time those rights were fearfully compro mised. The ordinance of 1787, the great original of the Wilraot Proviso, ceding away our rights in tbe whole of the north-west territory, then be longing to a Slave State, and establishing a pre cedent for all the unconstitutional legislation which has since followed, emanated from South ern brains, and was supported by Southern votss. From that time down to this the contest has been to regain what we then so deplorably lost. It was the Democratic party, or rather its predecessor the Republican party, which, in 1820, brought the Slave State of Missouri into the Union. It was the Democratic party, controlled by its Southern wing, which secured the annexation of Texas, with the capacity of being divided iuto several slave- holding States. It was again the Democratic par ty which obtained for the South all that was val uable in the compromise measures of 1850. It was tbe Democratic party that passed tlie Kansas- Nebraska bill, and thoughout the whole of the Kansas agitation down to tlie close of the last stormy session of Congress, it was the Democratic party which stood by the Constitution and the rights of the South. Not that all of the Northern Democracy have at all times been altogether true to their party allegiance, for there have been oc casions when portions of them have exhibited a disposition to turn to the flesh pots of Egypt, and to worship idols outside of the ark of the Con stitution, but that their Southern brethren with a conviction of right and a firmness of purpose not to be resisted, have ruled them back to the true faith. When impartial history comes to be written, it will be recorded that the Southern Democracy, standing consistently, resolutely, at times almost desperately, upon the Coustitution of the country, seeing most things else corrupting, crumbling, floating hither and thither around them, have sa ved the rights of the South and tlie integrity of the Union. (Cheers ) The important question now arises shall this continue ? or is it at an end ? At the commence ment of the last session of Congress the South occupied an enviable position in reference to her rights. After wandering through a wilderness of doubt and danger, where were encountered (1) the idea that Congress could legislate slavery out of a territory ; (2) the idea that n territorial legisla ture could do that act. aud (3) that undefined, and, as it seems to me, indefinable thing called squatter sovereignty, the couutry had finally come back to the Constitution, and all brandies of the govern ment had united in proclaiming equal rights in the territories ; that the Southern slaveholder has the right, under the Coustitution. to carry liis slave property into any territory and there to hold it as a vested right, not to be divested by Congression al legislation, nor territorial legislation, nor even by the people themselves when they shall come to form a State Constitution. This principle was first annulment] by a Northern man in 1SW in the XepresentatiTe Chamber. It was lion. J. Glanry Jones of Pennsylvania; ami 1 bee permission toreatl what fell from Ills lips : All honor to him for it: Mr. Coa —Will the gentleman parrton me for asking hfm anoiherquestlon? I desire to know whether the gentleman believes that the laws established by tbe Legislature ol the Territory of Kanas are, under ihe Coustituiiou of Ihe Lotted Slates, null and void? Mr. Jones—Ceeriainly, 1 will answer the qnesiinn; and I think wliat I have alreadysaui must make my opinion evi dent upon that questicu. I have said already, that in my opinion, the Constitution limits the power of Congress to theextentol prohibiting them either from esiablishtog or abolishing slavery in the Territoty. Admitting that view to be correct, 1 suppose it follows, as a matter of course, that the Constitution or the United States confers upon the people of the Territory no right to disposses any man of his right to property, whether it be slave or any other proper ty, And, therefore, the Legislative Council ot the Territory, though they may pass laws regulating the disposal anJ protection of propeity, have no right so to administer those laws as either to establish or abolish the right to hold that properly (Debates on tlie Organization of the Houseof Representa tives, Friday December 21, 1833. See appendix to Ccngres slonai Globe,Page 35 > I may remark in passing, that this gentleman, a special friend of the Piesident of the United States, wasa marked otijecl in Hie last canvass in Pennsylvania, and was defeated by a mad appeal to anti Southern piejudiccs, and sectional passions; and that the President has conferred upon him the honorable appointment of Minister to Austria, w bag South err. man does not wish him God sped, as lie goes upon his mission? WhM Southern man will not hail, wuh still greater - uisfaciion, his return hereafter tothe councils of the nation? (Cheers ) Subsequently to this, Ihe same principle was affirmed by a solemn decision of tlie Supreme Court of Die United Stai.-s, in the Dret S coltcare, which must be latoiliar tous all. That decision was undoubtedly controlled by the Democratic elements upon the Supreme Bench. Fur when a pullt.cal question comes up in a Court of Justice, iiolitical thought must of necessity control it. And I may remark that the South was ably represented on that bench. TwonftheJus- ticesare Georgians by birth. One of them, (Judge Wayne) tiy years of service, has acquired a reputation kuow it to the whole country. Theothe.rhas been more recently ap pointed, hut is possessed of an intellectual power, a vastness of erudition, a purity of heart, and a Dimness of purpose which enrol him among the very greatest men of Ihecoun try. in Judge Campbell, Georgia may lie proud of her son! ICheers.) Finally, this principle was announced to Congress by President Buchanan ia his message of 185?, hurling it, as lie did, into the very face of tlie Kansas agitators. “Should the constitution,” said the President, “without slavery he adopted by the votes of the majority, the rights of slaves now in the Territo ry are reserved. The number of these is very small; but if it were greater, the provision would be equally just and reasonable. The slaves were brought into tlie Territory under tiie Constitution of the United States, and are now the property of their masters. This point has at length been final- eeut popular elections. A distinguished lead er of the Democratic party, distinguished as a champion cf the rights of tho South and as a defender of the constitution; a mon whose name, if pronounced in this hall twelve months ago, would have drawn out from a Southern Democratic audience shouts of enthusiastic id- miration, has not hesitated te join issuo with the Democratic party upon this principle. It j, yet more painful to say that this attack, thus made by Judge Douglas, is far u,«re dangerous than all the efforts of the re . publiean party of the North, because it is at the same time more covert and more revolutionary And that there may be no mistake as to factsj pray your attention while I read extracts from an ethto- rial in one of his own leading organs, explanatory of sentiments which fell from his own lips, and oy. idently designed to soothe the irritation of l-q Southern friends. “The Freeport speech of Senator Douglas, deliy. ered on the 27th of August last, wherein he took tlie ground that the people of a Territory can by lawful means exclude slavery from its limits, sim ply hy uegleetiug to pass laws for its protection excited for r. time a good deal of remark on the part of extreme Southern journals, and those in the special interest a f the National administration They sought to make out from this speech a case of treachery to the constitutional rights c f the South, and a virtual repudiation of the Dred Scott de- decision. Now, to o«r mind. Judge Douglas, instead of going too far in lus Freeport speech, did not go tar enough. For. while he did not assert it as a'right guarantied by the Constitution, or as decided bv lie Supreme court, neither did he deny, that the Coustitution and the Dred Scott decision pro tected slavery witkin the limits of tho organized Territories of the United States. He simply ar gued that, if slavery could constitutionally cuter a Territory, it could notxemain there without the protection of local police regulations, aud that if the local legislature simply decline to foster it by local laws, it would be practically driven outside its boundaries. We go a step beyond Judge Douglas and hold that tbe constitution protects slavery only ia the States where it already exists, and in such portions of tbe territory of the United States as are unorgan ized for tbe purpose of local government.”—Pioneer and Democrat, of Oct. 30. Now, fellow-citizens, I repeat, the position here ascribed to Judge Douglas, and which he undoubt edly assumed and enforced with all the power of his vigorous intellect, is more revolutionary aud covert than that occupied by the Republican par ty of tbe North, because they utterly repudiate the Dred Seott decision, and hold that by virtue of tbe Constitution, either Congress or the Terri torial Legislature have the right to exclude slavery from national territory; thus not pretending to counsel or defend an evasion of the Constitution itself: but Judge Douglas, admitting the validity of that decision, and the constitutional right of the Southern slaveholder, developes to the North ern fanatic an artful plan of preventing its practi cal enjoyment through the omission of Territorial Legislatures to discharge their sworn duty. AU civilized law, like nature, abhors a vacuum. If * right exist in the fundamental law, aud cannot be enjoyed. Government has ceased to perform its le- f iLi mate functions; anarchy has begun. Tbe fuu- anient.nl law of this country is the Constitution of the United States—the fundamental law not merely for the territories, and territorial legisla tures, but for States and State legislatures. But the States havo their own constitutions under which their legislatures exist, and to which they are ameuiable ; while the territories having no con- stitution save the Constitution of the United States, under that their legislatures exist, snd to that aloue are they responsible. A right guaran tied by the Coustitution, tbe Constitution intends shall be respected; not to respect it, whether by act of omission or commission, is not to respect the Constitution which the legislature is sworn to re spect, and this is perjury. The Constitution of the U. States is the sovereign law of the land. Not to obey it, whether by act of omission or commission, is tbe first, and a great step towards treason. Judge Douglass would doubtless indignantly repel the imputation of having suggested political pei- jury and counselled treason. Yet does not logical deduction force us, though uuwilliugly and pain fully yet irresistibly, to that conclusion? Aud while such is his position in principle, what has recently been his position in fact? Has he not been acting with the most revolutionary party this country has ever produced ? The revolutionary principle has been for years at work at the North. Witness it in the refusal of the Northern States and State legislatures to carry outthe constitution al provision for the restoration of fugitive slaves. See it more distinctly exhibited of late in open and armed resistance to the enforcement of the fugi tive slave law ; and, last of all, behold it raising the standard of rebellion against the legality con stituted authorities of Kansas; a rebellion coun tenanced thoughout by the Republican party, and of Judge Douglas and i, Washington, declining to place a crown up- a is own brow, immattrializcd the principle of ly decided by the highest judicial tribunal of the country—and this upon the piain principle that when a confederacy of soverign States acquire a new territory at their joint expense, both equality and justice demand that the citizens of one and nil of them shall have the right to take into it whatsoever is recognized as property by tbe com mon Constitution. To have summarily confisca ted the property in slaves already in tho Territory would have been nn act of gross injustice, and contrary to the practice of the older States of the Union which have abolished slavery.” Can it he denied that this is a great practical right? In the first place it is a constitutional right, and all constitutional questions are practical ques tions. The true position for the South to occupy upon each aud all of them is this, thut she will nev er submit to a persistent violation of the constitu tion of the United States. She will appeal to rea son first, but if reason does not suffice, w hen the argument is exhausted, she will stand by her arms, (much cheering ) But, apart from the constitution al consideration, is it not a right of the greatest practical importance in connection with what has already been said iu reference to our manifest desti ny, territorial expansion ? Does it not become the heart,tlielife-blood,the vital principleofsouthern se curity and southern progress! So fully has this been realized at the North that the leader of the Repub lican party, (William H. Seward) in a recent speech in New York, has declared his conviction that the political contest now going on is for the extinction or extension of slavery throughout the Union: that slavery must either be abolished at the South or established at the North, and the Senator gives us to understand that in the latter al ternative he will retire to foreign parts, a consum mation most devoutly to be wished for! (cheers.) He contends that so completely is the democratic party indoctrinated with the principle of slavery ex tension that, to prevent its establishment in the State of New York, that party must be permanent ly dislodged from power. . Wheu this great principle, thus eliminated by 39 years of constant conflict should have taken its place in the democratic creed forever, and thus recog nized by all branches of the Federal government, the Legislature, the Executive, and above all the judiciary, should have been permanently fixed among those established pr.nciples of construction which have grown up around the constitution, a species of common law quite as sacred as the con stitution itself, it is painnil to be compelled to say that it has been once more hurled, and that by a Democratic hand, into the arena of political con flict, and has been repndiated by the North in re- more recently by the action his friends. What true-hearted Northern Democrat could act with such a party ? What true hearted Southern man could tolerate such action? And yet, at the last session of Congress, Judge Douglas did act with such a party ! With its leaders did lie go into caucus! To advance its disorganizing schemes did he exert his potent influence; and that as against the constitution of the country, the prin ciples of the democratic party, and the rights orthe South, alt them ably represented by tbe national administration. It was only about twelve months ago that a convention assembled iu this Chamber to nominate your present able chief magistrate. That convention passed resolutions condenn ing the administration in advance, should it encirse the position assumed by Gov. Walker, that the Constitution, then about to be acted upon by the Lecompton Convention, should be submitted to the vote of the people of Kansas; yet, after this Con stitution had been adopted, although it did sub mit the slavery clause to the popular vote for rati- fieatiou, nevertheless Senator Douglas voted against the admission of Kansas inti the Union under it, and advocated the doctrine of Congres sional dictation to the sovereignty of Kansas as to the matter of submission. But, fellow citizens, it was not the mere demand for the submission of a Constitution to the popular vote, however irregularthat submission might have been, which aroused the South to indignant re monstrance; it was because that submission was dictated by a revolutionary party, iu opeu defiance to the organic law, refusing to cast their votes in accordance with it, raisiug the standard of rebellion against it, resorting to powder and ball and to Sharpe’s rifles for the purpose of driving Southern men fiom the enjoyment of their legal rights. We of the South were warring throughout against the mad spirit of revolution. It was with this spirit that Judge Douglas and tbe Douglas Democrats identified themselves throughout the stormy con flicts of the last session of Con'gress. As a matter of course it placed them in antag onism with the National Administration, for had it not done so, the Administration would have been unworthy of Southern confidence, or Democratic support. Revolutionary principles are dangerous nough wheu they come from our opponents—far more dangerous when they come from the bosom of our own party. After having made the same Congressional record with the Republicans, Doug las and the Douglas Democrats went forth upon it to the people of tho North, they fought upon it, they appealed to sectional prejudice and passion, d they carried the day. Everywhere outside of Illinois, the adherents of Douglas, repudiated by the Democratic, were received with open arms by the Republican party. Davis in Indiana, Clarke and Ilaskins iu New York, Adrian in New Jersey, Hickman iu Pennsylvania, and McKibben in Cae- fomiii, have all been returned to Congress by lie- publican votes. Is this a Democratic victory’ Can .Southern Democrats shout pea ns iu its honor! Yet these men were tlie simple tools of Douglas : the instruments of 1ns will. His was the controll ing thought, not theirs. He is first responsible, not they, for the disastrous result which has stricken dowu, everywhere iu the North and North-West, the true men of the Democratic party, and educ ed it from a controlling majority to a minority ,n tho House of Representatives. In Illinois, unfortunately, he has been able to carry with hiiu the Democratic organization. He will be re-eiocteu, and now comes the question: What position is Judgo Douglas lo assume iu the Democratic party ? I presume no ono cares w read iiiui out of it. We strike not for men, butiof principles; ive strike not aga-.ist men, but against heresies. Is Judge Douglas prepared to abandon his heresy ? Defections which have heretofore occurred i» the Democratic party, have been met and over come, and the integrity of the party preserved But how met ! By whom overcome ? Why. by the Democratic party of the South coming up »; i solid phalanx with a firm determination to sta:H 1 by the true men of the North, and to repudiate to- false, to sustain true Constitutional principle, but toc. usli out heresy. ^Iu vain can we hope to tinda Northern statesman true to us, if we are uot true to ourselves. Once let it be understood that he can se cure the support of the people of his own seetiiW by trafficking away the principles of the Demo cratic party aud the dearest lights of the and then turn to receive the smile of approve and a welcome from Southern Democrats, a" 1 everything is surrendered^ The South will add ingratitude to the saerilK of principle, and forfeit her honor to the dici» tei of a false policy, if at the same time that she * e ‘ comes a deserter from her cause, she shorn turn her back upon her life-long champion aed u swerving friend. , , .. Whatever may be tbe course of the ^ orl y* t States towards the President, tlie South at ■■ can never forget the man who iu every strugg 1 has been her faithful friend. .. . In 1817, Mr. Buchanan, first and foremost, i* “ alone, of Northern Statesmen, proclaimed t new Territory should bo fairly divided beta • the sections, in accordance with the spirit _ meaning of the Missouri Compromise. 1 he tremost Southern Rights men, in council at viile, demanded no more than he had boet) ■ to accord iu the outset of the controversy. ^ That method ot settlemout having failed, planted himself by tlie side of the South on , great doctrine of non-intervention, and rights of tbe States in the territories. To that trine he has adhered in the hour of triumph » the hour of defeat. He proclaimed it when ^ minant party sustained him iu its assertion, s equally proclaims it now when disaster a»“