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VOLUME 6.
ROME, GA.,
AUGUST 14, 1851.
_
I 4**..
SMjS
NUMBER 45.
almitm
THE ROME COURIER
ib 1’t'EUSIIED EVERY THURSDAY MORNIq
BY A. n. EDDLEMAJI.
TERNS.
wml.fi
months'i 'or Tlirco Uollurs ut tile end of tlio year.
llntea ol A4«er'tl,ln(.
Lkoal' ADVckTiatthtesTa will bo Inaortcd. with
atrlot attention to the requltementa of the law, at
tlio following rates t
Four Months Notice, - • •
Notice to Debtors and Creditors,
Sale' ol Personal Proporty, by Exccu-
^iSfo»%day.,
per square,
Letters of Citation, • • ■ •
Notice for Lettors of Dismission,
$4 00
.3 25
5 00
CandidatPS announcing their, names, will bo
Charged SS 00, wlilob.will be required In advance.
Husbiinds advertisingthulr wives, will bo charged
®5 00; wliloh must always bo paid In advance^
AH other advertisements will be Insorted at One
bollar nor square, iff twelfo lines or loss, for tlio
Hrst, and Filly Gouts, for ouoli subsequent Insor
k, °Llboral deduotlons wlllbomade in favor oflboso
\rbo advertise by tbo year.
BttSISBSS CAKPS.
B. W. BOSS,
DENTIST.
Rome, Georgia......OfficeoverN. J. Omberg'3
Clothing Store.
January 16,1851.
FRANCIS X. ALLEN,
WHOLESALE and retail
Dealer in Staple and Fancy
DRY GOODS AND GROCDRIES.
(jc$» Receives new goods every week.
Rome; Go., January 3, 1851. .
From tlio Charleston Courier.
Cu.nperulloii shown lobe niutucoi*
•ary mid iitjiiribns—and Washing*
ton a decent man enough in his
way.
I suggested lately, with much hesitation,
to one of thy numerous secession friend* who
have not'tarried long enough at Jericho; that
whatever the causes may be for complaint
and indignation on the part of South-Cnroli-
na against the Federal Government, they are
common to the whole South. The insult,
the injury, the oppression that we denounce
they also are exposed to. The corruptions
that'slink in the ndstrils of our secesssion
men—to use their own fastidious phrases’—
present the same vile smells to tho noses of
Virginia and Georgia. Would it not be, 1
said, mere common civility and decent, not
to say, well bred deference to our older or
,er neighbours, to wait until they are
ready to-act with us ? We have more than
in war, and their councils in peace were
clever enough in their way—that the respec
table revolutionary folks, suited theif times
and purposes very well, hut if now olive,
they would bo quite behind the age—that,
when Washington and his compatriots talked
so solemnly of the perpetuity of the Union,
they meant sixty years—that their govern
ment, in truth, is a blunder and a humbug—
the Union they blieved to he a blessing is a
curse—that they were mistaken in being so
anxious to preserve the State from civil war,
nothing can conduce so much to their glory
and advantage os civil war, and it is pittiful
and contemptible to be afraid of it—that our
ancestors hod their Revolution for good and
sufficient causes, as set fourth in their De
claration, and we, as worthy sons of our sires,
and cleverer than they, must have ours fur-
no causo at oil—that Washington was in er
ror when he represented the interests of the
different Stales as compatible and when : he
LIN & UKANTLY.
WARE HOUSE, CJMMI8SI0N & PRODUCE
MU IIUH ANTS,
Atlanta, Ga.
(^Liberal udviiuces made on any article
in Store.
Nov. 28,1850, >y
A. it. KING Ac CO.
COTTO V GiN MANUFACTURE IS
Rome, Georgia.
Mny 0. 1850.
ALliXANUEIl A TRlJIMBa,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
ROME, GA.
NoV.38, 1850.
ly.
UOMAS 1IASOKMAN. y \ OlUeLM V. HAMILTON.
HAMILTON A HARDEMAN,
Factors & (LauUffci Jl^rcliiiits,
SAVANT All, QEOB.aU
Oot. 3, 1850, 1 IQ”
OHAALKE r HAMILTON. ) < TUOMAS HASDEM.N
’ HARDEMAN Sc HAMILTON,
Warehouse & Commission Merchants,
MACON, QEORQIA.
Oot 3, I860. 1 12m '
PATTON At PATTON,
ATTORNEYS at law,
|. - Rome, Geoigia.
WILT; Practice in till the Countiesof tbo Chore
koeOlromt 48 Sept. 5, 1850.
I A. K. PATTON. j.F. FATTOX.
f<b. : ' , , 4) , f r 1 W r * W I. M R * “
attorney at law,
Rome, Georgia.
Kcrsa to
. Hon. u f. voutbii, chaolsston, s. o., or
at oavesi'KIno, on.
Hon W. II.L'N.lsilWOOD, HOME. OA.
' ire linn, william khard, deoatur, oa.
July.lit 18,11' »y
O. XV. BEALL,
draper and tailor,
Broad Street. v .,,Rome, Ga.
October 10. 1850. ' •
J , D . IV* C K E it SON,
DRUGGIST—ROME, GEORGIA.
' WHOLESALE anb retail dealer in
DRUGS, MEDICINES, PAINTS, OILS, DYE.
STUFFS, PERFUMERY, Sio.
Ootobor 10, 1850 Broad Strict.
rcouSL
ATTORNKYS AT LAW,
o Ei Rome, Georgia.
Fob. \% 1851.
HOLL AND HOUSE,
ATLANTA, GEORGIA-
Brick Hotel, neat the Htul
rpHIS lArge oml Now .■
X Itoad Depot, is now opened, it will bo kept in
such stylo that visitors will not forgot to stop.ag.in
'Passengers on tho care will have mote than ample
time to’partake of the good meals always In readi-
neat ai the arrival of each train. Persons visiting the
City, and Btopplng at the Holland House, can got in
formation and assistance in business; nnd pitas off
their leisure hours in nmuaements connected with the
Hmia« He Post Office, Bonk Agency, Brokers and
othsr Important offices Will be in .he Holland House.
Reference—Any one who has or may step one time.
A, R. KEIiLAM, Proprietor.
\YM. 11. UNDERWOODb J. W. II. UNDERWOOD.
; WILL PRACTICE LAW
I N-all'the Counties of-the Cherokee Circuit, (ex
cept Dade). They will both personally attend all
thaOourts. J.,W. H. UNDERWOOD will attend
Courts of JttcUsan and Hnhetsham counties of the
stem Circuit. Both will attend tho sessions of the
SUPREME COURT at Cassvllle und GoinesviUe.—
,11 business -ntrusted to them will he promptly and
illhfnlly attended to.
, OFFICE next door to Hooper Sc illitehcll, "Buena
rlna'Hbusb,” Rome, Go.,at whloh place one or both
rill always bo found; eXcept absent on professional
Mness. '
> • a3 * 1P51
]W COTTON GINS
AT BORE, GA
bTWlTHSTAfJblNG out Shop has been des.
“■eyed twice within the last two yeara, onoe by
nd once by fire, we tire again manufacturing
«rior Cotton pitta, and have prepared oarselve
. jny amonpt of orders with wAlch we may be
qed. We nre riot mailing i.'rcmium Gins, or Wn-
iox Gins, nor do we claim -all the experience that
qalredindheurtof Gin making, but we
8S»f_
I pir day day with tlietn
A. D. king & CO.
uwv wo
k>8l “y*«‘.we «? wf»f»
tv e>da with any made Ip the Uni
te price, andcompefeqnnl tynnd
once said that he would ; that we have too
much respect for their high, character and
position to desire to become the leader in re
sisting attacks made upon our common
rights -,'that we are content to follow their
footsteps, to imitate their examples, and we
accordingly pledged ourselves to do so in
1848. f was told, in a patronising whisper,
that all such pledges were mere fudge, soft
sawder, springes to catch wood cocks, lures
for shy birds, baits for gudgeous; and he
must be a goose who understood them other
wise ; that as they have not succeeded in
winning the parties to our purpose*, they
may be abandoned as unless and trouble-
some; thut ill truth nobody supposes for a
moment—nobody whose opinion is worth
six-pence—that any people but the people of
South-Carolina have any just understanding
of Southern rights or wrongs, and the way
to defend or redress them ; that toe only
have set at the feet of Gamaliel, and are
therefore alone entitled to * he honor of act
ing (he port of chief and champion in the
secession enterprise ; thot as tbo State of
Virginia, Nurth-Carolino and Georgia, are so
stupid to see the only remedy, nr so corrupt,
from the influence of the Federal Govern
ment, as to have become traitors, dastards,
and submissionisls after all their vaunted re
solutions to join Soutli-Carolino, in tearing to
pieces the rascally Union, we must abandor)
them to tiieir folly, cowardice, and treason,
and act alone. It the South is to be defend
ed, it is by the patriots only of South Caroli'
nn. We want no help. Our school boys
and cade's, or women, may storm Fort Moul
trie or Castle Pinckney, whilst our men
march upon Washington or conquer Califor
nia. If any onedoubts this let him look to
our Fourth of July toasts and speeches, and
see there the certain prelude and evidence
of our tuture exploits.
Indeed it has been proved conclusively by
the only Orator of Prince Williams, that it
would be a misfortune if we had even one
State to assist us—it would spoil the solu
lion ofthe problem by which we intend to
prove that, in establishing a perpetual Union,
the wise men of ’88 held it to be essentia
to that perpetuity that each State should
have the power and right to puli the Union
to pieces whenever it might think it fit.—
The embarrassments ol the old Confederacy
made them well aware that nothing contri
butes so much tu the stability of a Govern
ment os the ease with which any one may
destroy it. The prespnt Government was
therefore so arranged.
Away then with alt scruples apprehen
sions, and delays, tear away, pull down
scatter to the winds the vile Government
which poor old Washington and his sim
pie friends valued so highly, and which
simpletons abroad and at home still believe
to tie the best in the world. We will solve
the hitherto insoluble problem which has
puzzled all Statesmen, nnd teach mankind
how to maintain the liberties ofa State, and
secure its prosperity without arms, without
money, without credit or influence of any
kind. We will instruct all Nations in the
homoepathic political science at least, and
show them how to preserve the health of
the body politic by infuiitismal pills of all
those matters which are thought to be need
ful to ils vigour and well being—by a very
small army, a very small navy, and a very
small revenue, and a very little influence, at
any time, with any body.
It was impossible for me to hear such
vigorous exhortations to destroy, regardless
of consequences, without admiring the ener
gy of my secession friend and his brother
leaders. They not only have the singular
good fortune to surpass Lord Peter, the
head of the house, in the admirable art of
plain reasoning, as 1 have already shown,
but they equal bro'her Jack in his resolute,
root and-branch manner redressing a wrong,
or reforming an abuse. They will have no
delay. They cry out,as he did to brother
Martin, who wbs sluggish and backward,
“Strip, tear, pu'.l, playoff, rend, rip up, for
the love of heaven—never mind, so you do
but teat away.” “Down with the Union,
no matter what comes—civil war, extermi
nation, annihilation—never mind, so you do
but overturn the deteslible confederacy that
the ould revolutionary simpletons have fast
ened upon us.
Notwithstanding my admiration of so much
vigor and decission, l could not approve the
cnnlemotuous way of treating the great men
ofthe Revolution. Although not a very old
man, I have some old-fashioned notions. —
Washington and Franklin, and Henry and
Pinckney and the rest are household words
to me. I remember their deeds in war and
in peace, I reverence, especially, the vir
tue and wisdom by which they were able to
complete the great conversative work of
constructing a Federal Government, without
which, the successful remit from England
would have been a ctirse, and not a benefit to
the country, and, therefore, 1 expressed to
my ardent friend some small respect for the
men, and the Constitution of their contriving,
and some unwillingness to see it destroyed.
I was regarded, with a' look of compassion,
as evidently in my dotage, and told, - with a
smite of concious superiority, that the seces-
iun gentlemen have themselves a sort of re-
ese old people—that their exploits
recommended that the Union should, there
fore be cherished ; the reverse is true, their
interests are irreconcilable it being im
possible for those who produce cotton and
rice to be associated in the same Govern
ment with those to wear the one und eat the
other—-they nre natural enemies.
My friend added that this conscious su-
perority ofihe seccssien men over those of
the Revolution, is the strongest proof of their
greater wisdom and courage. It is the con-
ident self-appreciation of true genius, and
ought to be submitted to by all men.
CURT1US.
From the Charleston Courier. .
“It In doubt, IlHht ’'-Biuffion Tonal,
4«h .lulr-Tho way In XThlcb the Texan
nltnlr Injured South-Carollnia properly
explained.
Notwiihslnnding the strong impression
mode upon me by my energetic young friend
of the secession party, and my admiratiou of
Ihe manner in which he proved how greatly
the men of the pre«ont time excel those of
the post, I was still far from being convinced
that the causes alleged for his enterprise
were sufficiently weighty. Indeed, ] began
to feel somewhnt impatient at the perempto
ry manner in which lie demanded an implicit
assent to each one of his statements. With
all my efforts, I could not understand the na
ture of those things which are called aggres
sions of the Federal Government.
I had not the clairvoyance necessary for
discerning them. I desired, therefore, that
he would cease fora season from playing
the parts of Lord Peter, and explain in a
common way, fur the benefit of farmers and
laboring men, what those wrong* are, under
which the State is suffering. I feel no di
minution, as one ol her citizens, of my rights
under the Constitution. I enjoy the same
proportionate influence in the State and in
the United States as lhave done heretofore;
my person, my prosperity, my pursuits are
quite as much protected as formerly. If I
am wronged, degraded, insulted, how has all
this been done ? How has it been brought
about without my feelings knowing it f Are
all the States under a sort of mesmeric in
fluence ? Has chloroform been administered
to the whole South, except South Carolina ?
It is not enough to tell me that I am obtuse,
insensible, spiritless, nnd therefore to see,
feel, or resist. I insist on being informed,
and not being compelled to swallow the dog
mas of any man, however great a patriot he
may he—although claiming superior wisdom
to that of Franklin or Washington. Indeed,
just in proportion to the frequency and confi
dence with which (he secession patriots in
sist on their superior honor, houesty and cou
rage, I am inclined to reflect that it is not
and the wrongs inflicted by them on our
State. , Inthefirsi place then, there is wrong
number one—the sale of lands by Texas to
the Government. But, I replied where is
the wrong done to South-Carolina 1 Was
the land ours.? Was not the case simply
this'/ Thu people of .Texas held certain
lands. It was doubted whether they belong
ed to Texas. A collision was apprehended
between Texas and the United States, be
cause ot this doubt. To settle the contro-
> ersy, a compromise was made. Texas
sold tho lando, the United States bought
them. The difficulty was adjusted, and civ
il war was avoided.
That is the very' thing, my friend replied
—you have said it—that adjustment of the
difficulty—that avoidance of civil war is
what makes the wrong done to South-Caroli
na. But for that atrocious arrangement of
the.dispute our distinguished seceaers,. who
have a decided fondness for a strong excite
ment, would have had n very pretty oppor
tunity for indulging their favorite fancy. It
deprived them of the ploasure, in the first
place, which lookers on always take in a vig
orous conflict of any kind. It gave them
the same reason to complain which the
neighbors and especially the lawyers always
have, when two men nre disputing the title
to an estate, an, 1 , one oilers and the other ac
cepts a compromise, spoiling thereby a very
interesting case, and tho fun and lees that
might grow out uf it. It look away entirely
a most promising prospect of civil war on n
large scale; ana you know, our seceding
friends have a marked partiality for civil war
—an absolute passion for reducing the popula
tion of South-Carolioa to widows and orphans
—a settled taste for blood-ensanguined fields
—and an inveterate propensity for dying in
the last ditch. There is a certainty, my
friend added, that this ditch is somewhere
near Dlufflon. Ao -Alt© noblo- oniotprlno of
secession began, it must end there. It is in
this ditch, without any doubt, that the re
nowned Van Twiller will be found, how-
dah elephant and all, after exploits that
would fill his great predecessor, if on Garth,
with amazement and doubt. This then is
the wrong done to South-Carolina. It de
prived us of our laurels, and that can never
be forgiven.
1 was completely silenced by this unan
swerable reasoning, and the exulting dispu
tant, seeing the impression he had made,
clenched the argument by saying—have you
any objection to the correctness or sufficien
cy of this view of the subject ? What but
the cause assigned could have produced the
strong dissatislaction, in our Stale, with the
Texas adjustment ? You dont suppose we
cared a cent about the land. If you do, you
know nothing about it. The land has been
opened to us for a year, and not a slavehold
er has ever gone there, or intends to go.
CURT1US
very usual, to say the least of it, for good
men and brave men to boast- of their virtue
or bravery; and I am induced, therefore, to
demand Ihe more pertinaciously a reason for
their opinions. The Sbmpronius of Cato’s
little Senate, whose “voice was still for
war,” was not remarkable, if the story be
true, for the fidelity with which he redeem
ed his pledges. The Semprona of the pres
ent day prove to be as little trustworthy,
even, like those of Bluflton, they profess to
be eager for fights, not only when the cause
is good, and the occasion a fit one, but wheu
they are in utter doubt whether there be any
cause or occasion at all.
1 tnay remark here, in passing, how won
derful a difference there is between the mod
ern doubters and their illustrious predeces
sors of New-Amsterdam. The great Vouter
Van Twiller, or Walter the Doubter, found
the habit of doubting always calming, sooth
ing, and sedative in its nature. He is des
cribed, by his scrupulously-exact historian,
as being “five feet six inches in height, and
six feet five inches in circumference—his
face of vast expanse, his cheeks seemed to
take toll of everything that went in his
mouth.” In Ais tune, there was no wrang
ling or fighting, no public commotions or
private quarrels, no parties, no schisms. He
doubted, but not to fight; on the contrary,
there was profound tranquility around him.
It is not so with the Van Twillers of the
present day. In New-Amsterdam, to doubt
was to slumber; in Bluflton, to doubt is to
fight. The ancient Walter, when in dubtous
mood, betook himself to his pipe—the mod
ern turns to his musket; the ancient involv
ed his doubts in a cloud of tobacco smoke—
the modern hides his in one of gunpowder.
This diversity of temper and practice is the
more surprising since there is I am informed,
a perfect resemblance in the bodily dimen
sions of the two doubters—the Van Twillers
of New-Amsterdam and of Biuffion. There
are the same rotundity of figure, the-same
breadth of face, the same to gathering-
cheeks. How, it may be asked, can he car
ry out his belligerent intentions ? To walk
is impossible, and no horse can charge under
such a mountain of flesh. -It will be neces
sary for him >o fight from a howdah, orsome
war elephant, wbieh the patriotic citizens of
Biuffion will, qp doubt, procure from India,
in due time for-the Spring campaign
My seceder friend is very good nalured,
and did not mind my hesitating faith in his
men or his doctrines. Is it possible, he re
plied, that you can be ignorant of the uncon
stitutional acts of the Federal Govern nHBf
LETTER OF JUDGE ANDREWS.
Washinton, July 23d, 1851.
To Messrs. George Sinpleton, P. B. Connel
ly, Dr. P. S. Lemle, John Alexnnder, John
W. Bothwell, John P. C. Whitehead, E.
B. Gresham, Bailey Carpenter and Dr. T.
A. Paroons.
Yours of the 4th inst., in inviting me to a
public dinner to he given at Davis’ Spring,
in Burke county, on the 26th inst., has been
received. I shall be unable to attend.
1 am glad, gentlemen, to see you in Ihe
field against the spirit that seems determined
to subvert our government. There is n pow
erful parly among us, propagating disaffec
tion to the government, with a zeal, which
if employed in diffusing Christianity among
mankind, would soon christianise the world.
Thoy irte but preparing the public mind for
the first pretext that may offer to do that
which they attempted, but failed in effect
ing,Vwelve months since.
So long as some hoped, and the patriot
feared, the passage of the Wilmot Proviso
they resolved that :
“The people of the South do not ask of
Congress to establish the institution of Slave
ry in any of the Territories that may tie ac
quired by the United States. They simply
required that the inhabitants of each Territo
ry shall be free to determine for themselves
whether the institution of sinvery shall or
will not form a part of their social system.”
—(See resolutions of democratic convention
at Milledgevilie, Dec. 1847, and in 1848.J
When the North was almost unanimous
for the proviso, and it seemed impossible to
prevent its passage, the Disunionists were
willing to place the existence uf the govern
ment on that issue as it promised a good
reason for dissolving the Union. Then, it
was thought politic, and compatible with
the highest state honor to resolve that “the
people ot the South do not ask Congress to
establish the institution of slavery in any of
the Territories that may be acquired by the
United States.” But now, because Con
gress did not establish Slavery in New Mex
ico,! a “territory that (has been) acquired
by the United States,’’ the South, it would
seem has been degraded. If it be degrada
tion because the minority canrnSt force the
majority to pass a law, sure : t was greater
degradation for that minority to ask forjts
passage. Then, it was thought patriotic and
honorable that the South “symply require
that the inhabitants of each Territory should
be free to determine for themselves whether
the institution ot slavery should or should
not form a part of their social system.” But
now, because Congress has complied with
such request, hy declaring in the compromise
acts that such acquired Territories should be
tree to determine for themselves whether
the institution of slavery shall or shall not
form a part of their social system, the.South
has, say the disunionists, been degraded.
If so, then did the great democratic party in
all its last large conventions, nsk for degra
dation, ask for humiliation, ask for inequality.
If it asked for what was then right honorable
and patriotic, being granted, it is still right,
honorable and patriotic. But being, granted,
it is no longer a pretext for dissolving the
Union. There is the. real objection
the malcontent*. Nof 1
justice is rendered to the South, the loyalty
and patriotism of her people cannot be sha
ken, and it is that loyalty and fidelity to the
Union, the result of, the action of the gov
ernment rendered according to our own re
quest, that disturbs them. Hence they ac
cuse the North for passing the compromise,
though a majority of the votes of the free
States were against, nnd a majority of the
slave States fur it. Thinking more capital
can be made against the Union, by accusing
ihe Yankees, they charge the North with a
Southern measure. We were willing to take
the Territory from Mexico ns we found it.—
Such as we fought for and bought wo have.
And, however right it might have boen to
repea) the emancipation laws ot Mexico, no
onent the South asked it, until it was
thought its refusal would be n pretext for
disruption. And however just it may have
been, the minority cannot expect to overturn
thegoverlurn, because the majority hove ta
ken them at their word, and exercise their
constitutional right of voting as they may
think proper, now that the minority have
changed their minds. The complaint is, not
the majority have passed an unjust, but re
fused tho passage of a, just law. Finding
the case made for a dissolution ofthe Union
was demolished by the North abandoning
tho Wilmot Proviso, and the government
granting their request, when they met nt
Nashviilo, in November, 1800, the disunion
ists. assumed a ground for sotting up nn inde
pendent Southern Contedeiacy that could
not be taken from them by concession. By
the fifth resolution of (hat body, they recom
mended the calling of a convention of the
slave holding Slates, among other things, “to
deliberate and net with the viow and inten
tion of restoring the constitutional righta of
the South, and if not to provide for their fu
ture safety and independence.” They were
vory «ni-a|'iil nnt tnatnta uilmt IhnsA consti
tutional rights were. K they meant any
thing, it must have been a repeal of tho com-
iromise; but could they expect n Southern
Convention to ask for the repeal of an act
liissed by Southern votes. How expect
Kentucky, Tennessee, nnd Missouri,.in con
vention, tu nsk the repeal of an act that
their members, in Congress, voted for, al
most unanimously ? 1 presume that body
meant by “the constitutional rights of the
South,” every thing that could not, and
should not, be granted; so that they could
irovide for the future independence of the
South. That wns the alternative aimed nt,
and hence the other was put so as to be made
unattainable. Will they say what those
“constitutional rights” are, without which,
the South, in fnture, is to be independent ?
If the fifth resolution of that body, shows
they would be satisfied with-nothing but a
Southern Confederacy, the fourth, demon
strates they - were regurdless of Southern
Rights. The great apprehension of the
South, so often put forth by the Disunion
ists, has beon the prospect uf the free {Mates
getting sufficient power to emancipate our
slaves by legislation. They complain, ond
justly, that the abolitionists hy joining the
W higs, in one state, in consideration that
when elected by abolition votes, they should
favor abolition views; and by a similar coali
tion withthe Democrats in another, have been
able to convert to their policy, some of the
lnrgest free States in the Union. That the
abolitionists, though m the minority, were
able to give the bulance of power to either
of the great contending parties; nnd there
force, held out a temptation irresistahle to
the struggling adversaries in heated political
contests It has boen a constant subject of
crimination and recrimination, between the
Southern Whigs and Democrats, that the
few politicians of the North who-were favor
able to Southern Rights, were not supported
by Southern politicians; that one by one, our
friends had fallen at the North before the
abolition combination above alluded to, until
now our friends; were almost prostrate. In
this emergency tne Union iren, whether
Whigs or Democrats, have combined for (he
purpose of supporting that party to whom
the abolitionists are opposed. That by an
unanimous support of those who support
Southern Rights, .we may bid defiance to ab
olition aid. That against Ihe abolition mi
nority, so formidable when unopposed, we
may present a Southern phalanx in support
of those who will support ns, andther ght
to establish a power when combined, able to
over-ride all abolition influence. Tito tree
States having the majority, Southern Rights
can be maintained only by combining South
ern power with the Northern politicians who
abide the Constituion, and abiding it, main
votes in favor of the abolitionist*. This t*
not tho way you do in your States or county
elections. If you cannot get the man you
wish you will lake the next beet, to defeat
one vory obnoxious or dangerous. Now, if
they think the political power of the aboli
tionists so very dangerous and obnoxious,
why not ndopt the policy to defeat them ?
Let those answer,who can, if any can It is
no answer, to say thut this is to be the pol
icy, “unlit our constitutional rights sre se
cured.” In commenting on the first portion’
ol the resolution above noticed, it is hard to
restrain one’s indignation at the insolence of
the authors styling themselves Southern'
Rights men. But it is still harder to re
strain one’s contempt for the logic of the last :
part just quoted. They complain that their
constitutional rights have been wrested from
thorn, but will do nothing to obtain them un
til restored. They complain of a grievance;-
but will do nothing to redress it until it i»
restored They will do nothing to obtain;
this object, nay, rather work against it, and
then when attained, will go to work. When
their constitutional rights are secured, they
go lo work to secure them. When the'
grievance is redrossed, (lien they work for.
redress. This in accordance with some of
their Union services. Twelve months ago,
when tho Union was in danger, they strove
against it, but now they say the danger i*
over, and profess to be its greatest friends.
And who thanks them for such sunshine;
friendship ? The “constitutional rights”
here spoken of, I apprehend, are such as be
fore noticed Something that would never
be the rights when obtained.
I will not bo so unfair as to say they wish'
the abolition of slavery. Then we can ac
count for their willingness to see the aboli
tionists obtnin political power, on no other
ground, than a‘belief nnd hope on the part'
of the disunionists, that that pc
exercised iu JBy
lain our rights nnd security.
Tho Nashville Convention, over which
Chas. J. McDonald presided, forgetting
these arguments, so often used and reiterat
ed by none more than the men composing
that body, resolved to stand aside and let
the abolition influence d9 its work. Let if
carry, by the subtle policy above alluded to
every free State, which the disunionists have
pretended so much to deprecate; 1 say pre
tended, because if in earnest, they would
join the Union men to arrest its progress,
liy the fourth resolution it was resolved to
“recommend to ail parties in the slavehold
ing states, to reluse to go into, or countem
since any National Convention whose object
.(might) be to nominate candidates tor the
Presidency and Vice Presidency of the Uni
ted Slates, under any party denomination
whatever, until our constitutional -rights are
secured.” That is to . put the question
practically, if one of the great parties were
about to nominate Benton, John Van Buren
St ward or G'ddings, and the other Bucha
nan, Cass or Henry Clay, it was resolved by
this body to have no lot- nor part in it. To
lot the abolition influence elect Seward or
Van Buren over such a man as Buchanan;
when, by combining with the triends of the
latter, we could defeat the’ whole abolition
crew. Now who are the friends of South
ern rights ? Are Udion men, who will com
bine and elect a friend of the South, or -tbey
who will stand aside and let the abolition-
elect our enemies. It is no answer to
ists
say, they will vote for Rliett, or some other
Southern man whom they know can
power will be;
MuUaiAr a dissolution'. .
of the Union.” Finding the South cannot be
cheated into the belief of a cause when there ,
is none, they hope, even at the hazzard of
slavery, to have one. I know there are’
thousands of our adversaries, I believe a ma
jority of them, who would be unwilling to
make such a hazzard, but have committed 1
themselves to men and a party, whoae poli
cy ns certainly has that tendency, as effect
produces cause. Therefore, finding them 1
without a name, I have called them dia-
unioists for this reason, a* well a* beceuae,-
in season and out of season, here a little end'
there a little, they preach and propitaget*’
disaffection to this, the bes* of all govern
ments. It will not do that some, even a'
majority of them, may say and even believe
they are Unionists, John Van Buren; Sew-
-rd, and many ofthe most dangerous aboli-
tionisls, say they are Unionists too. All the
opposors of the compromise North end
South, except some of the extremes who'
have arrivedat thocrazy itigeofdisaffection,
say they aro Unionists. But it is not every
one who “saith Lord, Lord, but the doer*
who shall enter into the kingdom.” We
know that the friends of the compromise’
North and South, are doing the work that
shall save the Union, and therefore' are the’
only men entitled to the name of Unionists;
The experience ot the last twelve month*
having manifested to our adversaries,, that
no direct attack on the Union can succeed,
they now assault it under “the masked bat-.
tery of Secession;” If by the election of
McDonald, South Carolina can be mace be-
lieve she will he supported by Georgia,
secede sho will, jvhen her convention meets.
Then we shall lie told the right of secession 1
was the issue of this campaign. That by the
election of McDonald, we pledged our State
to back the seceding State, and nil who may
bo unwilling to take up arms against the flag
ofthe Union will be branded as “subs ana
lories.” Occasions'will be sought ro have
Southern hlood shed, and then confiscation 1
and nil the machinery of revolution, will be'
put in motion by men now cqljlng themselves'
Unionists to drive our peOple. to conflict
with our government.
Let the doctrine of secession be ns strong
as its advocates would have it. It is certain
that Mr. McDonuld and the convention that
nominated him, have given ns their reason 1
for the right of secession, the strongest ar
gument that con be advanced against it.—
After stating in their third resolution, that
each State “came into the Union by its own
sovereign and voluntarily act, and that there
fore, this a union Of consent and not of force,”
they proceed fourthly, to resolve, “that each
Stnio, in view of the voluntary nature of the
union, has the right in virtue of its inde
pendence nod sovereignty, of seceding from
theUni>ni’’ &c.' It will be perceived (hat
the right is put on the ground, that coming
into the contract of union voluntarily and by
consent, therefore, the State has the right
to disregard such contract, because it was
by her free and voluntary,consent. It would’
soem that if she had been decoyed into the
Union by fraud, or forced by violence, a
State might offer that ns a reason' why she
should be permitted to depart in pence.—
Before this, no nation nor age has been'
found so ignorant or so savage ; nor any
mun so corrupt or shameless as to assert the’
right to avoid his contract because it was-
voluntary and by consent. The lowest
gambler, in the lowest Parisian hell,-will,,
because it was voluntari'y staked, part with
his last frame and go into tho streets a beg
gar or robber rather than abido the sconV
of repudiating his- voluntary deed. The'
most lawless pirate that ever raised a bloody
hand, will ho blown to atoms rather than
violate that “honor among thieves’ 1 which
i him-to observe, because voluntarily
bon, the rules ot crime and blood,
underta
So for as I have knowledge of the gentle-
on composing that Convention, there is
men <
not one—and I have no doubt it ie- so with
all—who would, in his private relations,
the principle.which hy these resolutions,
would have his State' acknowledge, j
one, if so dishonest, would be so i
go into Court and ask to be relieved ;
contract, however onerous, not
fraud i