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seized on Ihe slave torri’ory of Texas, and
appropriated it to free soil. Nothing could
be farther from the truth. The only direct
effect resulting from this moo uto upon the
rhvery question, was to temovo the prohibi
tion upon slavery in that portion of the ced
ed territory, boingj above 36, 30, which was
put upon it in the nrticlcs of unnoxation,
when Texas was admitted into the Un
ion. This bill removes that prohibition, and
submits to the decision of the people of the
territory when they come to organize thoir
Slate govi rninon*—the question whether or
not slavery shall constitute a part of their so
cial system. This bill, like the others which
1 liavo cans.dored, received the warm uni
cordial support of a majority of Southern
Ke Werehlatives, and encountered its bitler-
c-l opposition from tho free soil Roprosontn-
■ves of the North.
Tho only remaining bill affecting our terri
torial acquisition, war the ono for the admis
sion of California ns n State t ito the Union
This measure was objectionublo to Southern
men, though it finally received the support
of nearly one : third of the Representatives of
the South. In commun with a majority of
the South, I entertained objections to this
It'll j I preforrod that a territorial govern
ment should have boun provided for Califor-
nir, as was done for Utah and New Mexico.
It would have boen the more regular and np-
printe mode of disposing of that portion ol
the territory ; but the failure to uo so, 1 do
not regard as n violation of the Constitution,
or 'ho tights of the South In tho admission
of California, Congress exorcised a powor
cxprossly conforrod upon it, by tho Constitu
tion, “to admit new Stales into tho Union;’’
and though our judgments do not wholly ajt-
provo of tho exorcise of that discretionary
powor in this instnneo, it constitutes no such
enuse of complaint against (ho government,
ns would justify the rr istance which I®
been Indicated by the enemies of the Com
promise nnd the advocates of disunion.
The principle upon which Cnlifornia was
admittod into the Union, with her constitu
tion prohibiting slavery, has ovor received
the sanction of Southern statesmen. That
principle denies to Congress the right to
look into the constitution of n State asking
for admission into tho Union, farther than to
see that it is republican in its form of gov
ernment. Whether slavery shall exist there
is a question, not for the consideration of
Congress; but to bo determined by the peo
ple when they frame their Stnto coustilti-
lion.
This doctrine wns cloarly expressed in the
following resolution, introduced by Mr. Cal
houn into tho Senate of tho United States,
in 1847. It wns the annunciation oi a sound
constitution^ principle, and 1 am prepared
to maintain its correctness :
“llesolvail, Tlint ns a fuiidiiiieiilal princi
ple in our political-creed, a people, in lorm-
ing a constitution, have tho unconditional
right to form and adopt the government
which they may think best calculated to so-
curo liberty, prosperity and happiness; and
that in conformity thereto, no other condition
is imposed by the federal constitution on a
State, in order to her admission into this
Union, except that its constitution bo repub
lican, and that the Imposition of any other
by Congress would not only be in violation
of tho constitution, but in diroot conflict
with tho principle on which our political
system resists.”
_<*♦ Lill-t..- *L- **f 1 la a ej......
lrndo in tho district ot Columbia, wns object-
od to by Southern men, principally on the
ground of tho penally which it provides.—
Tfiot feature, is taken from tho laws of Ma
ryland, and it will be reinoinborcd, that all
that now remains of tho district, was origin-
nlly a part of tho Slato of Maryland. In
1810 the Stale of Georgia prohibited the in
troduction of slavery within this Stato for
sale, under n penalty of a fine of five hundred
dollurs, and imprisonment in tho penitentiary
for four years, for each slavo brought into
tho Stato for sale. This law was repealed
in 1843, and re-cnocted in 1843, and ngain
repealed at the session of 1840. The penal
ty for the violation of the District law is tho
liberation of the slave ; which is, as 1 have
said, the same penally provided by tho Ma
ryland law for a violation of their Act upon
the same subject. There was, as far as 1
could learn, but one voice among tho people
of the district on this subject. They all de
sired it.
The Fugitive Slave Dill, is the only rc
iimining measuc of tho compromise to be con
sidered. 1 wish it was practicable, without
extending this communication to too great
a length, to encorporate into it, the leading
provisions of the bill. It must suffice, how
ever, to state, that it was prepared by one of
the most extreme advocates of Southern
Rights in Congress. It contains every pro
vision that was demanded by the South, and
1 have jwt to meet with the first man who
claims more nt the hands of Congress on
this subject, than this bill grants. Congress
in the adoption of this bill, lias, in my judg
ment, exhibited a willingness and determina
tion, fully to discharge ihe obligation which
the constitution imposes for tho delivery of
our fugitive slaves.
I hare now rapidly referred to each of the
compromise measures, and you will see, that
whilst in the language of the Georgia Con
vention, 1 do not wholly approve of all these
measures, yet 1 see in them no violation of
our constitutional rights—nor is there, in my
opinion, any thing which forbids on tho part
of our people, an honorable acquiesence in
these measures. Such was tho decision of
the people of this State, Inst fall, ns recorded
by their delegates in tho convention of last
November. If I did not regard the settle
ment as fair and honorable, 1 would not be
found among the advocates of the Georgia
Phtforin. It is not simply because Geoigin
bos decided the question, that I maintain hor
decision—but because she hns made a wise,
just and patriotic decision. If 1 thought
that Georgia hud made a decision which
subjected her citizens to terms of inequality
nnd degradation, i would, ns a loyal citizen,
submit to her will, until I could induce her,
if in my power, to abandon so humiliating
n position ; and such, 1 presume, is the po
sition of every honorable man within her
limits ; it is, therefore, right and proper,
that the people should know not only, who
will submit to the decision of the State, but
also, who approves and will sustain that de
cision.
V'our first interrogatory, directs my atten
tion to the question of secession, and you
liaye put the issue upon the right of n State
secede from the Union without just cause,
s right is claimed by many os const!
ll right, nnd by all of those who advo
** "s modern acceptation, as consist.
’ iitmnal obligations, 1 shall
When asked to concede the right of n
Stato to socodo nt pleasure from the Union,
with or w ithout just cause, we are called up
on to admit that the fratnors of the constitu
tion did that Which was never done by any
other people, possessed of their good sense
nnd intelligence—that is to provide in the ve
ry organization oj the government for its own
ilissolution. It seems to me, that such a
coiirso would not only liavo boen an anom
alous proceeding—but wlioly inconsistent
with tho wisdom and sound judgement which
marked the deliberations oi those wise and
good men, who framed our Federal Govern
ment. Whilst 1 fresly admit that such an
opinion is entertained by many, for whoso
judgement 1 entertain tho highest respect, 1
have no hesitation in declaring that the con
victions of my own judgement are well sot-
tied, that no such principle was contemplat
ed in the adoption of our constitution.—
If it wns the purpose of tho framers of the
constitution, to subject the perpetuity of the
Union to ibo will, and indeed 1 may add,—
tho caprice of each Slate, it is a most re
markable fact, (hut n principle of such vast
importance, involving the r cry cxistenco of
the republic, should liavo been left an open-
question, to bo decided by inferences nnd
metaphysical deductions of the must compli
cated chnructer. When ono rises from n
careful study of tho constitution of the
United Stules, ho feels Impressed with its
wonderful adaptation to the wants and inter
ests of this growing people. Not only docs
he find wise und judicious provisions mid
guarantees for the stnto of tho country ns it
then existed, but with prophetic wisdom its
framers seem to have penetrated the future,
accommodating tho government to the neces
sities and requirements of its present in
creased population and oxteuded resources.
I nm not prepared .to admit that tho men
who exhibited so much cure and foresight in
reference to all the various parts of this com
plicated mnehino—would have left to vaguo
conjecture tho existence of tho important
and vital power now claimed for each State,
of dissolving at pleasure, tho Union which
had costs them und their cotnpnlriuts so
much toil, nr.d Inbor, nnd anxiety. If they
hud intended to provide fur tho destruction
of that noblo structure, which they wore then
oroctiug with nil tho care and wisdom ofnblo
Statesmen nnd dovoted patriots, by such sim
ple mid obvious means, an the withdrawal of
nny State from tho confederacy—they would
liavo mmiifcslcd their intention by some plain
and palpable provision of constitution. Such
n course would hnvo been characteristic of
tho honest practicul and enlightened states
men of the convention. Their failure to do
so carries tho strongest conviction to my
mind, that no such principle wns recognized
by tbom. In connection with this view of
tho subject, tho inquiry forces itself upon
our minds, if eacli Stale reserved tho right
to withdraw at pleasure from the Union,
why was there so much difficulty encounter
ed by tho friends of tho constitution in ob
taining its ratification by tho different States ?
There were few, if nny, who were opposed
to the formaliun of tho Union, after the con
stitution bad been submitted to the Stales
for ratification, provided they could engraft
certain amendments upon it. Tho policy of a-
doptiiigtlicjconstitution,conditioned that these
amendments should bo ut-ceded to, was urg
ed with grent earnestness in the conventions,
und among the pcoplo of several of the States,
hut wmt finally abandoned pn the around that
it would be a conditional ratification, and
therefore inadmissible. On this point I must
refer to the opinion expressed by Mr. Mad!
son, who lias been callod “the father of the
constitution,” nnd to whose exposition of
that sacred instrument the republican parly
have been accustomed to look with such im
plicit coufidonce. Mr. Madison says :
“My opinion is, that a reservation of a
right to withdiaw, if amendments be not de
cided on under the form of tho constitution
within a corlain time, is n conditional ratifi
cation ; that it docs not make Now York a
member of tho new Union ; and consequent
ly, that she would not bo roceived on tliut
plan. Compacts must bo reciprocal; Ibis
principle would not in such n case be pre
set veil. The constitution requires an adop
tion in tola and fobeveb."
If the right was reserved to each State to
withdraw, it would have beon an act of su
pererogation on tho part of Now York, or
any other State, to declare in advance, that
she would withdraw or secede, if tlte amend
ments sbo proposed to the constitution were
not adopted If the right existed, it could
be exorcised ns well without as with tho
condition annexed to Iter ratification of the
constitution, and tho assertion of it would
hnve been n useless interpolation und a nulli
ty. It was not so regarded however, at the
time, by those who hud boen active partici
pants in the framing of the constitution.—
Mr. Madison considered the reservation of a
right to withdraw from the Union as “a con
dition that would vitiate the ratification.”—
He says farther in writing to Mr. Hamilton
on this subject: ,l 'The idea of reserving a
right to withdraw was started at Richmond,
and considered as n conditional ratification,
which wns itself abandoned ns worse than a
rejection.”
If tho the opinion of Mr. Madison, which
have here referred to be well founded, it
puts an cud to this controversy. There can
io no doubt about the fact, that he did not
recognize the right ot each State to secede
from the Union at iier own pleasure. In ad
dition to the fuels which 1 hnve just consid
ered, there is a strong illustration of the
opinion that prevailed among the lrnmcrs of
the constitution on this subject, in the action
of tlic State of North Carolina and Rhode
Island. These Stales refused to come into
the Union for some lime after the ratification
of tho Constitution. They were not oppos
ed to the formation ot tho Federal Union,
but like some of the other States, they were
unwilling to adopt the constitution as it then
stood. If it had been a recognized and un
doubted principle that each State was bound
to remain in the Union, only so long as it
suited its own convenience, no one doubts
that the re States, instead of withholding their
assent to tho constitution, after it had been
adopted by the requisite number, would
have come at onco into the Union, with the
intention of immediately withdrawing from
it, upon the refusal of the other States to
adopt such amendments as they desired, but
regarding tho effect of their ratification of
the constitution in an entirely different light,
from the secessionists of the picsent day,
they adopted quite a different policy. So
far as we can gather light and information
from the opinions nnd actions of the men
who fiumcd nnd adopted the constitution, it
all goes to strengthen nnd confirm tho con
viction I have already expressed against the
ielenco of any such right.
• - .he country fi
the time of the declaration ol indopondenco
to tho udoption of the constitution, is con
firmatory of the correctness of the opinion 1
have expressed. In the original artistes of
confederation, it is moro than once declared
that the object was to form a perpetual Un
ion. Those articles ot confederation were
found too weak, and inefficient, to carry out
the groat purposes of tho people in tlie es
tablishment of a general government, and
henco it was, that in its own language, wns
tlie present constitution adopted for the pur
pose of forming “ a more perfect union ”
It irottld be a reflection, both upon the integ
rity and the wisdom of the framers of the
constitution to say, that they abnndoned “a
perpetual Union” to form n a mohe fehfect
one, and in doing so, adopted a temporary,
conditional Union. Such, however, is the
construction placed by the secessionists up
on the action of those great and good men,
to whose energv, wisdom, and patriotism,
we are indebted for our present noble and
glorious Union.
Tlie policy of our government during its
wliolo existence, looks to the continuance
nnd perpetuity of tlie Union. Its temporary
and conditional existence, is uo where im
pressed either upon its domestic or foreign
policy. It lias for more than half n century
pursued the even tenor of its way, growing
in strength a id increasing in usefulness, tak
ing deeper nnd deeper bold upon the hearts
und affections of the jteoplo; illustrating the
great American principle of free government,
and reflecting upon its inspired founders tho
highest nnd brightest honors. Whilst 1 do
not propose to illustrate these views by a
detailed review of tho action of tho govern
ment, I cannot forbear to refer to one por
tion of our history, which is strongly corrob
orative of the correctness of (ho position I
have assumed. When tlie people of the
United States determined upon the purchase
of the liouisinna territory, nnd cffocted that
desirable object at tlie cost of a considerable
amount of money, and by tho excrciso of n
questionable constitutional power, it will not
be said, that they did so forbear (lie benefit
of those who then inhabited tlie country, nor
indeed for those who might subsequently re
moved there. They were pomptea to the
acquisition of that vast and valuable territo
ry by considerations of public policy, iifiect-
ing their interests nnd wclfurc ns citizens of
ibo various States of tlie Union. The com
mercial and military advantages to tho Unit
ed Status, from tho possession of that coun
try, wero so grent und important, that its ac
quisition wns considered almost nn net of
self-protection. Will it now bo said that
the people of Louisiana, possess the right to
deprive the remaining Stales ol the Union,
of nil tho interests and advantages which
they liavo bought nnd paid for, out of their
own trensury, by withdrawing or seceding
from tho Union at will ?
Louisiana is ns free, sovereign, mid inde
pendent as any oilier Sinte of the Union,
and if this right exist in any one State, it ex
ists in all, without reference to tho mode by
which the territory wns acquirod, out of
which tho State is formed. I apprehend
that the people of the United States did not
for a moment enteitain tho iden, that in ad
mitting Louisiana into tho Union, they had
thus perilled nil tho advantages of that im-
poitnnt acquisition, by placing it in tho pow
er of a single Stnto to deprive the Union ol
commercial nnd military advantages and re-
emtrppQ, of mootimnl’io raluo, purchnocd by
tho joint treasure of ail tho States, and now
held by them as beyond the reach of any
prico or consideration that could he offered
in exchange for them. These remarks apply
with equal force to all the territorial acqui
sitions made by the United States, where
States have been or may herenftcr ho form
ed and admitted into the Union, nnd the
same principle might be forcibly illnstrated
by reference to the action of the government
on subjects of a kindred character, but it
cannot bo necessary and I will not extend
this view to nny great length.
When the right of a Stato to secede from
the Union at will is conceded, wo hnve put
the existence of the government nt the dis
posal of each State in tho Union. The
withdrawal of one, is n' dissolution of the
compact which holds the States together ; it
is no longer the Union that the constitution
formed, and the remaining States are absolv
ed from all .moral obligation to abide longer
by their compact. I say moral obligation,
boenuso the argument of the secessionists
denies tho existence of any binding legal ob
ligation. By admitting the doctrine of the
secessionists, wo are brought to the conclu
sion that our Federal Government, the pride
and boast of every American patriot, the
wonder and Admiration of the civilized
world, is nothing more than a voluntary as
sociation] temporary in its character, weak
and imbecile in the exorcise of its powers,
incapable of self-preservation, claiming its
citizens allegiance, and demanding annual
tribute from their treasure—-nnd yet, desti
tute of tho power of protecting their rights
or preserving their liberties. If this he the
true theory ol our government, what is the
constitution of the United States, that we
should estimate it so highly ? Where is its
binding force, that we should hold to its
provisions with such unyielding tenacity r
Individuals cannot violato their compacts, or
set aside at pleasure their mutual obligations,
without the assent of the other parties. Na
tions cannot recklessly disregard their treaty
stipulations, without incurring the conse
quences of violated faith. But our consti
tution, the revered monument of revolution
ary potriotism and wisdom, which we have
been taught to regard with reverential feel
ing is doomed to fall below tho standard of
national treaties, and individual contracts.
It has formed a Union founded upon mutual
sacrifices and concessions—made by the sev
eral component parts for the greater benefits
to be derived bv each, from tho combined
co-operation of all—and now we ore told
that there is no obligation to observe that
Union, beyond the ploasure of the parties to
it—ond that tho constitution can be annulled
by the act of any State in the confederacy.
1 do not so understand our goverment, I
feel that 1 owe my allegiance to a goverment.
could not complain of nny cousquence that
should result from my avowal of doctrines
which I have imbibed from the teachings of
Mr. Madison, Gen. Jackson, Judge Craw
ford, nnd their republican associates. It does
not follow, however, ns a necessary conse
quence of the principles which I hnvo laid
aown, that military coercion is to he used
against a State that may nttempt the exercise
of this revolutionary right.
Whilst I deny the right of a State to secede
and thus dissolve the Union, I would not at
tempt by the strong arm of military power
to bring her citizens back to their allegiance,
unless, compelled to do so in defence of the
rights and interests of the remaining States
ot the Union. We should not recognize
separate independence, nor could we allow
our own interests to bo periled by sanction
ing any alliance she miglit be disposed to
make with nny foreign government. In our de
sire to inflict no injury upon a wandering sister
wo should not forget the duty which tho
government owes to those who remain firm
nnd true to thoir allegiance nnd whose claims
upon its protection and support should not be
lightly regurded. The laws of self protection
would require at the hand of the government
that due regard should ho had for the protec
tion of the rights and interests of the other
States, nnd to that demand, it would bo
bound to respond. If one of tho States should
in a mad hour attempt to secede from the Un
ion, nnd that kind and indulgent policy which
I have indicated should be resorted to 1 hnve
no doubt that in a very short time such State
would feel it to bo both her duly and interest
to retrace her wandering steps, nnd return to
the embrace of thejsisternood This opinion is
founded upon the high estimate which 1 place
upon the value of the Union to each atm nil
of the Stales that compose it, which would
require tho experience of only njshort ab
sence, to tench the wanderer the benefits nnd
advantages from which she lmd voluntarily
exiled herself.
Such nro the general views which I entertain on
this subject, and I have l recly ex pressed them. I
liavo discussed it as \ moro abstract question, and
in that light I regard it. Whatever differences of
opinion tuny exist among tho true friends of the
Union on tho abstract question of tho right of seces
sion, 1 apprehend thnt when it assumes n practical
shape, there would be but slight shades of difference
as to tlie policy and effect of our action. There
many who hold to the doctrine of the right of a State
to secede from thuUnion, with whom 1 do not dif
fer practically. They grant the abstract right of
cession, but claim for the remaining States the right
to protect themselves from uny injurious consequen
ce’s that might flow from tho exercise of that ab
stract right by the seceding State, It is only neces
sary to State the two propositions to show that,in tho
end, tho practical operation of their principlss would
fond to the same results that I would reach by tlie
enforcement of tho doctrines which I have avowed 1
Our difference is theoretical, not prnclicul, nnd
therefore constitutes no impediment in the way of
our cordial co-operation.
Wo all hold that just and wiso laws should be cn
forced and executed, whilst we are prepared to op
pose acts of injustice nnd oppression by all the
means in our power, and to tho rupture of "very tie
that binds us to uny governm’t. No govbnm’t however
wisely and honestly administered,oun ho maintained
in thcabscnceofbiuding obligations on its citizens to
obey its laws, nnd power to enforce their execution
on recusant parties. Hence; I cannot consent to the
doctrine that our government is destitute of these
powers essential tD its vitality nnd cxistenco. The
cluiin which I have urged in behalf of tlie Federal
Government cannot bo abandoned without endan
gering tho whole frame work of our admirable sys
tem—nor is there nny serious danger to be appre
hended from its improper exercise. Its true strength,
hosed upon tho existence of tlioso powers, is to bo
found in the justice and wisdom of its legislation ;
tlioso nro the true and only safe nTenues to tho hearts
and affections ol tho people, wherein are found the
strong pillars ofsupporttoa free government. I do
not entertain tho iden, for a moment, that our gov
ernment can be maintained by the strong aim ol
military power, when it ceases to bestow tho bles
sings upon tho people for which it was formed.—
Whenever it becomes tlie instrument of wrong and
oppression to any portion of tho people by unjust
laws and degrading legislation, it will qenso to be
tlie Union formed by our revolutionary fathers, and
possessing no further claims upon oar alliance nnd
support; should that period ever unfortunately ar
rive, wo will not fail to prove ourselves as true to
the principles of liberty and equal rights as our hon
ored nnd venerated fathers; nor will wo stop to
look to the provisions of a violated constitution for
tho mode or measure for tho redress ol our grievan
ces.
I liavo so far considered the question in reference
to the doctrine of tho constitutional right of a State
to secede without just cuuse, at her own will und
pleasure, and I think I have shown that it is unsup
ported either by principle or authority, On tlie
other hand, I admit tho right of a State to secede
for just causes, to be determined by herself. Being
a party mho compact,which the constitution forms,
she bus the right, which nil other parties to a com
pact possess, to determine'for herself when, where
and how, tho provisions of that compact have boen
violated. It is equally clear that tho oilier parties
to tho compact possess n corresponding right to
-udge for themselves, and there being no common
arbiter to decide between them, each must depend
for tlie justification ol their course upon the justice
of their cause, the correctness of their judgment,and
their power and ability to maintain their decision.
The right of a Stnto to secede incase of oppres
sion, or “ a gross nnd palpable violation” of lier
constitutional rights, ns derived from tlie reserved
sovereignty of tlie States, I am prepared to recognize.
In such case, each State, in tlie language of the
Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1798—’O'J, is
to bo the judge, not only of tlie “ infractions,” but
“ tlie mode nnd measure of redress.” It is tlie just
right of tho people to change their form of govern
ment when, in their opinion, it Jins bccomo tyrun-
cal, in a mode not provided lor in tho consti tution
nnd is therefore revolutionary in its character, nnd
leponds for its maintenance upon tho stout hearts
nnd strong arms of a free poopie
In connection with tills brar.eh of tlie subject, a
question arises, which, in the opinion of some,
of considerable importance. It is. whether or not
the citizens of a Stnto thus resuming her sovereign
powers would be liable to the charge of treason ii
conforming to the requirements of their Stato gov
may become a practicul ono—I sincerely trust and
hopo it nover will. Under tho existing laws of tho*
United States, tho President has no power to order
out tho militia to coerce a seceding State. Neither
the Act of 1700 nor the Act of IS07 Would apply in
such nn emergency. Tnaso Act* nppiy to cases
where individuals, acting without tho authority of
any State government, resist, by force, tho laws of
tho United Suites—to riots and insurrections—to
such cases ns we wero apprehensive a few mouths
inee might bo manifested In opposition to tiro Fu
gitive Slave Law in portions of the Northern States*
That this is tho true construction to bo placed up-
these Acts, will be apparent from tlie conduct of
Gen. Jackson In a former period of our history;
when tlie State of South Carolina threatened to se
cede from tlie union. Ilo then found it necessary to
invoko the aid ol additional legislation by Congress,
ills appeal to tho then Congress resulted in tho pas
sage of tho law familiarly known ns " tho Force
Bill;” but Unit net being temporary in its object and
character, has lost nil ol its vitality, nnd long sinco
ceased to be of force, having expired by its own
limitation. In the contingency involved In your
question, it Would be necessary tlmt tho President,
if his views of right and policy led him to coercion,
should ask of Congress additional legLIution, nnd it
would be for them to determine whether or not they
would grant It. Ifa State should secede, nnd tho
President should recommend to Congress sueh legis.
hition and Congress should grant it, then your ques
tion would become practical, nnd lain prepared to
answer it fully, freely, nnd frankly. It would be the
most fearful issue that over tlie people of tills coun
try have been called on to decide sinco the dnysof
tho revolution—so momentous, so vital to the Inter
ests of the people of Georgia, that I should feel bound
to ascertain tlie will of tlmt people before I acted. I
should endeavor to be the Executive of the wilt of the
people of Georgia. To ascertain that will, I should
convene tho Legislature of tho State, nnd recom
mend to them to call a convention of the poopie,and
it would be for tlmt convention, representing the
people upon that nnked Issue, to determine whether
Georgia would go out of tho Union, nnd ally herself
nnd peril hor destinies with tho seceding State, or
whether shejwould remain in tho Union and abide
the fortunes of her othor sisters. And ns Georgia
spoke, so would 1 endeavor, if her Executive, to
give power and effect to hor voice.
But if a collision of arms botweon tho States
posing our glorious confederacy should over come,
it requires no prophet to predict tho result. The Un
ion would fall beneath the weight of revolution nnd
blood, nnd fall, I fear, to rise uo more. It was form
ed in the hearts of tho American people—it can on
ly ho preserved in thoir bouts When nny hug
portion of its inhabitants look upon it as npprettive
ami degrading to them—when they cease to revere
it as the legacy of Washington am! the inheritance
of the blood of the revolution, its vitality wi 1 be
gone, nnd empty parchments, though aided by mil
itary force, can never hold it together. lienee, wo sec
the abolitionists of tho North denouncing it
covenant with hell,” nnd hence wo hear tho disun-
ionists ol the South iulluming the boa its of tho peo
ple against it, announcing thn* they have been de
graded and oppressed by it, and preparing to over
throw it. They are wise men,.they understand tin
workings of the human heart, and they well know
that when the heart feels that Wrong, Indignity and
insult have been heaped upon a man, unless he be
indeed a craven spirit, u blow will follow. Prepai
tho hearts oftlie people to hate tlie Union ot their
fathers, and the buttle js won—they are ready to
tight ngninst it* lienee believing as 1 do, that the
late compromise is such, in the lungunge of the
Georgia Platform, ** ns she can in honor abide by,*
I liavo used every effort rn my power to stay this
ceaseless and ruinous agitation North nnd South,
and to keep tho constitution and the Union win re
our fathers erected them—firmly on tho foundation
of the people's, hearts.
I am, very respectfully, your ob't serv’t.
HOWELL COUP.
Mesirs. John Rutherford, N. Bass, 11. A. L. Atkin
son and others.
^THURSDAY MORNINOAUa 31,1851
~ Jr KNO YVLES, EDITOR . ^
M Should Congress at ang time exhibit its
purpose to war upon our property, or withhold
our just constitutional rights, we stand ready to
vindicate those rights, in the Union as long
as possible, and out of the Union when we are
left no other alternative, }>
possessed of more vitality and strength, than
that which is drawn from a voluntary obedi
ence to its laws. I hold that no goverment
is entitled to my allegiance that docs ‘ not
pass wise and just laws, and does not pos
sess the power to enforce and executo them
I am fully aware of the fact that the effort
is now being made to render the denial of
the right of a btate to dissolve the Union,
odious in tho public estimation, by present
ing to tho public mind, in connection with it,
a frightful picture of an armed soldiery and a
military despotism. I have no fears of the
haLqur/ enlightened countrymen
^tra^r^^mdsurelyl
eminent. I refer to this particularly, only in consi
deration of the impottance attached to it by others,
From what 1 have said, it will cloarly appear that I
hold thn, theyjwould not be. In my opinion,[no man
commits treason who nets in obedienco to the laws
and authorities of a regular organized government,
such as wo recognise our Stnto governments to be.
But there is u question, gentlemen, involved in,
your interrogatories, which rises in magnitude far
above any which I have yet considered. It Involves
the important inquiry, whether in the event of a
State seceding from the Union, and the Executive
of tho United States making a requisition for troops
to cocrco hor back, I, if elected Governor of Geor
gia, woujd, o|?cy that requisition. This question
fejLjuu
Till COURIER.
nominations of tub
constitutional union party.
For Governor-
HON. HOWELL COBB.
Fob Congress.
COL. E. W. CHASTAIN,
Of Gilmer.
For Senator.
COL. JOSEPH WATTERS.
.For Representative.
WILLIAM T. PRICE.
AUBNTS FOR TUB COURIER.
Dan’i. Hix, Summerville.
Judge Wooten, Dirt Town.
J. T. Fini.f.y, Chnttoognvillo.
HON. HOWELL COBB
Will address the people nt the following
places, at the times designated
Marietta,
Cassville,
Rome,
Summerville,
LaFayette,
Trenton,
Ringgold,
Calhoun,
Spring Placo,
Ellijay,
Blairsville,
Dahlonega,
Cumining,
Canton, ~ -
Wo nro authorised by Mr, Cobb to say
that Judge McDonald is invited to attend
these appointments, and to participate in the
discussion upon equal terms.
QZ7* Wo nro compelled to omit several editorials for
want ot room.
IO* We oro requested to say thnt the exercises of
the Female Academy will bo resumed on the first dny
of September.
Snttirdn3’ August 23d.
Mondny “
25th.
Wednesday “
27lh.
Friday “
29th.
Saturday “
30th.
Tuesday Sept.
2d.
Thursday “
4th.
Saturday 11
0th.
Monday “
8th.
Wednesday “
Friday “
10th.
12th.
Monday “
15th.
Wednesday “
17th.
Friday/ “
19lh,
Misr.AlD.—Some weeks SI—,. a subscriber to the
Courier at tho -•Alpine Post Office," w-ii 0 oga, Bent
ua two new s'ubsoribere, but the letter was misiai.i...
fore their nenics were recorded. Will our friend
please send us-their names again 1
.. ... «-» -. n~. wr*-~r~
The Fablic Is' cdutloitcd' against exaggerated
rumora or sickness In-Rome. There buvd Been Mine'
cases of Dysentery, nrrU' onb death from' Fever. But'
tlie general hcuflli of the plh'oo Will compare favors^
bly with thnt of nnyoihereltyin tbeUnioe.-
Tennessee—As wc nmlopnted, Campbell, Ihe Un- >?
ion candidate for Governor, has been elected in- this 1
State by a large mnjority,
Alabama.—The Union Party in this Slute have'
achieved a glorious vi story. Five out of seven mem-'
bora id Congress are Union men, urtd In tho Legisla
ture they have an overwhelming tfmjbrlfy; Three
thousand cheers for patriotic Alabama. ,
Macon Business.
By reference to our advertising columns. It will'
be aeon that, in Hotels, In Manufactures, in commerce'
In short, in every thing that conduces to permanent
prosperity nnd influence, lids flourishing city Is stead
ily an the advance. Her central position, and acces
sibility from every point by railroads, in connection'
with her various Industrial enterprises, will always*
give to Macon a hnndsomp business, We understand*
her foundries nnd machine-shops, ore doing excellent'
work, nt moderntu ptieeo. Her Hotels we have fn!--
qucntly tried, and can cordially recommend. Success'
sny we to M-,con.
Direct Importation-
Our renders nro referred to tlie advertisement oi
Mil. Betts, by which they will perceive thnt some of
our enterprising Southern Merchants arc moving in
tho right direction to secure Southern independence-
and prosperity. This should have been done years
ogo, but it is better to commence a good work lute
than never. We enn very cordially recommend tlie
House ol Mr. Bctta, nnd hope our upcouulry merchant*
will give him a cnll.
A Hioh Repast.
Wc nro indebted to our worthy young fiiond Mb.-
W. Daniel, for ono of dm largest nnd most luscious
Wntoimcllona that it hns ever been onr good fortune
todiscuBs. It weighed between thirty nnd forty pounds^
Its ruby and saclinrincmoot was altogether delightful,
to the eye nnd taste. Mr. Daniel will ptcaso accept
our thnnks for this magnificent specimen of Ids sxlll in
mellnn-culturc. If nny of our friends can heat it, we-
should like to know it,by personal attestation. Many
cm to doubt the practicability of raising fine
elicits in this latitude. Wu hnve occasionally met
with ns fine Ones III Flnyd county, as in any part of
the Union. Wc should he glad if Mr. Daniel'would
favor the pul,lie with a statement of liia mode of cul
ture.
Whilst upon tills subject we would suggest thnt our
forthcoming agricultural Pic Nic might bo rendered,
more interesting und useful if our friends would bring
to it specimens of fine fruit, Vegetables, grain, .-cc.—
We should like pnrticuiatly to sec some choice speci
mens of wheat, rye, barley and rice, grown in Chero
kee, Georgia.
What We Want*
There lms not been probably, within the last hull
ci ntury n more critical period in tho histoiy of Geor
gia than the present. Besides those great national
questions which for the lust two years have divided
the country, nnd shaken the very foundations of tho
government, there are others of a local character oftlie
highest interest andmoment, and wliich involve to a %
large extent the reputution and future welfare of our
State. At this particular juncture then, wo ne;d in.
the Executive Chair, not only a mnn of undoubted pa
triotism and profound statesmanship, but one of prac
tical information and business habit*.
First and foremast, \ve want a man whoso dcvotioi*
to the Union J-* ardent and umvQvering—otto who*
Ipves his country, his whole country. Believing that J i
there can be no security to life or property; no guar- 1
antee of civil or religious liberty and blessing, excep,u
under the broad shield of (he Constitution, we want. J*
a man who will, con umoie, defend tlmt 'instrumenti J
from all external and internal aessaultsj one who will
boldly and cordially maintain the proud und dignified* \
attitude assumed by Georgia in December lost.
In the second place we want in tlie Gubernatorial}
Chair, a man who will wisely,prudently and efficient*
ly, administer the affairs of our local governnient-*-
one who will devLe nnd execute liberal things for the-
welfare of our beloved State. One who, instead oC
plotting against the General Government, wi^l devise*
measures for a more full development of the resources-
of Georgia; increasing its wealth nt home and Us in-*
fluence abroad. Wc want a man who will taks-n» i
eniighted supervision of our public works, and place
them in tho bands of competent and faithful agents.—
The State Road; the Penitentiary; the Deaf and Dumb ^
and Lunatic Asylums—our Institutions of Learning
—all these greut interests a;.d others which might bo
named, need the fostering caro of .the tflato. We
want, therefore, a man in the Executive Chair who
will attend faithfully to the duties of his high and re
sponsible office—who will study to promote tho wel
fare oftlie whole State and country, and not labor
merely to build up n party.
Such a man wc believe Howell Cord to be ; and
we can, therefore, cordially commend him to the peo
ple. lie has been tried in the most difficult stations
in public life, and has discharged with honor to him
self and his State, every trust heretofore confided to
his care. What say you, followedtlzen*, -aball wo
not try him farther 1
Evidence Still Acoamulatea*,
Almost every mail and overy passing hour brings .
to light some new and startling fact, proving beyond*
a doubt tlmt n collusion exists between the McDon* „
aid party In Georgia ond the disunionists of South
Carolina. Read the following from the Charfeafoi
Mercury of the 7th, nnd then tell us, good friends!
what you think of tho signs of the imes. Mr. Stilrsl
said the Constitution is patting away. This writer says'
it is dead. How similar tho langudgefT DNtfoionisinJ
after all, liavo the same dialect every where.'
From Georgia*
Extract of n letter from a Carolinian, now in Geod
gia :
It is with extreme regret, and pain,.that I observe)
through the Charleston papers, wknt I regard, nr.d
whiitis regarded by Southern Rights men in this stateS
ns symptoms ota retreat from the elevated, oncllinn.1
position wu alt think South Carolina is standing updf
on, by a portion of the citizens of Charleston* I aj
n Charlestonian by birth, aud it is only within Jhc pi
year that I came into our sister Stato of Georgia wlJ
business prospects. Being still as deeply interested/
the cauBj in which South Carolina is engaged)
wns still her citizen, and tlje same cause being noil
ded for hero,it seems to me that my opinioht WiJ
titled, opart from their perfect sincerity, to bo 'r
ed ns without the least degree of prejudice.
You cannot calculate, peihaps, the Injury wlH
cause of State Rights, Southern Righls, opd tb
Constitutional Remedy for Southern Wrongs, will
tain by the formation of two parties among ;
'South Carolina waits for co-operation, mean in
by, that at least two States shall simultunec
by pre-concert, secede from tho Union, she had j
give up the contest at once, nnd acquiesce;
thing is going to occur in Virginia, No,
pardon. Virginia's lust Legislature havi
made their last, will and testament*pn*th
She may, or she may not hereafter
'’'"•destroy that decision, or At>
Tho South*... n{.