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strongist denunciator : of Judge Douglas.- Rut let me put an end to this matter by challenging, in all Georgia, or Alabama, a single exception. Hence in view of these facts, I said and yon said, and we all said, that we would be together in 1860. It it true that we said that they would vote for Douglas, and they said we would oppose them if tber give os our platform and a sound man,’ fiat they denied our aHegation and we denied their allegation. Hence the t•.-, I . • !l*tlA £>r ilia r^uinriitrofin ._• _. ; i • igan j rights, and give us and the country the very identical platform we desired and placed an unexceptionable man upon it, ns I will have occasion to prove before I conclude. There />re I atn determined that none of those allegations, that I denounced as fittso last rear,, and you denounced as false fast year, shall stand verified to day by my acts, and would appeal to Douglas men and Hell men to-unite with us in this contest, instead of standing aloof and vorrifying allegations •that you all desiounced as false and slander ous only one year ago. We all said last year that the principles inscribed upon the ban net of the constitutional Democratic party here to day was right. I said they were right, you said they were right, and we all said they were right. Then if every body in Georgia said they were right in 1859 why dont every body in Georgia say they are right in 1860. Let me ask in view of all these facts why is it that we find a single man in all Georgia belonging to this Consti tutional Union Party? Why, after fighting for those very principles, from a date almost equal to the date of the organization of the American party, after the constitutional Democratic paty has spurned Douglas, his influence, and his theories, the hone of con tention between us, and given you your own platform, why, in the name of patrio tism and common sense stand aloof ? Hut if you will not listen to these appeals as strong they aro, I have in reserve, stronger ones still. We mot in convention, at Milledgeville, just after the Democratic party split asunder, at Charleston, and adopted the platform of the scceders verbatim et litteratim, prefac guage; “That we will unite with aIF men of all parties in this growing Republic who agree with us in tiie following cardinal prin ciples in relation to slavery.” Waiving the discussion of the point, whether or not this language amounts to inatrlrctioua to our delegates sent to Baltimore to-insist upon a recognition o r those principles, avowed at Milledgeville, or withdraw ;• we must con cede that the refusal of that convention to recognize them necessarily amounts to their rejection by that convention and party. In further confirmation of this fact, they adopt ed a platform, (if platform you may call it,) as broad as the American Union, and by its unmeaning generalities, diversified interpre tations and indefinite purport, invites the teeming millions of the American people, of every political shape here, and cast to rally around one great center-point, the preser vation of the Union. The only avowed juui.. defined* principle'they have is, the preserva tion of the glorious Union—and it must be preserved upon all conditions and under all circumstances. Though Brown forays dis tract the quietude of peaceful villages, and the black tide of Northern fanaticism rolls broad-cast over the land, crushing out the last vestige of our constitutional rights, yet the Union must be preserved I defy your ingenious and talented Ben. 11. Hill, or any body else, to point me to one single contin gency, however outrageous and insu'ling in its nature, upon the happening nfwhich your platform contemplates a dissolution of this glorious Union. Then you have but one ftrincipiz and that is Lhiion. And that sole ittle principle is not in issue. Nobody wants to dissolve the Union. Even South Caroliua, always first and foremost in that undertaking, lias not raised a bristle dr ut tered a growl, but on the other hand, is as placid and quiet as a iamb. Then, this one I idea of Union, at this time, appears in the ridiculous aspect of insisting upon wbsi eve rybody concedes, fighting for what nobody fights ngainst, and, therefore, manfully and bravely and desperately fighting for nothing. Then, lake the party, upon their platform, and they are absolutely without any princi ples at all. The lion. B. 11. Hill, in his speech at Macon, seems to concede this fact; for he does not undertake to deduce one single principle from their platform. And if he cannot do it, I set it down as a fixed fact that no living man can. Mr. Hill, in that speech, ably and conclusively vindicates the platform of the Constitutional Demo cratic party. But he then selects Mr. Bell, without a platform, as the candidate, whose election would best secure a general acknowl edgement of our principles and carry them into practical operation. Here our paths diverge. I believe that Mr. llill is incorrect in taking Mr. Bell’s record, even going ten years back, as an exponent of his party platform, and that Mr. Hill will object to his own rule being applied to him in his support of Mr. Fiilinore ; for if we hau ta ken his record as an exponent, of our plat form, it would have interpreted the platform w to interdict the slave trade between the States, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia to receive abolition petitions et cetera” It is- true that we claimed that Mr. ffilUuore bad repudiated his record and re formed. But may it not be true that Mr. Bell has repudiated his good record and backslid. If not, why did he vote against the Lecompton Constitution. Why did the Black Republicans take biin to their teuder caresses f But, passing this by, if Mr. Hill had looksd ha found this u good record,” be would have found Mr. Belt's record like the fellow's fat bide—not so confounded good, after all.— By looking on page 438 of the Congression al Globe for 1-649 and 1860 be would have found that he proposed to give all the Ter ritory, North of 34 degrees, to the North to be forever free; stating at the same time that it wei S half degrees more than they could require by the “abominable Mis souri restriction.” On tbe Sadie page of the san.s Globe he “in favor of the abolition ofslarery and the slave trade in the District of Columbia.” He voted, also, for the adm ission'Mf California, with her constitutiou formed by unorganized Squatters, and then voted against the ad j mission of Kansas, witli a constitution form j4 by orgsinzed Squatters. Then his ‘'good [fsterrf” is like Joseph’s coat, of many col- HMfcv! Jhrasvffo—Tng ail these objections bv, land all then* reasons by, do you not know, l and does not the country know, that t o par ty has ever acknowledged itself bound by f the record of its standard bearer ? Such an obligation is unheard iVfclitical annals. Did any nominating convention yver discuss the whole record of a man and nominate bint or refuse to nominate him just according as that whole record correspond with its Views, or does it simply ascertain if he will accept tbe nomination upon the platform of princi politician that went into the convention bad iiis record. Tliete was, in that convention, men of black records and men of white re sume that they will not preserve their con such a course. If not; if they intended one why did not they cull a platform from bis record and save the country from hunting out their principles by investigating a record which Mr. Bell was thirty years making.— Do we not see tlint such an idea ia simply absurd. Therefore, we cannot possibly se cure a general acknowledgement of our principles, or carry them into practical op eration by voting for Mr. Bell, which object Mr. Hill says should control every voter in Georgia. I analizo and scrutanize this posi tion of Mr. H'iPs in ao unkind feeling ; for God knows there is no living man that 1 regard the superior of Mr. Hill, either in intellect, purity of heart or integrity ; and no living man towards whom I cherish kind er feelings or higher esteem. But, fellow citizens, permit me to tyd you turn your eyes from the blank banner, from that white-flag of truce, from that flag meaning peace upon any condition of the Constitutional Union party to the all-ineat.ing banner of the Con stitutional Democratic parly. No Dottglas ism ; no unmeaning generalities blacken or stain it, but it is washed clean of them all. And among all the banners, floating in the breez“S of heaven in this Presidential con test, it alone has inscribed upon it those principles that we all said was right last year. The Opposition party of Georgia had them inscribed upon.its banner last year.— Will- they this year be true to their pledges nad principles, and enlist under the bannet upon which they now wave, or will they enlist under a blank, unmeaning banner and set out in search ofMr. Bell’s ‘'good record” because they have been told that he haa said something just as good? Let us stick to our principles, and not follow this new par ty with its new name and its new principles. We fought for those great constitutional principles last year, with a banner ajl_tatt,yr-_ etl ami trailing in life cfiisU and now when victory is hovering o’er us ; when no Doug las heresy defiles its purity; nosin pollutes, let us catch burning zea! from the altar-fires of patriotism, sally forth to its defence, and live to pour out that zeal in battling for tbe Constitution and Southern Rights beneath our common banner. And although the name of Democracy waves there too, l know and you know that it has been so purified that I must cease to hate it and you must cease to bate it, or else hate it without a reason. I have no grounds to fight it upon and you have no grounds to fight it upon. If it is only the name of Democracy you don’t like, let me tell you that it is Constitu tional Democracy. You should not fed at tached to your new name, or hesitate to take the namo of Democracy ; for we have changed names so often that we could scarce ly ever know what our name really was. — We are-the last parly to fancy a name or manifest any regard whatever for any name. And since we have tried every name except Democracy, let us try it one time. They have done all we demanded of them from ’55 to ’6O to make their party acceptable to us; in fact, they have done so much that they have robbed us of every reason for oppo sition, and forced us to tlio necessity of ac cepting them as friends, or refusing to do it merely for the sake of opposition, and with out one single reason to back it. Now, gentlemen, you have my reasons for my po sition in this Presidential contest and my reasons why I think the Opposition party oflastyenr and the Conatitutonal Demo cratic party of today ought to be united in their support of Breckinridge and Lane; and united in their defense of that banner, and the only bauner that bears our common principles. But tot us see hOW“IT tiXafidS Wlltr tHoRe men in Georgia who are inclined to favor the nomination of Mr. Douglas. Ido this in order to show that the Constitutional Democratic party is or ought to be unex ceptionable to every voter in Georgia, and that it may stand fully vindicated from as saults from any quarter. They said we were right last year. Even the Augusta Constitutionalist and the Atlanta Confed eracy, which papers now have Douglas and Johnson at their mast-head, and I believe, the only two papers in Georgia that have hoisted their names, both said we were right last year; and the Atlanta Confederacy wanted to dissolve the Union if the North did not concede to ua the right of protection by the general government through all its departments in tb#Terrilories. He was for “equality in tbe Union or independence out of it } LI Ifta nts idea of “equality ” was fell “protection.” Now let me invite your attention to tbe theory of the Douglasites. MB. DOUULAs’ VOfIITION. EXTRACT FROM IIIS SRBBPeeT SPEECH. “ In my epinion, tbe people of a Territo ry can, by lawful means, 1 before it comes in as a State.” * “If the people of the Territory are opposed to slavery, they will elect members tfcr- the Legislature, who will adopt unfriendly legis lation to it. If they are for it,,they will adopt the Legislature means friendly to slavery. Hence, no miter what may be the decision of tlie Supreme Court on that ab stract question, still tlfe right of the people to make it a slave Territory, or fclre. Ter ritory is perfect and complete JVHr Nebraska Bill.’*- * * EXTRACT FROM HIS BPEECH AT ALTON. “If you take negroes to Kansas, you must take them there subject to the local law. If the people want the institution of slavery, they will protect and encourage it; hut if they do not want it they will withhold that protection, and the absence of local legislation protecting slavery, excludes it as completely as a positive prohibition.” F.XTHACT FltOM IIIS SPEECH IN TIIE CNirEI) STATES SENATE. “If there was anything peculiar about slave property, require;ng peculiar protec tion, it was the miaforiue ol its owners, and the absence of legislation for its protection would as effectually exclude it from a Terri tory ns a constitutional prohibition.” * * * *. “ Tiie Constitution provided no reme dy, for stealing slaves, oi any other proper ly ; and no kind of property could lie pro tected in a Territory without territorial law providing remedies and penalties. I would leave all kinds of property to the action of local Teiritorial laws.” FROM IIIS HARPER AUTICI*. “The peoplo of the Territories should de cide the slavery question for themselves through the action of their Territorial Leg islatures.” Now, then, if in analyzing the position of (lie Douglasites, 1 show that that position antagonizes at every point wilh the position of the Constitutional Democratic Party, whoso position every body in Georgia said was right Inst year, is not that position wrong and if wrong ought one single man to advocate it. To this end I propose to thoroughly discuss that position, and will lieie assume thatthis theory of the lasite diffeis hut slightly, in principle? from the theory of the Black Republican Party, and slitters nothing at all from it in practi cal effect. I say no man in Georgia lias even advocated it, and 1 believe that there is not one inan in Georgia but what repudi ates it. Put if I nlakegood inv assumption, dont I prove that no man in Georgia ought to vote for Stephen A. Douglas with his theory, a theory, I sav, tlint no Georgian lias ever endorsed ns I know of or believe: And I expect to show further more tlmt those, who do suppor t him under (Ire impression that, that support is predicatedU upon the Cincinnati Platform, are inisguidffUind de luded ; hut on the oilier hand thwTrml sup port necessarily amounts to an endorsement of liis territorial theory,anil most thoroughly commits them, North and South, to that theory. Now if I make good all these de clarations, certainly there ought not toS# -one In let ns see first what that theory is Douglas proposes to inaugerate into jail the Territories. Then lie takes the .position that the normal conditon of every territory is that of freedom, since he maintains that the mere absence of territorial legislation in favor of slavery, which is non-action, that slavery is actually excluded frorti the Terri tory. Therefore non-nction could r(ot ex clude slavery if the Territory was not already free. In the first place then, fie has you excluded from all the Territories in the absence of Legislative intervention. The Territorial legislature may not only inter vene to exclude slavery, hut if it dont inter vene, it is excluded, any how. He contends further more, that the common law, nor the Constitution, does not rei. , izo slavery in the Territories : for he says you ‘have no remedy in the securement of your slave property in the absence of Territorial Leg islation, providing remedies; and (htWfbre only such remedies as that legislature may see proper to afford ;if any at all. lie as sumes, in this position, that the institution of slavery is local, created by local laws,and out side of the jurisdiction of those laws, which jurisdidtion is confined to the State or Territory that enacted them, that slavery cannot exist. If he did not assume this, he could not conclud that non-action would ex clude slavery from every- Territory outside of the jurisdiction of such laws. lie tells you again “ that the constitution provides no remedy for stealing slaves, and no kind of property could be protected in the Terri tories, without Territorial laws providing remedies and penalties.” Then if it cannot he protected without it, it must be protected entirely by it. Therefore in the absence of it slavery is entirely unprotected ; you have then no remedy for “stealing slaves” at aU. Now I ask, if this does not amount to licen ing and commissioning every abolitionist in the whole North to sttal and free every negro in such Territories with perfect impunity.— He says you have no remedy under such circumstances in the woild. Then he .as sumes in the next place, that a Territory during its Territorial state, is not the com mon property of all the States; for the South stands excluded by mere non-action, and can only enter by permission of “The Territorial Legislature, while the whole North may enter without any condition or cotingency. Hence, he denies, tho South equality in the Territories, intimating to her that it is a *■ peculiarity of slave property.” Again since each Territory must enaot all the “ middies and penalties,” and possess the sole power to regulate their domestic institutions in their own way ; arpd there fore equal in sovereignty to a State, ** fob lows that each Territory may make citizeus iheieof of just who they pleas. New York has made citizens of that State of negroes. The Northern States,, I believe, have gener ally done it. Hence, the- Territorial Legis lature being sovereign, they may extend in that Territory the elective franchise, in their [discretion, to every human being wKidn their limits, whether he hails from abolltlWHzed 1 Europe, or the hot sands of Asia, wbetnirl lie be an idiotic Laplander, or semibwhari-L ous Hottentot, whether he he a . creole or j black negro, an Indian or mulatla—jßjaSlß be made citizens of a Territory, by v tbe.TeipJ| tutorial Legislature, and by Ihw votes sovereign will, regiffate their stitutions of tliat Territory, in tliemHK way. Oregon was admitted into the Uni#; ; witli a clyu*e incorperatjsd into her tion, making citizens’ in Oregon of rtiixeraf hlohds and Indians, and Kansas lias the following act:—“ Every free white citizen of the United States and every male Indian &c., shall be a qualified elector for all elective officers.” Now there ijMHh theory briefly stated. Now let us see how near it and the theory of the Black Kepnb lican w l’arty correspond. They and the Douglasites agree that the normal condi lion of every Territory, is that of freedom; that the South with her slave property can he and is excluded by both non-actiot) and Legislative inteivention ; that neitlt3g|jglto common law nor the < onstitiition oftaHK’ United .State, recognize or protect;v property in the Territores; that tflHs: itu lion of slavery is local, created by JjlSl'iws,! ami cannot exist outside the reach of these j local laws ; that the general ; cannot protect you ; that neither Congress, j the Constitution,jiorj,lj,e Common t*w,caVirr or do, legalize slavery in the TenM - - But here, and here only, they djpe|-—Doug- j las says the Territorial LegiaUttjH nicy, m ■ may not, just as they pleas, legalist sl-iv.-iv, and the Black Republican PartH-ay, cannot do it, if they would. Tmtjßey :-<r<- nlinost one and the same thing,.. (Mu’ one j case, you are positively proliihite4*futd in the other, if you enter the Territtjj|||§ipOu j must go like au outlaw your government, unprotected hv your gov- ( eminent, subject to he driven out'at any hour by the edict of Ablilionism, already excluded, unless you have a permit, from the Territorial Legislature ; then, subject still, to be-driven out by any and every change of this Territorial law; every aholitiqMffij lisened and commissioned to steal and ravl I eveiy negro in the Territory, in the ahseneff I of a Territorial law, “ providing remedies . •and penalties against it,” and then, Hottengj To'ts,Arabs, Laplanders,lndians, mixed bloods ‘ ami negroes, may he permitted to enter tlint <j Territory and kill your vote on all orcasiogni Then 1 ask you, if this is not a disci imisasll tioji against the South, which discrimination entries within itself, the Internal power, destroy slavery, in all the Territories, and effectually exclude you therefrom ; for lie says von are already excluded, and can enter only by permission of the Territorial I.egis laUite. VVe had laws in Kansas and Nebras ka as a part of the LuisUiina purchase, recog nizing and protecting slave property, and those laws was tin repealed by til?Bffife}un restriction; for it was nncimstilutijpilf ai inutio, yet lie thorough the Ivinsas.dHßfb* hraska Bill repealed those laws, ; had the impudence to tell the So™, she cOuld enter those Tci rii.iriespgSL permission of the Territorial L|MHt ami when that Legislature has cxc-tltwl ydo j Itemt-yoin—pi opesiv, W t4ls -yon ‘lhakUaiftrtf- I bad a perfect ami complete right that is, free your m-giocs and maktnLu: all equals in Territory, or els drivfyrotrfroin your firesides and your homes. Now all the Blank Republican Party proposes to exclude you from the common Uence lean conceive of no difference in the end sought to he accomplished by by Douglas. The only issue betWMHHBpf J on the Territorial question is,as to 1 to he employ ed, and not the end sought to l he attained. The Territorial question .is the ; only question of practical importance before i the country. No parly in convention has ever manifested a desire to interfere with - in the States. The Black Republican Party disclaim any such intention. Then j the issue, and the only issue, before tiie ’ country, is the Tei ritoiial question. And as % yon now have the position of the DouglasitejgS and Black Republicans, here is tiie positioiMj tof the South.’ The opinion'of the Supreme ’ Court as delivered by Chief Justice Taney. The right of property in a slave is dis- j tinctly and expiessly, affirmed in thoConsti- 1 tntion. ***** If the Constitution recognizes the right of property of ihe master in a slave, ami makes no distinction between that distinction of property and other property owned by a cit izen, no tribunal, acting under the authority of the United States, whether it be lure, Executive, or Judicial, has a right to draw such a distinction, or deny to it tbit, [ benefit of the provisions and guarnntbfpf which have been provided for Lhe protectlojil of private property. * * ‘ And if Congress itself cannot do this—tjr tl is beyond the power conferred on j eral Government —it will he presume, that it could not authoriijH^R-r-; ritorial Government to exercise tlieVn; If I could confer no power on any local o<Sßern-] ment, established by its authority, tosfipUte! the provisions of the ConstitutiottiM* * ‘ No word can be found in the CoSsrfHpou ! which gives Congress a greater poiljlfHs'or ! slnve property, or which entitles of that kind to less protection than property j of any other discretion. The only powjwa conferred is the power coupled wilh the duty of guarding and protecting Hm owner in liis rights. I will read you next an ex tract from the speech of Mr. Calhoftn, de livered in 1848. It is a lucid exposition of what the Constitutional Democratic Piirty proclaim aa the true theory of our govern ment, and is the very 6tnbodiuieut.of their poiicical tenets to day. MR. CAUIOIN’s OPINION. “ Its (the general government’s) power -snd authority, having for- its object, the more perfect protection and piomotion of thwi safety and rights of eacli and all, it is boiUMb to protect by its united power, the safety,* the rights, the property, and the interests of the citizen of all, wherever its authority ex tended. That was the object for coufering whatever authority it has, and if it fails t^ protect that,it foils to perform tiie duty for Which it was Created. It is enough for it to khow, that it is the right property of a citizen of one of these States.to make it its dm tpffipfortWrt, it, whenever it cornea within the spliaffYta authority, whether in the Ter establish or abolish salvery or any other kind of property, of the citizen of the United States, in the Territories. All the power it has, in that respect, is to recognize as piop erty there, whatever recognized, as such, bv the authority of an? of the States, its own being but the united authority of each | and all the States, and to adopt such laws i for its regulation and protection as the slate |of the case may require.” Now let me invite your attention to our [■platform, in order that you may perceive that it is culled from the decision of the .Supreme Court, liomonizes with the views pf Mr. Calhoun, and therefore we are back ed ip our position by the Supreme Ccurt, and by the wreatest expounder of the Con ijriMppHfaring or dead. We stand upon : the Cincinnati Platform with that explana- NtlOn which by solemn agreement it was to nreceive when that question, which was made to it a judicial question, should be determ ined. Then, if our explanation accords with ihe Decision of the Supreme Court, no Democrat has a right to object to it, hut is bound to accept it and abide it. Now, I will read you the explanation : the Democratic party at Cincinnati he af firmed with the following explanatory reso- First. That the government of a Territo isinuon* the Territories ami wherever else its consth tory having an adequate population form a State constitution, tiie right of sovereignty commences,and being consummated by their admission into the Union, they stand on an equality with the people of other States;! and a State thus organized ought to he ail- ! mitted into the Federal Union whether its ; constitution prohibits or recognizes slavery.” They concede that there is not a word in j t but what accords with the ■Hsay these points as expressed |Wtibiter dicta. The judges of Hourt were acting undei oath, id decide it both in that de ■'Subsequent dec’sion. I be- Bcnow they tell the truth.— Hion meets fully and entirely the issue tendered bv these alied parties. — This position assumes that when this gov ernment was formed, that it was formed to protect the safety, rights, property and in terest of all its citizens to the extent of its power ; that the Territories being acquired liy the treasury and blood of all the States; that,they are the common property of all the States, and as the common property of all, all have a right to enter them ; and that j inasmuch as the Federal Constitution recog nzies staves as propel ty that it is the duty of the general government to protect that property in tijat common Territory ; it be ing wuf)ij; tbe sphere of, his, its power as the representative of all the States therein : that- the M-s&acliusutts man, with hish.-i-- long aa they remain Territories, you cannot he uriven out of them either by Congress, the President or the Territorial Legislature; for the only power Congress has is, “ the power coupled with the duty to protect” you; the only power the President has is, to enforce the laws enacted, with an eye to your protection ; and the only power the Territorial Legislature lias is, to enaot laws in perfect harmony with the doctrine of pro- Ueetion, and those laws subject to the super [vision of Congress, whose duty it is to pro tect you. Hence, it antagonizes at every [ point with the position of the Douglasites and Black Republicans both. Therefore, [they are wrong; declared wrong by the judicial tribunal known to the land, ! hy common sense and by the whole South. ; —j” ! Then, can one single man in Georgia vote ! of their candidates? 14 ut these [two antagonistica! elements of the Demo feratio party met in National Convention at {Charleston to adopt a Platform and nomi f irate a man for the Presidency. The South Impost into the Convention with the Law in one hand nnd the Constitution in the other, and demanded of the Douglasites to redeem their pledge and consummate their solemn contract to abide the Decision of the Su preme Court. Her gallant Yancy, the ■Bl v all-inspii ing e and the Con elopes, and by lire and hideous V . V ‘.'J . of numbers— d the Constitu tion, his rights and our rights, repudiated their solemn agreemont, falsified their sol emn pledge, and adopted a platform that they any contains their principles. I shall not stop to argue what is or wlrat is not ths true construction of the Cincinnati Piatform, which it must now receive as liter platform. But, in further justification of this idea,- they met at Baltimore and nominated Mr.- Douglas, with the declaration scarcely cold from bis mouth, “ that he would not accept the nomination of that Convention if it should he at the sacrifice of one ioto of hisr principles.” Then, did not tiie Convention 1 understand the Cincinnati Platform pura and simple nnd unexplained as containing liis piinciples; and, therefore,as their Plat form, does it not contain his principles, and must not tho country understand these prin-v ciples to he the principles of the party Then, with these facts staring them in (ho’ face, will Georgia proclaim in the affection ate language of the hoy to his ayveetheart— “Sweeter than honey, lovlier than an angel, I will love you my dear wherever you go,” when he lias actually wandered near tli haunts of Black Republicanism and courted admittance ? Will they do it when the flag of one con stitutional rights wave over us, inviting by every allurement tbe valiant sons of the bomb to make common cause beneath its ample folds in the defense of o;;r rights as declared by the law of the land? But be fore 1 conclude I will notice the arguments made against the doc-tiine we proclaim in order that no excuse for opposition shall ho left. First they tell us that being in the minority in congress, we cannot effect any thing, that we cannot carry our doctrine now into practical operation and besides wo have adequate protection I—then 1 —then why de mand this doctrine ? The necessity for its demands lies in the fact Hint it is pusinvlv denied and energeticaly opposed by both the Douglasites and Black Republicans in theory and principle ami if we win-ess this denial sab silentio it amounts to a confes sion of it variety and force. Therefore sincu the opponents of our doctrine are en deavoring to inaugurate their antagonizing theories into all our-Territoiies, which theo ries wq believe to he in toto wrong, it is ab solutely necessary, in order to confront their aggression endeavors, to have as a basis to light upon exactly the reverse of what we ; deem wrong and aggression. Their theories ! were first put in issue before the country, i and hence our theory is but a necessary consequence of our conviction of the error lof theirs. Concede the fact that we now I have adequate protection does not all.his tory show that a remedy which may he entirely sufficient for the present, may ha entirely ineffectual for the future. Tim march of time is fraught with- mutations ami unexpected events. It is to prepair remedies and remoddle remedies thus de manded that, vonr Congress nml your State legislature meet annually. Remedies otii-e deemed MiftVie.nt and adequate do cease in process of time to lie any lemediesat all and must he superseded bv new ones ac cording to tiie exergencies of the case. But to bring the matter more directly bofore us, suppose Mr. Lincoln or Mr. Douglas should he elected President, they would appoint a federal judge into all the organized Territo ries entertaining exactly their opinions, which judges with these opinions would render.nugatory our present, remiedies. It is true we may have the right of appeal to the Supreme (Joint. But even they are not gods that they will live forever, but on the contrary they are many of them aged and now tottering upon the verge of the grave Hence it tnay become necessary to remojl dle that court and If it i done by Mr.. Lm eold or by Mr. Douglas, we can no longer look to that court for tedress or remedy.— Hence lire necessity for our opposition to them. And'if we must oppose them, wo cannot defeat their principle only by a general, acjmowledgementatid the practical operation of ours, which cannot he effected unless wo avow them. Therefore you percieve the indispensable necessity of our Platform and the deep interest the South, as the opponent, of their theories, has in the triumph of that Platform of principles. It is the avowat of our principles that constitutes the division) and warfare, which exist between us and the- Dougiasites and Black Republicans. Neither will this avowal of our rights ex necessitate lead either to their foil concession by the- North or to disunion ns is contended by our opponents. Must a political Party, in case of defeat, rebel against the government or else sacrifice their honor ? Our poffey i* no more to “rule or ruin ” than was it tlio policy of the old Whig party or the ohb National Democratic party ; hut like thenn and just as they did we expect to labor manfully and fight valiantly for victory andi if defeated, be governed by sober councils in guarding our rights. Hence, the plea* of disunion, adequate protection and nor necessity for the avowal of our principles is a perfect absurdity and cannot stand ths test of scrutiny. Another one of those ob jections is tlint our principles are abstract in their nature. We have one billion of acres of Territory, to wrlffoli must be applieib either our prraviples or the principles of Douglas and the Black Republicans. This is the only issue before the country and creates all the political excitement that now. exist. The “ nigger question ” as we call! P WHS in ifie'dett - laration of the Honorable Senator of Geor gia, Mr. Toombs, truth, when lie proclaimed i that there was in this question a- “ terrible ; practicability.” Several States- must Ha> formed'and of this vast Territory , .Their doctrine excludes us, and dedictsee all this