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THE) ROME COURIER
PUBLISHED »V*RY THURSDAY MORNIG
air a. *. ErauHAi,
ADVKITtS«MSNT9 Win bo insMtcd With
sntion to tbo requirement of the law, at
&fec., ..." * WOO
■TfiBBnL . ..
olLaki p« »nn»t* ll fklfl in adtanct i
two Dollars And Fifty C«nU if paid within six
month! {. ot Three Doihttt at the end of the year.
Itfctti •« A«verslelnr-
Lxosl Advx*ti»*«i*nts will bo insetted with
■trie* nttentii ‘— vxvkss ..
the follow!
NmlcomDcbtor.nn-d Creditor., - 3 35
Sale oi.Por.onnl Property, by Exeou-» 3 as
. lot»,Admlnl»Ua«ots,5ee. 5
Sale, of Land or Negroes, 50 day*,) s uo
per square, '' 5
Loiter, of citation, . • • 2 75
Noti.e for Letters ofDlimlsslon, ■ • 4 50
Candidate* nunounelnjr their nnmes, will be
ehurred A5 00, which will be renal red in ndyahoo.
Husband. ndYettUlng their wives, will be charged
#5 OO, which tans’ always be paid in advance.
All other a'lvertl*omenti will be intoned at One
Dollar per square, of twelve line, or lest, for .the
flr.t, and fifty Cent., for eaoh subsequent inter
,l0 Ll’bet«l deductions will be mad# In flavor of those
Whoadtjcrti^iU^J^W^
,11. >V. BOSS,
dentist
Rome, Georgia..<i.. Office over N. J. Omberg's
Clothing Store,
t January 16,1651
FRANCIS X. ALLEN,
WHOLESALE AND RETAIL
Dealer in Staple and Fancy
DRY GOODS AND GROCDIUES.
09» Receive* now goods every week. *®i)
Rome, fie,, January 9, 1851.
" I.1N & BUANTLY.
WARE-HOTJSE, COMMISSION ft PRODUCE
MERCHANTS,
Atlanta, Ga.
(jr^-Liberal advances 'made on any article
In Store.
Nov. 38,1850. Iy
A. D. KINO St CO.
COTTO VGIN MANUFACTURERS
Rome, Qeorgia.
May 3. 1650.
ALEXANDER ic TRAM III BIX,
ATTORNEYS at law,
ROME, OA.
Nov. 38. 1850. ly.
■•mas H.iotMan. > t onAar.Es r. Hamilton,
HAMILTON fc HARDEMAN,
Factors & Ooimnissioa Merclmits,
SAVANNAH, GEORGIA
Oct. X 1830, 1 12ra
•HAatae r. mamilton. > i thouas hardrm.n
1 HARDEMAN A HAMILTON,
Warehouse & Commission Merchants,
MACON, GEORGIA,
Oet. ?, IS50. 1 12m.
” PATTON * PATTON,
ATTORNE18 at law,
Rome, Georgia,
VILL Practice in alt the Counties of the Choro
s Circuit : 48 Sept. 0, 1850.
|1. E. fATtOE. J T. rATTOH.
W,P. WILKINI.
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Rome, Georgia.
fntc
Hon, n y. fortcr, oiUn.-.ssTost, s. c.,or
AT CAW sritINO, oil,
Hon Wi H. UNDERWOOD, ROME.. OA.
Hnu. WILLIAM EEZAIIII, DCCATUtt, OA.
July 15, .1850 , 41 l
W. REA I. I.,
DRAPER AND TAILOR
Broad Street Rome, Ga.
October 10, 1850,
DRUGGISTr
• ICKBIENON,
-ROME, GEORGIA.
Friendship's Offering
To tht mtmory of the highly a timed Mr. Joita W.
Beeniit, who departed thie life on the fret of Au-
gust, fn Rome, addrelted to hit Mother, by Mre. F.
L.B.
Dear Sister-
How are our hopes and lambent visions fled s
How disappointment wrecks our grief torn hearts j
Thy darling son, thy own dear John, Is dead.
Thus end all oarthly joys, thus dear connexions part.
But truly we
Too fondly hoped, (how vain that hope appears,)
Thy plaua boy would llvo (or yeara to come—
With flliel love would Booth thy length'hlng yeara,
And twine a living wreath to grace thy humble tomb.
But now we're tangbt
Tho vanity of ev’ry sublunary joy,
On'swiftest pinions each strong pleosuro flics—
Hope's opening bud, despair could blast, destroy,
And pleasure only blooms to wound oa when it dies.
For oh, 'tit but few dsya,
Yea, bri.f, brief indeed has been the space,
Since thou, dear John, with u, was one,
'Twos pleasant to us to see thy face,
But yet we ery, God’s will be done, God's will be done.
For ofl.we see
The early toso unfold its beateous form, .
And spread its leaves >o catch the momlng ray,
It fails, alas I beneath tho evening storm,
Its leaves are scatter’d wide and all its charms decay.
Thus O, sins!
Beauty, youth and innocence are vain,
Can harmless smile delay the parting breath—
Can youth enkindle life’s sweet blu.-h again,
Or lambent, beauteous bloom arrest releutless death.
Ah, no, alas i
O no, dear John,could innocence nvail,
Pule Death had never snatched thy tender breath,
Or beauty thy fair cheek had ne'er grown pale
With withering hectie and the dulling damps of death.
Ah, no,alas!
But I philosophy too is vain,
And vain Is reason’s all persuasive power.
To sooth our souls or the sad tears restrain
That fall upon Ihy grave, dour John, In an o’erflotv-
ing shower.
But tel ns cease to mourn,
For through tho gloom that hovers round our heads,
Bright cordial rays of Heavenly light we see;
And Jesita* Love like copious dew Is shed,
To sooth the grief-torn hearts that mourn, dear friend,
(or thee.
For well we know
The God that lent thee, (thou wnst not our own,)
In wisdom claims the boon His goodness gave.
He rsloed thee from thy labors to a home.
To reign with Him triumphant o’er the gloomy grave.
Cease then my soul to mourn.
For when ear pilgrimage, of life l, o'er.
And death commands onr exiled spirits home,
We’ll meot ourchrittain friends to part no more—
Where death shall ne’er divide nor withering sickness
come.
Mourn no mors, sister-—
Cease too my soul to heave tho rising sigh,
Nor longer chant (he melancholy lay,
But an Faith’s pinions soar to Christ no high,
Where Elijah's chsrriot has long slnee shown the
wuy.
Mr. Cobb having concluded his examina
tion of etch of the bills embraced in the Com
promise, next r eve wed (he Georgia plant-
form and declared himself satisfied with it—
that he felt no “degrandalion" in acquiescing
—that he heartily approved the action of the
Convention, and was willing to stand or fall
upou the principles therein set forth.
He next argued the doctrine of Secssipn,
and here permit me to say, that ia this part
of the Slate, we are fortunate in having forc
ed the Disunionists to throw off the veil un
der which they have been covering their pol
itical sins, and iniquities, and to come out
and avow the abstract principle, for the main
tenance and establishment of which they
have formed themselves into a party. It is
this, “that a State has the right to secede
from the Union with or without just cause
at her own mere will and pleasure,” I speak
by the “bugleIt is the last blast which Mr.
Rhetl’8 bugleman in Georgia has blown,-—
The sound proceeds from near the heights
ofKInnesaw. Mr. Cobb,s examination of
this abstract doctrine of Governmental policy
as it is called, it seems to me would make
e«en Governor McDonald “honorably acqui
esce” in the “degradation” (if such n thing
were possible) of tbo bugleman who blows
such a blast.
This has been a proud day for tho friends
of the Union and one of dismay to its enemies.
I know the effort has been made .to impress
the public with the belief that the people of
Cherokee were not sound upon the questions
involved ia this constest, I assure you that
they are sound, that Cobb wilt cress the
Chattahoochie with at least five thousand
majourity ,and that the“Aas(rfan Equestrian”
will be so far distanced, that not even an
“abstract principle,” will ever allow itself to
be rode by hint again. Lest some may not
understand the “zeal without knowledge” of
a few of the sons of chivalry, who in their
wanderings to and fro upon the face of the
earth siuce they left the Palmetto Stn'o, have
found their why into this section oi Georgia,
I must offer an apology for them. You know
that in that Slate n.convention man has not
the right to vote for Governor, that privilege
is confined to a favored fow, who are in office,
and it ought not to be a matter of surprise
when one' ofthe chivalry gets over into Geor
gia where he can exercise a privilege com
mon to oil our people, but heretofore denied
to him, that he should almost go beside him
self. They ought to be excused, they will
get orer it when they got a little more used
to it. Coosa .
4|HOLESAl,E AND RETAIL DEALER IN
< ''DRUGS, MEDICINES, PAINTS, OILS, DYE
j STUFFS, PERFUMERY, Ac.
• October io, 1860 . Broad Street
COULTER to COLLIER.
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
Rome, Georgia.
r«b.
)XjLAND house,
, ATLANTA, GEORGIA.
“4HIS Largs anil New Brick Hotel, near the Rat
Rood Depot, l« sow opened. It tvillbe'kept in
a style thht vis Itors wilt not forgot to stop og.Uti-
on the cars wilt bays moio than ample
Hite of tho good meals always In read!-
arrival of each train. Persons visiting the
utd stopping nt the Holland House, can get in.
ion and assistance in business j and pass off
sisurc boars In amusements conneoted with the
Tne Post Office, Bank Agency, Brokers and
tett*n* offices Will he in the Holland House,
nee—Any one who has or may step one time.
. A. r R. KELLAM, Proprietor.
i; H. UNDERWOOD & I. W. II. UNDERWOOD.
will practice uvi
F alt the Counties of the Cherokee Circuit, (ex
. cent Dade). They will both personally attend all
e Court* J. W. H. UNDERWOOD will attend
n# of Jackson and Habersham counties ofthe
t Circuit. Both will attend lb 0 Sessions of the
J COURT at Caasvllle and Gainesville.—
s entrusted to them will be promptly-and
r attended to.
CE next dpor to Hooper be Mitchell, “Buena
me,” Romo.Ga,, al which plaepflneorboth
ays bp found,etrept absent on professional
1861
;w COTTON GINS
AT ttOHE, GA.
WITHSTANDING our Shop has boon des
toyed twice within the test two years, once by
■ad once by fire, -we are again manufacturing
riot Cotton Gin#, and have prepared ourselre
lonnt of orient with which we may be
> are not melting Frcmlnpi Gins, or Wu-
(, nor do we claim nil tlie experience that
dried tnlhe'srt Of Gin making, but we
t boasting, say that we qre willing .to
s side by side with nny. made in the Unt-
the same price; hn'dfcom'psre quality and
1 per day day Wth them.
A. D. KING A- CO.,
From the Chronlole be Sentinel.
Hr Dobbin Floyd.
Rome, Aug. 27 1851.
Mr. Editor .-—This being the day appoin
ted by Mr. Cobb Io address the people of this
county, about six hundred persons assembled
to hear him. His fame ns a publ’c speaker
and statesman, had prepared I no minds of the
people to expect something more than com
mon. In this they were not disappointed.—
For two hours and a half he riretted the at
tention ot his audience, by a masterly vindi
cation of his course in Congress upon the Com
promise measures, and taking them up one by
one demonstrated to the'satisfoction as I doubt
not of every unprejudiced voter who heard
him, that the action of Congress upon the
territorial question, arising out of the fruits
ofthe Mexican war, was in perfect accordance
with the position assumed by the Whig and
Democratic parties of the State prior to the
time of the settlement. He proved that the
bills establishing Territorlial Governments
for Utah and New Mexico, were based upon
the doctrine of non-intervention, that this
was the doctrine contended for, advocated
and resolved, in every Convention, Whig or
Democratic, which had assembled in the
State of Georgia, that it was the unvtersal
voice ofthe people, That these bills not only
indirectly admitted that the people of the Ter
ritories had the right to determine the ques
tion of slavery for themselves, but directly
and distinctly recognized the right,and declar
ed that Congress should admit them as States,
into the Union, upon application, whether
they settled the question one way or the oth
er. He asked the Disunionists to nnwer the
question, whether in the passage of these
bills the North triumphed in the principles
ofthe Wilmot Proviso, or whether the South
triumphed in the establishment ofthe princi
ples of the good old Republican doctrine of
non-intervention.
The admission of California, although in
some respects objectionable, he showed no*
to be inconsistent, but rather in accordance
with the doctrine of non-intervention—the
right to determine whether slavery should
or should not form of their social
system, was in the pe^PRney had exercised
that right, and Oongress had no power under
the Constitution to say they had wisely or
unwisely settled the question.
It would not be proper to follow him
through all his argumentupon IhesoqueMions.
Suffice it to say, that his arguments were un
answerable, and such aa would convince be
yond a reasonable doubt -nine-tenths of the
people of Georgia, if they could but‘hear
him i that instead of the South having occa-
8ioti to complain of, and resist the action of
the General Government, there is much in
that action to approve and to rejoice their
hearts, and that in the langunge of the Geor-
Convention they could “ honorable acqui-
wce,”
Fritn the Milledgevtlle Recorder.
To the Union men ol Georgia,
The presumptuous iuterference of the peo
ple of South Carolina in our election for
Governor, calls upon you to arouse every
where and to vindicate.your rights. If we
are the slaves of that State, let ner dictate to
us, who shall be Governor—but if we are
free, let us assert our rights and maintain
them at every hazard. The up country of
Georgia is filled with political pedlars from
Carolina, retailing their influence for Mc
Donald. The press of that State is argu
ing for him—and a combined movement is
making between the Georgia firo-eaters and
those of Carolina to drive the people into his
support by avowing that if we do not elect
him, that State as n punishment to us, will
dissolve the Union. They avow that they
will rule the people of Georgia, or they will
ruin them. The fire-eating press of our Stole
are parading letter after letter from Carolina,
menacing us with disunion, civil war and
bloodshed, if we do not yield to their wishes.
The Savannah Georgian has recently pub
lished a letter from one oi the rich nabobs of
Carolina, to a gentleman in that city, in
which he says, “I have faith yet in Georgia,
when 1 hear that McDonald is likely to be
elected. It Cobb is elected over hitn, I shall
then go in for secession and for drawing the
lines os was done in the revolution.”
This impudent threat is designed to drive
us to the support of McDonald—wo are to
he bullied into his support, it we will not
Mr. COBB’S LETTER.
We have great pleasure ir. presenting to
our readers the following able patriotic review
of Mr. Cobb’s letter. It is copied from the
Washington Union, edited by Andrew Jack-
son Donelson, the foster son and heir of OLD
HICKORY himself. This article has addi
tional weight from the fatt (hat Major Don
elson, the writer, was the private Secretary
of Gen. Jackson at the time he wrote his cel
ebrated Proclamation, and is therefore en
tirely familiar with the views of the old hero
and the democratic party of that day, upon
the subject of secession. We beg every bo
dy to,read this article and then say,‘ if they
can, whether Mr. Cobb’s views do not cor
respond with those of Jefferson, Madison and
the genuine old school republicans of the
country,— Union Banner.
n tho Washington Union of August 23.
gentleman haa written a very able
letter to sl committee of the citizens of Ma
con, discussing the doctrino of secession and
the general merits oi the Compromise. It is
published in our columns to-day. The can
vass in which he is engaged aa a candidate for
the office of governor is calculated to elicit
all that can be mnterinl to enable the people
of Georgia to pronounce a safe verdict upon
Ihe'momentous interests involve! in the is
sues created by the fanaticism of a portion of
our northern population. Che southern rights
party affirms the constitutional right of a
; State to secede at its pleasure from the Un
ion, and denounces as dangerous and tyranical,
the idea that the remainder of the people and
tho States can interpose any legal action
against such secession. If we are capable of
understanding the subject, or can appreciate
the force of argument, Mr. Cobb has arrayed
most happily and conclusively, and m a tem
per and tone that cannot be objected to by his
opponents all tlie uuusidatat’ane'whlah fortify
his 6wn position, and which refute the
grounds pn which it has been contended that
the right of secession cannot be abandoned
without impairing the reserved rights of the
Stales ofour Union. He has referred to the
views ot Washington, Jefferson, Madison,
Jackson, and nil the pntriots whose service
brought them in contact with the difficulties
growing out of this delicate feature of our
complex system of government, and under
whose counsels the collisions between our
federal and State authorities which have yet
taken place, or been seriously threatened,
have been remedied by those peaceful resorts
which are provided by the constitution. He
hns shown that the dodlrine of secession has
oh nil such occasions been treated as suicidal
and anti-republican; nor has he omitted to
give the fullest assent to the right of resis
tance and revolution, which is the natural re
sort of all people when oppression and tyran
ny leave them no other alternative. But be
tween this right of revolution for anknowl
edged and palpable causes, and the claim of
a small fraction of a society or of Slates
bound together in one common government
to destroy at pleasure that government, there
is all the difference that there can be between
order and disorder; and this difference ap
pears witli its full weight in the argument
presented by Mr. Cobb.
The reasoning on which the southern rights
party of the South places the right of peace
able secessiou, if followed to its legitimate
results, would defeat all government,and par-
ticulaily one like ours, w hich derives its au
thority from the consent of the people ; for
the pejple, whether considered as composing
a State or Iengue of States, whether as citi
zens of one State or of many Stater united
according to this logic, mny subdivide at plea
sure, ana form as many governments ns there
may be disaffected or discontented parts or
portions. The doctrine’of sovereignty in tho
people being true, ns we all admit it to be,
the secessionists add that the government ol'
that sovereignty is nothing more than a com
pact of these people with each other—each
individual binding himself to submit to that
government only as long as he pleases, be
cause his sovereignty would he destroyed if
the privilege of seceding were not among his
reserved rights. To such absurd results
yield otherwise—“the lines are to be drawn -- - - , , Blol .
ns in the revolution!" Those who oppose would we be brought by the theory of State
disunion and civil war are to be hung, and nghtsnow proclaimed in many UmhMflor
perty turned over to the govern- our Union, and in some quartern by indmdg-
H J b - als who profess to venernte the names of
VVashington, Jefferson and Jackson.
But it is not our iutention to in intenso upon
a subject which Mr. Cobb has discussed with
consummate ability. We could not publish
his remarks.without calling the attention of
our leaders to them, and without expressing
the hope that some of our fellow citizens who
may have been led into the, belief that tne
doctrine of secession may be made a practi
cal one without breaking up our entire sys
tem of government, will read those remarks
carefully, and pause before they take a step
in sad a direction. We do not see, even, why
those who entertain opinions adverse to the
admonitions of Washington and his distin
guished successors in the chief magistracy of
the Union, may not find in the explanations
Mr. Cobb gives of the Compromise, reasons
sufficient to accept it as a fortunate remedy
for evils which were undermining all the
foundations of peace and good order in our
whole land. Whatever be the views enter
tained of the abstract right of secession, all
must admit that it ought not to be exercised
unless there bo extreme oppression and ty
rnnny in the government.; and it cannot bi
pretended that there is in the Compromise
such wrongs. It is admitted that some of the
provisions of that measure were unkind to
the South—that some of them, indeed, were
unjust, sotor os the Wilmot proviso was op
erative in delaying territorial governments
for tho country acquired from Mexico ; but
all candid minds must say that it is gross mis
conception ot exaggeration to denounce such
wrongs as insufferable oppression, end to hold
thent*Mp to public indignation as calling fora
resort to that ultima ratio bv which » brave
people stake their all in withdrawing their al
legiance from an established government, end
sotting up a new one in its place.
That our readers may see the perfect a-
greement between the conclusions arrived at
by Mr, Cobb on the subject of secession and
the propositions maintained by Mr Jefferson
«nd General Jacksqn on the same subject, we
their property turned over to the gov
■pent! and their wives and children left des
titute. A more deliberate and wilful insult
was never offered to any free people. Is it
not a high handed measure indeed, that free
men os we are to be insulted^, and brow beat,
and made to submit to the dictation of Caro
ling, or else the halter shall be our fate ?
Carolina has always presumed to dictate to
Georgia. Seventy years . ago, she asked
Georgia'to put herself under ner protection.
Gov. Gwinnett resented the insult with tho
spirit of a man. Twenty-five yeara ago, she
attempted to control our politics, and serious
difficulties grew out of it—now she attempts
again, and the fire-eaters, lost to all honor,
all stale pride, are meanly bowing to her dic
tation. To you then, Union men, devolves
the task of sustaining the honor of Geor
gia.
The proudest right which a sovereign State
can boast—the brightest jewel in the casket
of State Rights—is the right of a people to
choose their rulers. To you there is assign
ed the noble task of defending and protect
ing this noble jewel. From the friends of
Mr. McDonald, we can hope for nothing but
ruin to the country and submission to Caro,
lina.
Wake up, Union men !—the battle you
fight is for the supremacy of Georgia on her
own soil. Shall Carolina rule you or shall
you rule yoursolves ? Can one of you falter,
or hesitate, or relax one energy of your souls
to save your State from degradation ? No—
never—awake—nrouse—put fourth every en
ergy of your souls, and redeem your homes
and fire-sides from disgrace. And if Caro
lina seeks to punish you for the exercise of
yous rights, let her ao it, at her peril. .
A NATIVE GEORGIAN.
$®r,An honest Irishman, fresh from Hiber
nia, caught a bumble-bee in his hand, suppo
sing it to be a humming bird. “Och,” he
exclaimed, “devil burn mo! how hot his
littie fut is i”
close these observations with two extracts
from the messages of these statesmen and
patriots.
In his first inaugural address, Mr. Jefferson
sets down, as among the vital principles ol
our system, “ the preservation of the gen
eral government, in its whole constitutional
vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at
home and safety abroad; a jealous care ofthe
right of election by the people ; a mild and
safe collective of abuses which areioppedoff
by the sword of revolution, where penceablo
remedies ore unprovided ; absolute acquies
cence in the decisions of the majority, the
vital principles of republics, from which is no
appeal but its force, the vital principle and
immediate parent of despotism.”
General Jackson in equally emphatic lan-
inge, opposed the project of secession ar.d
illification in 1632, and stated the principle
involved as follows:
The right of a people of a single State to
absolve themselves at will from, and without
the consent of the other'States, from their
most solemn obligations, nnd hnzzard the lib
erties and happiness of tho millions compos
ing this Union, cannot be acknowledged.—
Such authority is believed to be ulteily re
pugnant both to the'principles upon v.hich
the general government » constituted, and to
the objects which it was expressly formed to
attain.
“ Against all acts which may be allcdged
to transcend the constitutional power of the
government, or which may be inconvenient
or oppressive in their operation, the-consti-
lion itself has prescribed the modes of redress.
It is the acknowledged attribute of free insti
tutions that, under them, tho empire of rea
son and law is substituted for the power of
the sword. To no other source can appeals
forsuppoted wrongs be maje consistently with
.the onlisntisnsvr "uutli Curullmr, to uu xitljcr
can such appeals he made with safety at nny
l ime; nnd to their decisions, when constitu
tionally pronounced, it becomes the duty no
less of the public authorities than of the pe >-
pie, in every cose, to yield n patriotic sub
mission.
“ That a State, or any other great portion
of the people; suffering under long ana intol
erable oppression, and having tried all consti
tutional remedies'wilhout the hope of redress
may have a natural right, when their hap
piness can be no otherwise secured, nnd
when they do so without greater injury to
others, to absolve themselves from their ob
ligations to the government and appeal to the
last resort, need not, on the present occasion
ho denied.
“ The existence of this right, however
must depend upon the causes which may
justify its exercise. It is the ultima ratio,
which presupposes that the proper appeals
to all other meuns of redress have been made
in good faith, and which can never be right
fully resorted to unless it be unavoidable. It
is not the right of the State, but of the indf
viduais, and of all the individuals in the State
It is the right of mankind, generally, to Se
cure, by all means in their power, the bless
ings ot liberty and happiness; but when, for
these purposes, nny body of men have volun
tartly associated themsolves under a partial
Inr form of government, no portion of them
can dissolve the association w ithout acknowl
edging the correlative right in the remainder
to decide whether that dissolution can be
permitted consistently with the general hap
piness. In this view it is n right dependent
upon the power to enforce it.” r
The National Intelligencer is honored with
regular perusal by. no small number of gentle
men of Democratic politics. For their grsti
ficalion—for such we know it will be to
them—we transfer to our columns the fol
lowing cogent article from the Central De
mocratic organ in this city.—Nat. In.
From the Washington’’Union” ol Yesterday,
Tile Disunion!,ti ot (tin Notllli.
Many conscientious membersof the Demo
cratic party are in the habit ot Ireatipg those
of their party in the South who perceive no
difference between the secession doctrine of
the Nashville Convention and .disunion, os
alarmists, or not orthodox, oh the subject of
State rights, os understood, and defined by
Jefferson and Madison. Such men say that
he is not a disunionist Who insists on the
conditions contained in (he Constitution, by
which the powers of the Federal Govern
ment are limited, and all the powers that
are not delegated are reserved to the people
or the States respectively; and inasmuch
as secession is only claimed as a right when
the Constitution has been clearly violated,
the secessionist is not a disunionist. Thie is
the logic of many in Georgia and Mississippi
who acquiesco in the Compromise, but still
think it their duty to uphold those who de
nounce that measure, because the abstract
right of secession is, they know not how,
connected with their position. Let those
who aro thus about to be misled by the artif-
'fices of the disciples of Messrs. Rhett nnd
Cheves read the article which we subjoin
from the Southern Sentinel, published at Co
lumbus Georgia, dated August 21. This pa
per is the zealous advocate of Governor Mc
Donald, who was president ofthe Nashville
Convention, and gave his endorsement to the
principle that a State with or without cause,
has a right to secede at' her pleasure from
the Union, and that her co-Stnlcs are bound
to protect that right, if there should be any
attempt to interpose against its exercise the
constitutional authority of the General Gov
ernment. Thut something more was intend
ed by a resolution of the fthpve import than
the abstract right of secession founded
on a case of intolerable oppression, like that
described in the Virginia and Kentucky re
solution's of 1798 and 1799, pud admitted by
General Jackson when he was asking Con
gress for authority to overcome the obstruc
tion threatened by South'Carolina in 1832,
was well known to .the country, and consti
tuted an urgent reason for the adoption of
that measure must be treated as such
fraction of the Constiution as to justify revo
lution, and that the General Government
should be obliged to retrace its steps, and
jive some satisfactory indemnity to this South
'or the wrongs inflicted, and some security,
not now provided by the Consiitutieo, tor
tho future. In other words, the project of a
Southern Confederacy then existed; and
the mode of accomplishing it was to foster
the spirit of discontent in South Carolina,
deceiving her people with the idea that they
were the victims of palpable and intolerable
oppression, from .which they could only • es
cape by such an act of secession a» that
which was realized by our fathers when they
acquired independence. The great, pqint
was not to establish the abstract right of se
cession, but to make an experiment of seces
sion, and to rely upon the sympathy which
the Southern people feel for each other to
laralyze the just powers of the Federal
Jovermnent, nnd overthrow forever the
system of Union which had been cemented 1
by the blood oi our fathers.
That such is not a misrepresentation of th»
leading object of that party in the South,
which united with Mr. Cheves in his de
claration that the Constitution was a dead
carcass, and that there was no hope but in »
Southern Confederacy, bocomes every day
more and more apparent, and can scarcely
now be contradicted by any one who ha*
had access to the ordinary sources of'public
information. Hence there is no effort ' to;
mask tho object, and we accordingly see it
proclaimed in all such organs as the South
ern Sentinel. That organ, speaking oftboso -
in South Carolina who are postponing seces
sion until a co-operating pnrty can bo formed
out of the State, says : “ They profess a de-
"sirefor a Southern Conjederaev. but,they
"wtsn to trait until other Stales are ready to
“form it with them, Suppose no oilier States,
“will mote, will she continue to submit 1 Ws
“hope not.” But it is useless to analyze any
ofthe particular expressions in the article
which we subjoin. There is not a paragraph,
or sentence in it which does nut show that
the decree has gone forth against lhe|>rMer-
vation of the Constitution and the Union.—
There is not a sentiment in it whiuh does not
authorize the assertion that South Carolina
Secession means separation from the Union
—instant, practical secession ; and that her
citizens are encouraged to take this, mon
strous step undei such expectations ae. -
Lopez cherished when he attempted to re
volutionize Cuba. “Let the people of Cuba
“ begin and they will have plenty of help. So
“say we now of South Carolina : let her be-
“gin, and she will soon have plenty of help.”
Can any Democrat in the South or North
read these declarations and not feel a blush
on ilia cheek that they are- made by me*
who ###k In render them printable hy declar
ing that they are consistent with State rights,
as practised and understood by Jefferson and
Jackson ? Can any intelligent citizm, what
ever may be the pnrty to which he belongs,
believe that these declarations nre the result
of nny wish to maintain the abstract right of -
a State to withdraw from the Union wheat
the oppression of the Federal Government is
intolerable ? We think not; and hence we
expose them, as the offspring alone of th*
party which is determined to. break up thie
Union, and which will claim for the authors
ofthe first practical movement toward that
object tho same merit that will be accorded
to the revolutionists in Cuba, if. they succeed: .
in overthrowing the Spanish authority in that
island. We sympathize with the Cubans
because we acknowledge the right of all peo
ple fo conquer ’heir lreedpm; but we ar»
revolted at the delusion which would over*
THROW FREEDOM AFTER IT HAS BEEN FIXED,
ON A SOLID AND CONSTITUTIONAL BASIS AU
OURS IS.
From llto Southern 8ontlnel.
The Co-operation Forty in Sooth Caroline*
It appears to us that those who propose to
wait for co-operation are pursuing a stiange-
ly fatal aqd suicidal policy, if they are sin
cere in their professions of a desire to. act at -
all. “ Put yous shoulders to the wheel,and
then call on Hercules,” is an old adage, and
one full of meaning nnd sense. ■ They pro
fess a desire for a Southern Confederacy, but
they wish to wait until other States: are rea*
dy to form.it with them; Suppose no other
State will move, will she continue to submit?
We hope not.
The only way in which there c»n ba co
operation is for somebody to begin. We re
ceived in our revolutionary struggle no aid
from France until we had put our shoulders,
to the wheel. Suppose 'Massachusetts hod
postponed her resisience until she could hive,
got the other colonies to declare their inde
pendence, wo should have been dependen
cies of the British Government perhaps to
this day. When Lopez, some months since,
attempted to revolutionize Cuba,.every body
said it was a great piece of folly. “ Let the
people of Cuba,” said they, “ begin them
selves, and'they will have plenty of help
So say we now to South Carolina ; let her
begin, and she will soon have plenty of help.
If the North should have the wisdom la let
her alone, quietly to manage her own affairs,
why, theSoulh would go with her, as a mat
ter of course, and so will the West. But if, -
in thoir arrogance nnd folly, they should at
tempt to moko war upon her, the wViol.%
South will rise up in her defence-
The great evil that will result from the co-
operat'iowat? of Sooth Carolina is, that they
render their friends in other States power
less—they destroy tiie chance of co-opera
tion, As States, Georgia, Alabama and Mis
sissippi, cannot co-operate without a major
ity to give them the control of the Govern
ment- Hence, ult'.ioiugh the Southern right*
party in Georgia may be in the minority by
only one hundred, they can do nothing to
bring about co-oporation while South Caro
lina waits far it, Let South Cnr«im» moves
and she will not only have tho Sonthern-
rights party of Georgia, Alabama and Mia*M-
sippi to co-operate with her, but ah* wiR
soon have the whole of all the other St*‘
There is not a candidate for office in C
tiie Compromise. The secessjohists'hpd der There, ... , .
cided, when that pribqiple, was. adopted by gia naw who dares to say that
the NosKville Convention, that there should
Vito acquiescence m the Compromise, that
m favor of
W- If the Non
agaiqst