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THE ROME COURIER
18 PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING,
BY A. W. EDDLEMAN,
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TUG MiyOURlER.
.THURSDAY, OCTOBER 17, 1850.
Our City is beginning to assume quito
abuslNJss like appearance. Some of our
MerchuntSshave already received and ore
opening lar£?Sk-&» of *'all and Winter
Goods, while others arS^Xpe.
ly. All are making every prepi
active business the present season
y them dar
(fifc The Georgia Annual Conference of the
Methodist Protestant Church, will convene
in the city of Atlanta, on Friday the 8th day
of November next.
(ft. Charles J McCurdy, of Connecticut,
has been appointed, and confirmed, Charge
d’Affaires to Berlin, in the place of James
' Watson Webb, rejected by the Senate.
(ft, Gov. Briggs, of Massachusetts, has
received the nomination of the Whig State
Convention for re election.
(ft. Thomas Butler King has been appoint
ed Collector of Customs, nt San Francisco,
California.
Hoos.—Hogs were selling in Louisville,
Ky , on the 1st inst., at $2,75 to $3 per
< hundred, gross.
A Nice Garden.—A gentleman in Cali-
i writes to his wife in Ohio, that his
I crop of tomatoes on an acre and a half of
ground was worth $18,000.
Col. Benton has written a long letter
toafriend in St. Louis, the purport of which
.that Ho will be a candidate for the Presi-
acy in 1852, if nominated.
p.-The recent Congress disposed of 38,-
»;000 acres of the public lands.
Sale of the Tennessee State Bonds.—
Cnoxville Register learns from a reliable
i that Dr. J. G. M. Ramsey, Agent for
btate of Tennessee, now in the East ne-
j for the East Tennessee and Geor-
tflroad Company, has effected a sale of
i of the bonds, at a handsome premi-
i editor thinks that the Company,
..-will receive a considerable
^premiums on their bonds.
^The first Woollen Factory in Texas is
; up on the banks of the San Anto-
, The proprietors intend to manu-
jee, i course woollens, which they will
Json, Aqper than they can be imported.
l i).!'P s » nlonia and San Marcos Rivers
ih favorable sites and an inexhaus-
■ of water power. The country
[.to the raising of sheep.
I are cheap, mild climate,
favorable to the new en-
. -The following ap-
nSve Wen made by the President,
^Braiich Mint at Dahlonga: Andrew
ng’j Superintendant; Robert H.
her ; Mathew F. Stevensor, As-
^appropriations for expenses, made
on_of Congress just closed,
6f superinten-
jtousand
|(ntly adopted by
protects tho lights
ople. It
ftuel,
Georgia Burr Mill-Stone.
Wo find in tho Savannah Republican qC-
the ?tli i i’jt , the following extract of a let
ter frqvii Messrs. Haxiiall & Brothers of
Richmond, (Va.) to the ageiit of the“ La
Fayette Burr-Millstone Company,” in the
City of Savannah :
“ We have had the pair of Mill Stones
you madefor us in operation about six weeks,
and our Millers have formed a very favora
ble opinion of them. They grind rapidly,
and rank in our Mill of eighteen pair, as the
sixth host—That is there are five pnir superi
or to them, and twelve pair inferior.
“ If the pair sent is a fair sample of thh
Georgia Burr Block, we do not see the ne
cessity of another importation of tho article
from France.
“ It is probable we shall determine next
spring to. take out of our mill. some of tho
most objectionaBle burrs, and supply their
places with better from your establishment.’’
This is certainly reliable testimony of the
superiority of the Georgia Burr Stone. The
Mills of Messrs. Haxhall & Brothers, are
said to be among the best in the U. States.
As the article is equally as good, and costs
less than that imported from France, of course
those engaged in the erection of flouring
Mills not only in this section, but in every
part of tho country, will find it to their ad
vantage to patronise the La Fayette Burr Mill
Slone Company. And not only so, but there
by aid in developing the natural resources of
our SgjMfoOuunJiy.
Daring Rodberv.—On Tuesday night last,
the Store of Messrs. J. & J. Lynch, in this
city, was entered, and cash to the amount of
$182 was stolen from tho money drawer. It
is the opinion of Mr. Lynch, .that the.villian,
whoever he wns, must have entered the store
and secreted himself before tho time of ^los
ing, and during tho night, after having rob
bed the drawer, made his escape through one
of the windows, whore traces of his exit were
seen in the morning. During the same night
the Confectionary Shop of D. Dougherty
was entered, but the thieves were less suc
cessful there, having succeeded in getting
only about sixty cents .-Atlanta Intelligencer.
The voice of a Vanerable Patriot.—
It is with peculiar pleasure that we lay be
fore our readers the proceedings of the
Union Meeting, in McIntosh county—a plea
sure which is enhanced by the fact that the
venerable Mr. Spalding, a democrat and
the only surviving member of tho Conven
tion which framed the constitution of Geor
gia, participated on the interesting occasion.
Notwithstanding he is now verging on to a
century, it will be seen that he is ready to go
to the Convention, if his fellow citizens de
sire it, even though he should die on the
way. A member of the Convention which
created Oeorgia a State, could not fall in a
better cause than in seeking to defeat the
object of one which has been called to des
troy it. We trust thnt no ono will dare to
call this gray headed patriot a “submision-
ists” or a “traitor.”—Suo. Rep.
Law relative to Working the Gold
Mines.—Congress has passed a bill making
temporary provision for the discovery and! 'form another constitution of like character
working of the gold mines, and preserving
order in the gold mine dislrists of California.
It provides for the nppoinlmeut of gold-mine
agents for different localities, and also as ge
neral superintendants of gold mines; author
ises these agents to grant permits to Ameri
can citizens, and to Europeans declaring their
intentions to become such, to work particu
lar spots in the placers or mines, each permit
for a placer being for 30 feet square, and for
a mine 210 feet square—no individual or com
pany to have more than one permit at a lime.
Double permits are granted to the discover
ers of new placers or mines, with pre-emp
tive rights for 30 days.—Ball. Sun.
(ft. Some of the papers out west have a
queer way of saying things. An Illinois jour
nal observes that “the man who has no time
to read, was seen in that place last week, at
the circus drunk.”
Mrs. Swishelm (a Cincinnati editor) says
it is marvellously strange how a woman can
think herself contaminated by the slighest in
tercourse with the victim of a seducer, and
cover her face all over with smiles to receive
the seducer himself.
(ft. A newspaper is now printed in China
called the Pekin Monitor. It is in the Chi
nese language, and is the first Chinese pa
per ever published in the celestial Empire.
& (ft-The Episcopal Church in Macon is
:t being taken down to give place to a
i spacious and elegant edifice.
JUDGE ANDREWS’
ON THE
California & Territorial Quest Uns.
Washington, Ga. Aug. 31,1850.
Messrs, Hopkins Iiolsey, Albon Chase,
Wm. H. Hull.—Yours of the 10th i 1st, hns
beon received .n which you say,“ Me pas're
to elicit from you an expression of y< ur opin
ions on the soveral questions growii g out of
the present posture of public affairs, jarlicu-
Inrly tho following : Whether, if th) State
of California, as nt prosent organize 1, shall
lie admitted into the Union, and the remain
ing territory acquired from Mexico placed
under Territorial governments, withbut re
striction on the subject of slavery—would
that state of facts present a proper occasion
for njeasurcs of i existence, revolutionary or
otherwise, on the part of the slaveholdihg
to tho question you have presented, or influ
ence one voice on the subject; but like a vo
ter at the ballot box, I am not only willing,
but. anxious to give my approbation to tho
cuuso of truth and right.
In answering your question, in the nega
tive, I but say what all Georgia, nay, all the
South, said twelve months ago. I but as
sert the right ofself government. And how
ever desirable it might be to have California
and New Mexico Slave States, I am too much
of a democrat, to wish to impose on a peo
ple a government repugnant to tl-.eir wishes.
California has chosen to prohibit slavery, and
I presume, no one doubts that if the ques
tion were repeated to her annually, during
the balance of the century, her answer would
be the same. 1-appreh‘end, if we were to
belie our republican professions so far ns to
try to force on her the institution of slavery,
that we could not. Let ne man, who wishes
to perpetuate such a tyranny, tell me thnt he
loves self government on principle. lie mBy
from selfish motives, like to live under it, but
is ready to play the tyrant when it may he to
his interest ana in his power.
Some are willing to admit California,north
of 36 30, but not soutlf^Ci'bat line unless
Congress shall recognize, below that line,
slavery. To satisfy such, if anything would
satisfy them, I liuve no objection to such ar
rangement, though 1 doubt much, whether it
would not weaken the slave power. The
chances are, that south of that line would be
come afreo State, and then we should have
two,instead of one California, four,' instead
of two, Senators representing free States.—
For who would carry slaves into so small a
territory, surrounded by free States. I be-
lievo that many of those who are determined
to accept nothing but that line do not insist
on it so much, because they believo that it
would benefit the slave interest, ns that it is
an .impracticable line; and will give pretext
for a dissolution of the Union. Such fohject
to Mr. Clay’s Compromise, which wns -tjie
most perfect non-intervention, not only Soutji,
but north of that iine. For it provided, and
so does the territorial bill for Utah which has
passed the Senate, that when admitted as a
State, the said Territory or any portion of tho
same, shall be received into the Union with
or without slavery as the constitution ofsiicn
slate may prescribe at the time of admissioi
And what is important to be observed, Ut
had already applied for admission into tl
Union, under n constitution without any pri
hibition ofslavery; which wns as much nsia'
constitution as Georgia. The Constitution
Georgia containing no provision aulhorisii
slavery to be made. Then here aie a peopli
who, so far ns their constitution is concernei’
have manifested themselves, ns much in fav
of slavery as the Georgians, occupyin;
and isolated territory, with perfect "
ich in favor
y’ing a Inrgt
t liberty t^
world wrong. Now, by the same party, those
who hold to intervention by Congress, are
right and all the rest of the world wrong.—
As \ do not choose to change my opinions,
so radically, in so short n time, I will pro
ceed to show both practically, and on princi
ple, that it is ripht and best, for the South,
to hold to non-intervention
There can be no difference between a “re
cognition” of slavery, to bo of any practical
use, end the establishment of.it, by actual
enactment. To recognize slavery is to au
thorize by hw, the enjoyment of property by
the owner in his slave. To permit the own
er to carry his slave to Mexico, is of no use,
a freeman, as in Massachusetts, (we know
of no denizenship in slavery.,) Now we have
been contending all the while, that Congress
had no right to interfere with slavery, either
to make or unmake it. The North hold,
that the power, “ to mnko” slavery, neces
sarily involves the power, to unmake it.—
This principle is constantly recognized in the
slave states; all of them hold, and have occa
sionally exercised, the power to manumit
slaves. They say, if a state, or |Congress
can enact a law, they can repeal it. Hence
the South has always held the principle of
non-intervention important. For if Con
gress should ever seek to interfere with slave
ry in the Territories, it will quote our own
principle against us. And for what ore we
asked to sacrifice this great principle? By
the doctrines of the disunionists, there is no
law prohibiting slavery in New Mexico, ond
tho non-i^ter^fivitionjirinciple will permit ! t,
wiffibul recognition" If,'however, slavery
is there prohibited, by Mexican laws, are
not the chances altogether against such a
population,.in such a country, suffering, it-
undor the constitution they shall ’adopt,
when they shall fo.rm a state government ?
probi
Now would it not be a poor bargain to pro
hibit slavery, in such a country as Utah, for
the chance, I may say the remote chance, of
having this small fraction of California a slave
Stale. I do not deem it- necessary to use this
argument to show that there are disunionists
in the land. There are numbers who are
proclaiming it, ns it were, on the house iops:
but to show that this line of 36 30 is matte
the ultimatum, not for the good of “ South
ern rights.”
The argument, sometimes used, is that
California should not be admitted, because
her constitutior. wns not fairly made; that for
eigners voted for members to the convention
that formed itT This is the complaint that
has always been, and always will be, mode
by the party defeated -at an election. I have
no doubt thnt foreign,jand other illegal votes
were polled, and would again be polled, if tho
effort were made a hundred times. I appre
hend, there never has been, and never will
be an election in the United States, of any
size, in which illegal votes have not been,
and will not be, polled. There can, howev
er, be no doubt that the large body of voters,
and American voters too, were legal, and
almost unanimoqs, in the prohibition ofslave
ry, and would be the same again, no matter
how often the question might he submitted.
Disunion papers admit that three-fourthsof
the convention are from the United States.
If, however, the people of California want
slavery, or shall hereafter desire it,they can,
and no doubt will, alter' their constitution
and permit it. Her admi.sion, as a Stale,
does not, in the least, prevent her adopting
slavery:
Twelve months ago, no one thought of as!
ing for the Territory of Mexico, any thit _
but non-intervention. Or in the language o*i
your letter, that it be “ placed under terri
torial government without restriction on
Hrsriiii'iliiftpl nf sIavppv D Of nmircA I wish fn
Of course 1 wish to
_ State if it would
bark National, .of Ant|_ which j w ; n di _
arleston for Monsinnilla, Out l am unwil
condition. The Captain wished
. nr ,i. _ .it M***«*_
taken aff—the wind at the-, time blow-
rong from ESE. and a high cross sea
“ - ... I £p 0e( ] e( J ; m
and improbable a benefit, except an enemy
to the South, or one who is willing to grati
fy bis hatred at her expense ?
There is no principle violated, if a law
shall not be passed, authorizing slavery in
this Territory. Though an net of Congress
may be unconstitutional—which is the for
lorn hope of ‘hose . w ishing to oppose the
general government—I do not think it will
be held unconstitutional not to act. The
conquest and acquisition of New Mexico,
was emphatically a southern and democratic
measure. Wo acquire it as free Territory,
If St Indeed he free—not only by,our consent,
but at our earnest desire. It >vas not im
posed on us. There is no prihctple in the
constitution requiring it to bo made free
Territory. So far from thero being any im
plied agreement that the laws concerning
sinves should bo altered, the implication
was the other way. Tho South, held before,
nt the time of, ana after the acquisition that
Congress had no.right to interfere with slave
ry in the Territories ; and the North, at the
same time, by the Mi-sonri con-promise, the
ordinance of 1787 and tho Wilinot proviso,
thrt Congress had the right to prohibit its
extension in all Territories.
. If, therefore, the North has any advantage
over us, it is not only fairly acquired, accord
ing to the compact of the constitution, but
agreeably to our implied compact ns above
noticed. Suppose Cuba should be annexe*
and the North should insist that the Tjsri'
ry be divided,“andf slavery nlOTfBftftTis one
hnlf, so that her citizens could there live
without being compelled to live in slave Ter
ritories, 1 think the arguments above used
would then be by southern men admitted to
have force. But, admitting it to be fair,
right, nnd equitable—which I am not dispos
ed to controvert—thnt tho laws of Mexico,
prohibiting slavery, should be repealed.—
Admit that, though the advantage obtained
by the North, hns been fairly acquired, un
der the consti .ution and according to the forms
of law, and is such advantage as parties feel
themselves justified in retaining and using, yet
it is not equitable nnd fair that they should use
such power. The retention and use of such
power, however, would not justify tho South
in dissolving tho Union, or taking any other
violent measure of redress. If the principle be
ndmitted that whenever themnjorilv shall pass
a law repugnant to the wishes of the minor
ity, or what is still stronger—and is the case
under discussion—shall refuse to pass a law
which tlie minority think should be passed,
be a good cause of violent resistance, then
no government could stand for five yours.—
It is the essence of anarchy. It asserts the
principle that the minority have the right to
force the majority. There can be no gov
ernment where such n principle is recognized.
The principle is revolutionary in itself, and
involves the question, whether such refusal,
though according to the constitution nnd
forms of law, nnd such as is compatible with
the rights of party power, is, nevertheless, so
oppressive to the minority as to justify a dis
solution ol the Union.
Let it be remembered, however, that dis
solution would not make New Mexico slave
territory. It would not remedy the evil. In
another place I shall speak of the serious ob-
^etipns to a dissolution of the Union. Here
let me notice the practical evils that we shall
suffer, ifCongress shall refuse to pass the pro
posed law, and see if they he ot such mag
nitude as to justify the proposed remedy.
I haviei'jusf shown the improbability that a
population ns much opposed to slavery ns
ye are in its favor, should form a constitu-
ion allowing it even with the few slnve-
olders that might go to the country. But
mvo.-. in' ;TunHTTtaring to grasp
[he slaves
ithat vast
Kentucky, and others where the institution
has been giving way to the increasing white
population for years past. A majority of
the old thirtoen States, by the operation of
the above causes, j has already abolished
slavery. Andifwe turn back to the col
umns of some of our ucwspnpers, twelve
months ago, wo shall find this argument used
as a reason why wo should continue the
prohibition of (ho'introduction of slaves into
Georgia. With grout forgo nnd reason it
wns said (hot by the drain Virginia, nnd
other States, would become free Stnios.
The reason for concentrating the slave
population increases with time. The slave
States though -ontaining much mo.* nrri
tory than the free, have much less popula
tion, nnd particularly white population.
This is because foreign emigration to tho
country locates in the free Statos, hut, as
-the whUo-populalion shall press on- tho' tot its effect
means of subsistence in the freo Stntes, ne
cessity will compel them to fill up the more
thinly inhabited Southern Stales. And
when the Northern ond M’estern hive, with
their free soil notions, shall spread through
the land, giving, in time, ten while men hav
ing no interest in sinves, to one slave owner,
we shall hnve abolition in our own legisln.
tion. As certainly ns wator, by the laws of
gravitation, will flow to a lower lovol, so
certainly will the white abolition flow from
his own crowded Stntc, to seek n more com
fortable home in the sparsely populated
slave Slates. Tho same law " which has
driven tho emigrant from over populated
Europo to America, will, in a short time,
drive him from tho over populated free
States, to the thinly populated slave Stntes.
I think it very questionable whether tho vnst
amount of almost uninhabited slave Territo
ry now in the slave Stntes, can be protected
from the operation of this law of emigration.
With nomo, there, is a dread now of homo
abolition. Turn back to the files of our
newspaper;,- particularly tlioso which support
(he Nashville platform, and you will find
pains-taking, nblo and ingenious arguments
to convince the non-slaveholder of Georgia
of his interest in the institution. Nonesuch
ore deemed necessary for tho slave-holder.
Straws show which wny tho wind blows.
The writing and publishing such arguments,
shows that tho writers deem them ncccsssnry.
I commend them for thoir labor. But if you
have apprehensions from two thirds cl our
voters, raised in tho South with nil their
prejudices and education in favor of tho insti
tution, do you think that policy good for the
South which will, as surely as effect follows
cause—give us four filths—aye! and in time
nine tenths of free soilers for voters? Al
ready wo have, plain proof of the effect of
the chaining arid diffusing syptem, The thrif
ty nnd free soil Y.ankee is crowding into
Eastern Virginia to . rupply tho place left
, cant by the slaves, drained off' to Texas
nnd Arkansas, nnd at some future reform
convention—as it will bo called—his vote
will demonstrate tffe jruth of my argument.
Thesame will follow m Missouri, Tennes
see, Kentucky, and others, perhaps finally
all of the slave Stales, if we diffuse sinves
and slave holders'over all the Territory pro
posed by the disunionists. Tho system of
diffusion cannot safely be extended beyond n
certain point, probably it has already been
reached, possibly passed. In mentioning
what wjj see in the papers every day about
Eastern Virginia, I have pointed you to the
leak ir. the ship nnd whilo the crew are aloft
battling with the blustering winds of aboli
tion,, which but keeps them well disciplined
pu watchful of apparent, hecuuse noisy,
_ungers, they suffer, nay, encourage other
leaks to be sprung, whose accumulated and
heavy waters will carry liar down in spite
of those who warn of their silent and subtle
flow" beneath. But in the hour of strife,
the desire to triumph over Union men ot
home, and to spite the Yankees abroad, is
so fempthg thnt it is useless to call on Sou
thern ruiliers to consult the counsels of rea-
—ii—
M boll or the Nashville platform, is the
worse or hotter Jilan for the Sooth, is not so
important, as the groat error ot its advo
cates, ns to the remedy for the real or ima
ginary wrongs of the South’.
It has never «et been shown, or linidly
attempted to he .iliown, thill disunion would
remedy any wrong, or give sccuri ,• to nnv
right of the .South. So far tiom it’, it Would
remedy no evil, and would destroy the ninin
security for slavery. M’onld it prevent "
iheft of our slaves, by l!,! —
ir slaves, by abolition rogues,!
how ? They wtiuUr remain ns contiguous
our poopleas now, aid disunion would hard
ly give them any mure reverence "
r ghis of properly . W.o lnivnsoijm
‘ si in the- c.nse of Canada.
not united to .us, au( 1. presume, there nre
inore stolen negroes there, (linn in all the New
England status together. M'ould it stop the
abolition lecturers, preachers, and politi-
it wouli" ‘
iuns ? think it would hut increase them.
Whether in, or out of . the Union, slavery
enn he abolished, ngnin'st the consent ol the
I slave stales, by force only. I have never
heurd that any parly, even ll o abolitionists
’ ’ * tin
»see.
except Tuus&iys.
lu.rse coach. .
Jacksonville man, (*»)
If these apprehensions he well founded,
thinking men—if any such can be found in
these limes of recklessness and ruin—will
perceive thnt the streng'h of slavery is in
concentration, rather than further diffusion.
Serious efforts were made, not many yenrs
back, in somo of tho border States, to abol
ish the institution by state laws, and, hut
for tho excitement and haired engendered in
the slnve stales by abolition fnntilicism nnd
insolence, I hnve but little doubt that Vir
ginia. and perhaps other border states would,
by this time, have abolished slavery within
their borders. How often in private, as well
as public, acts do men, from experience, dis
cover the short-sightedness of their mea
sures. Whoever has read the debates of
that calm mid wise body of men, who fram
ed our present constitution, will be astonish
ed at their apprehensions of evils that have
never occurred, and how they over-looked
those that have embarrassed the operations
of our government. How much loss are
men to be trusted who opt under the im
pulses of hatred, ambition, and strife.
One of the strongest proofs of consequen
ces being different from the expectation, of
those who project the causes, is to ho found
in the results of the abolition movement. 1
believe instead of weakening, it hns strength
ened the slave power. As before observed,
I have but little doubt that pro-slavery in the
border states has not only been kept alive,
but excited and active, by tho constant irri
tation and insolence of the abolitionists.
And to the means intended to weaken the
slave power we may now lie indebted for
the preservation ofslavery by some of the
strongest of our border States. It all de
monstrates thnt people should not sacrifice a
-rent, permanent, and certain good,, for dor
ul benefits.
The strength of slavery is in its grei
pies. Or.e engaged in inn kin
or cotton, strengthens tho
than five engage’’
contended fur the right to.abolish it in the
slave stale! by luw, against their consent.
Law or no law, we would never give up tho
institution but by brute force. The aboli
tionists, acknowledging (lint Congress has no
right to abolish it in the States, ure seoking
a dissolution ol'the Union, to the end,plain
ly, that they hope to effect, by opon war
and insurrection, thnt which cannot be done
by legislation. Without the Union we have .
nothing to stnnd hetweon us and our rights,
hut our aims ; and knowing it would bo
treason to ''Southern lights” to deny that/*
hor chivalry could triumph ovor “a world iif S
arms” without, nnd domestic insurrecion
within, yet I hope that men wbp are not
fond of civil war, who have fanriies to suf
fer by the fire and tlio swoid. may he excus
ed from desiring such issiro, unless it he
necessary to avenge wrong or prelect right.
But in tlio Union wo have tlio protection
of our arms, the protection of the constitu
tion, and !h,o protection of tho interest that
cnch State, par'iculnrly the free, hns in tho
Union. Why, then, throw away these two
last securities, wantonly, as they do not im-
rnir the ultimate relinnco on arms ? There
s no rcasun why we shall not be as ahlo,
nay more able, to rely on arms in future,
when it may become/necessary, than now.
Is it to ho tolerated that men who will throw
away two securities pnd roly only on one,
when all three can be retained, shall ho call
ed friends to the South’? If tho motive ho
properly examined, and I hope-to- have
space to do so, the rights and security of
the South have but little U> do with the mat
ter. If tlio raving declamation of stump
orators, nnd barbecue resolutions be true, I
will admit that wo nre a very oppressed, and
grieviously wronged people, but “fiorishitig
declamation is as easy ns profane swearing;
und nbout ns convincing.”
But let the disunionists speak for themselves
in the preamble of one of the resolutions of
an indignation meeting. It is the first 1
could lay hands on, nnd is a fair sample of all;
here it is : “ From the ordinance of 1787
down to this present moment the North hns
been making hold aggressions on the rights
of tho South. Abolition societies liavo been
forming and the presses have associated and
affiliated to levy war on our peculiar institu
tions. Even tho pulpit hns been made to
resound with the moral evil nnd sin of slave
ry. Tho ultimate object of it all has been,
and is now, to overthrew the institution of
slavery in the United States. Urged on by
n blind ond bigoted fanaticism, they claim a
dignity and a religion higher nnd purer than
lliut of Christ, and a political conseqnence
above the constitution.”
M'ell then I nsk, how can these things be
prevented, in or out of the Union ? It is a
eonsequpnee of the liberty of speech nnd the
press. Who expected when liberty of speech
nnd the press was secured, inviolate by the
Constitution, that men would not use.Jioth
wickedly ? To enjoy the benefits uvvlhnt
liberty we nre obliged to hnve the.- vil.—
How are we to discriminate ? If or aboli
tion society in one state is to be put wn by
violence, or the Union dissolved, another
slate will insist thnt the ordorot Jesuits must
be put down or the Union dissolved ; another
the Masons ; another temperance societies ;
ond so on of various other associations. If.' ,
the Union is to ho dissolved becauseone slate
suffers a man to write nnd say slavery : s a
sin, another may say it should be dissolved
beenuso Georgia and South Carolina suffer 1
their people to say the Union is a cm-se, and-
the Government a tyirnnny. If tl i L’'ion is.
to he dissolved because Msssachuseltt’illows'
a ernzy fanatic to profane the ptilpit, and lib
erty of speech, in abusing slavery and slave
holders, another state will insist it is a curse,
so long as Georgia permits her pri. Us to be
come demagogues in heading barbecue pro
cessions, the main object of which is to en
courage disloyalty to their own government,
or New York permits her pulpits to he pro
faned by socialist doctrines. But, snyitihe
preamble above, the abolition societies nm
press wish to overthrow slavery. And
the enemies of socialism say its tender-^
to overthrow society—the protests
Jesuit societies, and tho people o(
of Ohio, that the nullification of"
tend to overthrow tile goveri
ror of this whoju cj
considering h
men
