Rome courier. (Rome, Ga.) 1849-18??, July 17, 1855, Image 1

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Newspaper Page TextROME, QAi, TUESDAY MORNING, JUDY 17, 1855. rCBUSHED EVERY TUESDAY MORNING. BY DWINELL <fc FINLEY. Terms of SohscripHon; I* ADVANCE. FEE ANNUM, % Paid lmsnt six mostmb, ...... Paid at tee sxd of yeas. .... Terms of Advertising; r* Legal Advertisements will be inserted i usual n $2 00 $2 50 $3 00 at toe first and rates. Miscellaneous Advertise- Ifl per soonra of 13 lines or letter to* id 50 cents for sseb —h—q»s»t Insmfien. to. 11. The triumphant ofthej t Arabian ■rent for man and beast, H. 6. FARRELL'S CELEBRATED ARABIAN LINIMENT, It causing counterfeit'? to springnp nil over tbn country, spreading thoir baneful influence over the land, robbing the pockets of the honest end sad poisonous tra;h. for the genuine H. G. Fan. ralTs Arabian Liniment. Fellow Citizens!— Look well before you bay, and Yee that the la bel Of the botdn has th« letters H.€F* betel* Farrell's for if it hat nob Ui»co»sN^ft Th« tabel around each bottle of fits genuine lint' meat reads that. “H. Q. FarralFa Celebrated Arabian Liniment;” and the aigantnre of tbn proprietor, is written upon the label also, and these words am hluniE the glatt bottle, “H. 6. Farrell’s Arabian Liniment. Pooiia.’* The daring boldness of the recreant who trash, ter areafiy geautos and gcod thus not only cheeting them oat of their money, but Oat whichis far dearer—their health—ought to be held up in scorn, and re ceive the contempt his dastardly spirit merit- Let every one then wheregards his own health, and wishes tenth and Iwwir to triumph over deception aad raacnlfry, put his heal on all bate \»por(tio*j, and uphold that which ii juot and ifat The z--nnine H. G. FarrelTs Liniment has proved itself to -he the most remarkable medicine known for too euro of iheumatism, neuralgia, paic^srhoreror located, sprains, bra. ires, h&rdesed^iamiM, bums, wouuds, corns, chronic sore ana weak eyes, lame bade, ect. ect; aad is an effectual remedy lor boraee and eattls in the cure ofswecoy, distemper,lameness, dry shoulder, splint, wounds set, ect, and will al ways stop the farther progress of poll-evil, fis tula, ringbone aad Mood spavin, if need in the begin tag. .. . -v ■ Aoot- osl fir O&OnUffeite ! ■■' • • The public are cautioned against anothe counterfeit, which has lately made its appearr aace, called IV. B. Farreffk Arabinn Liniment, the most dangerous of afi fibs/eountozfoil* W- oausehis having the name of Farrell, many will bay it in good faith, without the knowl edge that a counterfeit exist* and they will per •when the spun HLG. r j article Is manafaciured only by ~s inventor and proprietor, _____ _ t, No. 17 Main IBiaois. to whom all most be addressed. Be sure you „ the letters H. G. before Farrell’* thus—H. G. FARRELL'S—and htesignatareon toe wrap per, all others are eounterMta. Sold by Kendrick APladger, - Melville G. B. F. Matter, MU Hickory a Brown, Ceoea P. O. *- Branner A Moyers, Summerville Robert Battey, Wholesale Agent, Rome aadby regularly authorised agents throughout the United f AGF.}fTS WASTHH'li”every town/village -toed hamlet in the United States, in which one Is not already established. Address IL G. Far rell as above, accompanied with good reference as to character, responsibility, Ac. CABINET SHOP Aad Blind and Sash Factory !! - STANDISH & BLAKEMAN of Jas. M. Sumter, contin- ina to manufacture all kindsof FUR NITURE and SASH and BLINDS on the at toe old stand on March 27.—ly | ATLANTA MACHINE WORKS. (late atlaxta iron focsdrv.) Company is now prepar ed to do work on short notice, of ivy and light Castings from the latest improved patterns of Iron, or Composition, all of which wifi bo warran ted. Turning. Borings and Drilling done to order. Abo. screw cutting of 10 feet or un der of any sire and thread required. Heavy and light forging of wrought Iron or Steel .R ATTENTION is called to i for Mill Qearing.for Merchant and Custom Flouring, and Saw Mills, GIo Gearing of all the usual sizes, and Bark Mill* always kept on band. We are also 1 .stationary Engines upon i All of which will Copper nnd Brass for work at cash prices JAMES L. DUNNING, john. McDonough, WILLIAM RUSHTOtf. P. 8. All of the above company arc prac tical Mechanics and give their lodividna attention to the business. jan.0,’65 token In T. R. RIPLEY, ATLANTA, GA. TkEALEli >n Chins, Crockery, aad Glass U wares; Lam[* or all kinds j OIL , Fluid, and Alcohol by the bbl. 1 advance. JaaMsss Tama 17 J/M. TOMLINSON, ■ . . ■ ■ -T .. u , House Sign, Coach, Passenger Care Ornamental and Decorative Painter irer of Gfit Glass Door Plates Numbers for Pnblio Houses ict Number*. Haas A Co. White Hall 8troet Jaa >, 1855 ly. IV M. EDDLEMAN <fc BRO. Atlanta, Georgia* j constantly on hand and for sale on ih prices, a large assortment of BOOTS. SHOES, LEATHER, LASTS, CALF LINING and BINDING SKINS OE-MAKER’S TOOLS, Ac. Ac. Jan Y, 1855. ly — a Blaster wanted i npHE services of am«u who Is experieno in X blasting rocks beneath the surfaccc of the water are desired. A competent person can se cure a remunerative employment by applying at th is office. ap 24 tf. T. 8* WOOD & CO. B O M E. G A Dealers in watches, Clocks, Jewelry, Silver Ware, Cutlery, Plated • ... and Brittannia Ware, China, Musical Instruments, Walking- Canes, Fancy Articles, Ac., Ac., Ac. REPAIRING NEATLY EXECUTED may 1 - ' 7 'J& ly BACON! BACON ! 80,000 lbs. Prime Tennessee BACON for April, 17. tf WE ALEXANDER A CO QTA1 O Go 1 Goods and Groceries. JOHN B. STAFFORD. { OCto! -Dealers in Dry II xV ip PirjfER. ADDRESS OF TUR STATE COUNCIL - OI THE AMERICAN PARTY, ASIBIIL1D. SBOIHTIY XT MAC OS, To (lie People «f Georgia. Tho Amerlean Party presents to too Peoplo their candidate for the Executive Chair, in tho person of too Hon. GARNETT ANDREWS, of Wiikae; and a programme of their Principles. Of the farmer, it may be proper to say, that he Iran able, honest man—« true patriot and au agreoahie gentleman. HU character is known to tit# country, and it Is neither necessary nor in accordance with ear prinaiplM to deal in ex- (raragmfienlop. - . . Of our principles wo might say much, bnt most content ourselves with little. They oon. atfinta too bases of a recent organisatioh which it boa been foahionable to denounce as violative of the constitution of tho Union, and treasona ble to tho Slave institutions of too Sonto—as loving darkneaa because ita deeds are evil—as ashamed of ita principles, aad afraid to avow ita purposes. Its working machinery has been secret; that its beginning might be inaugurated. It was a ooudition of its being, that it should for a season hide its life. Yet its principles have bean known, and if not. heretofore known, are now proclaimed. It meets toe light and con fronts its foes. It easts its principles broadly over too land—Invites the scrutiny of the wise aad good, aad defies alike, the criticisms ofhon- est dissent, and the adroit porriaions of dema gogues aad office seekers. To begin at all, was heroism—to prevail will be all bnt miraculous. Standing in opposition to all other Parties, Par ty leader* have suspended their conflicts, and put aside their prejudices aad hushed the clam ors of long embittered Party passion to crash It Old resentments are smothered—old doe- trines are postponed or ignored—the .most vio lent antagonisms have been harmonised, and strange allianoee formed; that a power in the State arising to assert the independence of the people, aad too supremacy of principle may bo stricken down. Its sucoess was seen to be the disoomfitnre of office holders and aspirants for office, bj dissolving the charm of Party domi nation. And therefore arrayed against it, are the stereotyped usages of a great and prevailing Party, and of a self reliant, vanquished, yet stragfing minority— Democracy stimulated by toe prestige of success, and Whiggery nerved by the mortification of defeat, arrayed against it, are all the casts of polities—the intolerance of official station—too rank lust of official aspi ration, as well as the associations and Party habitudes of the people. Aware of the inequal ity of the contest upon which it enter* it is nev ertheless undismayed. It relies upon the pow er of virtao and too invincibility of troth. It must prevail if patriotism Is ought hot a name —if revolutionary memories are not extinct—if the Constitution is any thing bnt an antique scrip—if religion retains its parity and Ameri can kistosy bo wot a table. The necessity of *ueh a Party was found in the departure of the Government from its prim ary constitutional coarse—in the increase of Ex ecutive power and patronage—in the absence from toe oowneilaef toe-Nation and States of wise and good men, and the presence thereof noisy brawlers ond mediocre statesmen—in the prevalence at the North and West of Factions originating to the wildest virions of radicalism, or in the most revolting theories in morals—in Irreverence for venerable names and established principles—in insubordination to the Laws—in disregard of the obligation of treaties—in the Want of ability and prudence in the national rep resentation at Foreign Courts, and in the com bined assault apon toe Slave institutions of the South of Fanaticism and political selfishness.— There evils in great part originated in and are sustained by, a prodigious influence operating directly through the ballot box, and indirectly through its demoralizing action upon too Whig and Democratic.Parties. We mean the voting power of the vast body of foreigners who have oome among us sinoe toe revolution, and whose annually increasing accessions threaten to over whelm the native population. From no exis ting Party could toe arrest of these evils be ho ped. On the contniy, the actual condition of Parties was calculated to inflame them. After yean of heroic contest, the Whigs are beaten open all the old issues between them and the Democratic Party, victor upon a thousand field* reigns supreme. They possess the Government, State and National—they wield toe power of of fice—they shape the policy of the nation, foreign and domestic, and flashed with snccess, and re sponsible to nobody, they are unableand unwil ling to restore too Government to Us original parity and simplicity. Snccess inspires arro gance and irresponsibility engenders pride. No wonder then that in portions of toe Union^they have become deplorably corrupt, and every where regardful mainly of the means and ap- pllaooea of retaining power! At this moment tve behold a great people ruled by oliques, can- eusses, and conventions—by an associated Few —that.Few in toe name of toe people suppress ing the very bennnings cf resistance to their domination, and busied ever and anon with the convenient childs play, of adjusting Platforms to suit the varying state of times. Where in the history of Free Government has a triumphant and ever-swelling majority been found capable of reform? On the other hand, toe Whigs, disclaiming responsibility because out of power, hare maintained a sturdy resis- tanee to their conqueror*. Their efforte as a party have been limited of lato to daring bnt spasmodic efforts to unseat the Democracy.— Thus it U that the absenee of all great issued upon old principles between tho two great par ties of the State and nation, has reduced toe no tion of both to a humiliating struggle for the leave* and toe fishes. Each charges the other with fraternisation with the anti Slavery pow er of tho North; each claims for itself allies and sympathisers upon the slave question a- mongiU Northern associates; both are nnwil* ling to forego tho advantages of a national con- ; whilst Freesoilism grows daily more t and aggressive—the Union has been to the verge of dissolution, and the ftttnrrof onr eonntry wears unmistakable pois tents .of disaster if - not rtrin. No sensible man Dow^belicves that^tho South can rely upon whtn enlightened, they insist that the educa tion of yonth ii an obligation of toe 8tato. And as freedom of opinion is indispensable to civil and religious liberty, they oquallj insist thai pubUo eehoole shall be common to all, “withou i distinction of creed or party, and free IVotn any influence or direction of a denotnioa tional or partisan character.” That tho con •ciencamay bo free to Interpret the Bible for itself, they protest against its exclusion from schools established by toe State. Thus would (hey combine secular and sacred instruction without intolerance, and diffuse religion through out too body politio, without a union of occleai astical aad political power. What a contrast do these catoollo sentiments oxhibit to the ao\ tion and policy of too Romish ekarob, whioh, by the evidence of every page of its history, has wielded an iron despotism over the mind and oonsolenee, by fostering ignorance, and with holding the Bible from the people 1 As wo reeede from the Revolutionary day, the example of toe Revolution becomes lesaanci less influential. We are prone to undervalue .... tbo principles in whioh that great event ori etod, the valor that aeheived and the sacrifice* that consecrated it. The stern virtues of that glorious ere are held too slow for this progres sive age. The simplicity and parity of onr Fa thers are ridiculed as weakness or denponoed as fiwatieum, and the republic which they eon straeted id blood and baptised in tears, is con sidered by many as illy adapted to tho wants, and areproaeh to the illamination of this gen eration. The maxims of Washington havo lost much of their authority as rules of political eon- duet ; and only a fow months since an impa- this is troe of these parties as such, toe groat body of tot psoplo are tree to too Constitution —true to tho civilisation and Christianity of tho ago—truo to rifhLhospr.and justice. Amid the wild uproar of party conflicts—quieted .by party triumphs or stoplflsd by party dofeats— their vofoo us not been raised, or if raised, not heard. Tho patriotism and sonnd sense ortho people have boss In abeyance. They now as sert their eontroL The people ask to be heard. They unfurl their banner-ft is the hanner of the Constitution, aad the rallying cry Is Aster- lease $haU rule America. Tho propositioBf lately promulgated by toe State Connotl express their opinions concisely, But clearly and forcibly stated, upon every ques tion of general importance. In aubmittingthem to toe'uonsidcratien of the vetoes of Georgia, the hops is entertained that they will command the approval of every lover of pure morality andi sound statesmanship. Of them it maybe said, generally, that whilst not one Jot or tittle of toe peonliar rights of our Section Is eompromit- ted, they are strongly nationalond conservative. What is dear to patriotism in tho platform of any party, at the South, they contain—whilst they embody principles which no party has .heretofore ventured to avow. “We are bat of yesterday, and know nothing, because our days on earth are a ebadow." Be neath the all-porvadiug Eye, nnd relatively to the Supremo Intelligence, the knowledge of statesmen is verily nothing, and what they do know should teach humility. Well, therefore, does their programme of principles open with the recognition ofthe Divine sovereignty,, and an acknowledgement of that distinguisnodgood- ness which from tho beginning has marked onr career as a nation. Disclaiming all pretension that the American Party sinco tho Revolution has expressly declared—the sublime truth, that Christianity is “an element ofour political sys tem,” and that the Biblo isits source. As ours is eminently a government of. opinion, and as opinion is only reliable as a political element of all nations, opinion, for ignoranoe and folly. And the na tions of the earth nv with am element that some were found base enough and weak ehongh to countenance the charge. The mission ofthe American Party, among other things, is to to store the government to the strengtn and pari ty of its early days—to reinstate the authority of its framers—to inspire reverence for historio names, and respect for revolutionary virtue; and tons to establish anew tne Constitution of toe Union in the hearts of the people. It re verts to first principles, and it remembers first .men. It looks at onr system ofgoyeramentno- so much in toe light of its present relations to the world, as in the light ofthe principles and sacrifices upon whioh it started. The soarees oTonr eivil and religious liberty it finds in the Information, in toe great English Revolution, and in that majestio troth which Christianity— Protestant Christianity—alone reveals, that all men are equal., . , Nations are'no-more exempt from the obliga tions of honor, honesty and morality, than indi viduals. Fidelity to contracts can never yield to tho demands of policy, without ignominy.— Justice is the first attribute of nationality. Ne cessity, the plea of tyrants, has no plaoe in Free States; and interest cannot justify wrong, or cupidity sanctify rapacity. The man or the na tion that stoops to a violation of these precepts, stands condemned by the moral sense of toe civilised world, and by too ralee of private hon or. Wo -therefore hold that too government shall abide the faith of treaties, respect the rights of other States, and with unswerving de termination exact respect for her own rights. Charged with the trust of our own institu tions—holding in onr hands the destiny of twenty-five million of people, and responsible for tho happiness of the teeming additional millions destined soon to inhabit this broad land; with ample scope and verge for an em> ire wider and grander than Imperial Rome in ler palmiest day ; it is our duty to develop our own resources—to guard and perpetuate our own liberty—and to stand aloof from the con flicts and complications of Europe. Surely we have work onough to do at home. Our obliga tions are sufficiently strong to task the energies of the greatest minds—toe ends to be accom plished soffioienty great to satisfy the cravings of the most lofty ambition—and the motives to action pure enough and strong enough to prompt the most energetic exertions. Our vocation is to watoh tho fires that burn on the altar of American freedom, content to know that its light is a beaoon to the nations* Whilst moving opart in the high sphere to which Providenee baa assigned os, we are not indifferent to the straggles of opinion against prerogative, and of popular right against des potism elsewhere. We are propagandists of republicanism, not by direct intervention, bnt by the prompt recognition of free governments wherever they exist do facto by a fearless pro mulgation of our own opinions and-policy, and above all by toe example, of a great and united people, secare and happy under the operation of Democratic institutions. ■ In regard to tho relative power’of the State and National Governments, it is sufficient to say, that we recognise “ toe rights of the seve ral States as expressed and reserved in the constitution;", and insist upon “ a careful avoid- anoo by the. General Government of all inter ference with'their rights by legislative or exec utive action.” The Constitution limits the power of the General Governmentr-its powers are inch and no more, as are expreesely gran ted, and as are necessary to give effeot to express grants. All the balanco of power and right belongs to toe States, or is reserved to tho people of the States. In the legitimate exer cise of their respective powers is found tho admirable virtue pf onr Federative system. Encroaohment by.either is equally to be dep. ricated and to preventit, the oxeroiss of doubt ful powers should be carefully avoided. As the constitution is the rale and measure of the rights and obligations of the Federal and State Governments, obedience to that—sacred- prompt and profound—from all departments and officers ot both, is the only guarantee of order and permanency. If in the expansion of territory—the complications of interest, or because of onr varying relations with foreign State* that instrument is found by experience to be inefficient; then we say, let no man, or officer, or Party, or department, violate its pro visions, or stretch its limitations to cover the wants of the hour, but let tho amending power be invoked. The immigration of cease. onr. owncountry, E enty onr resources of bonevolenee exceed tho ome demands, then we are entitled to seleot other objects of our bounty. Enforeed charity can lay no olaim to merit, and the'old world has no more right to burden os with her panpers, than to constrain ns to pay tbo cost of the ware. Neither natural generosity nor the obligations or obristianity, require the American Union to beoome the alms house of the Nations. As poverty Is too ofteri Attended with disease and deprivation, the advent of paupers is not un- frcquontly marked by the diffusion of pesti- lonce physical and moral. Muob loss are we willing that -our country should beoome the Botany Bay of all humanity. The criminals of Europe are sent to us by a systematic policy. Desperate from guilt and rlpo for illogal adven ture, they, prey Hko obscene birds upon our. communities. The influene'e of their presence reaches the sources of our wealth—the pooeo of fhmilies, and the parity of our polltios. The Ameriean Union sprang not from the revolution, like Minerva from the brain of Jn pitor u Goddess complote. It was tbo growth of ceqturlei of straggle- and discipline. Its record Is.found in tho history of tho Reforma tion, and tho histoty of Englond from Magna Chariot, to tho sqiliDg of tho May Flower, as well as in onr own Collonial history. Its prin ciples inspired tbo genius of John Milton, and were written with the blood : of Hampden and Yane. Our fathers came to the New world to .*SMpe fremHlog-^raft ainjLPrlf(fcongtiijtlgpusi pf training prepared a people forfreomen—Bri tish tyranny brought on tho revolution—then came tho conflict—the confederation—the Con stitution, and lo! tho Ameriean Union fair as the Moon—otear as thb Sun and terrible as an army with Banners. We read 1tS valuo In the prico that was paid for it. We love It and shall maintain it, for it is the source of our pros perity, our protection against Foreign Power, slo ers&t tHIH? rtze! is od Haas 'tod) Jsdi I era : MU* immigration of panpers and felons should Obr charities are due first to the poor of i country, and if in our abounding pros and the guarantee of our future greatness. We •halt maintain it against intrigues from abroad and factions at home—against eonfliete of in terest and of policy—and against sectionalism and fanatloism. Wo shall forbear and eompro tnlse, so long as the exerolso of these virtues involves toe abandonment of no vital principle; rather than harard its disruption. We depre* pate the agitation of sectional questions, whon agitation serves only to exasperate. Bat when constitutional rights are withhold, and eonsti- tutional privilcs are withdrawn—when the Un ion becomes tho instrument of wrong and op- pression, wb; * ’ J tben, if that melalanoholy day como “haring exhausted the argument we win stand by onr arm*” The institutions of our country ; are endan gered by the voting power of foreigners, and one of the ends of toe New party, is to procure such modification of the Naturalisation Laws as trill restrain that power, and place the power of rating America in the hands of Americans. We do not propose to interfere with any exist* ing right* of citizenship; Obedience to the laws lies at the foundation of oni- creed. So long as they are unrepealed we shall obey their behests. . That the existing Naturalisation Laws are evaded by frauds and mode nugatory by construction, is not a matter of question. Such as they are, they are but the pretence of a limitation upon the elective franchise. In the race after votes, the politicians have striven who shall first relax them. Foreigners are the favorites of National and State Legislation. Privileges have boen eoneeded to them whioh native citixens might ask for in vain;—Know ing the weight of thp foreign vote, Parties— Legislatures, Executives, and a large portion of the party press,.have stopped to conciliate it, untiLpractically,, the moment an emigrant sets foot upon our soil, he Is invested with citizen- hsip. An emigrant lands at New York, and in ten days he is in Kansas. Tbo day he arrives he declares his purpose to become a eitizen, and that done be goes to the Polls, and by the elec tive franchise takes part in making a constitu tion for Kansas. Is he a safe depository of the power? What does he know of our institutions ? What interest has ho in the Government His associations are .with the fatherland—a ecus tomed to.a government °f the sword and the bayonet, what can he know or .feel.of subordi nation to law? ofthe authority of constitutions —of an enlightened pnblio sentiment—of the responsibility of citizenship? Relieved from citizenship with lawless rebound, his only idea of liberty is to. do what he lists. No wonder that toe names'of foreigners ocoupy such large space on bar criminal calendars. The danger to onr institutions becomes alarming when we reflect upon the numerical strength of the for eign vote—yet more alarming when we note its power of concentration—and-even terrific when we advert to the fact that the larger part of it is not voluntary but is -wielded by cunning Priests and political ecclesiastics. What this power will be, may be learned from the fact that the immigration may be reckoned at half a million annually. Its,increase will he ten mill ions in twenty years at thai rule. When we speak of foreigners we mean all foreigners— Catholics from Ireland and Italy—Infidels from Germany—Protestants from Prussia and Swe- den—Jews from the. ends of the earth' and L dolators from China. The right of all States to prescribe the terms of eitisenship is mot questionable, and toe prescription of terms is so for as we know, universal. It was so amonj the Jews—at Rome; in England the power o ’ Parliament Is invoked to naturalize as foreign ers; with us Congress is expressly clothed with the power to establish a uniform rule of natu ralisation. We are not content with any effort to correct abuses under existing laws; wede sire that the law may be so framed as that no foreigner shall be allowed to vote until he has resided in the country twenty-one years, we would subject him to the civil probation which our children -are subjected to: If is absurd that an educated native is incompetent to vote at the age of 20 years and 363 day* whilst an ignorant foreigner, an imbecile, in political capacity, may vote as soon as he artives in'toe country. Such a law is no hardship to the for eigner—it.will operate prospectively. We owe him nothing—if he.tikea not onr,terms of cit- izeuship in God’s name lot him stay 'away. It has been said that the result of Bach a law would create in our midst a degraded caste—a mongrel condition of freedom and slavery com bined—without the. dignity of the latter and the security necessary to the former. The his tory of civilized States'negatives the assump tion—reason . negatives it—our constitution which requires a naturalization law all denies it. Our Franklins, Washingtons and Jeffersons did not so think. Our experieace denies it—- for the unnaturalized foreigners in-.our midst are not whilst serving their probation, mofo degraded than after naturalization; Such easts are found in every civililized' State of .the Union. How can men occupy a dograded posi tion who. are protected in their persons—in their character—in domestic Tights—social pri vileges and freedom of will? With no mark of discrimination against th sin, but as to the right of voting.- The burden of that volunta- rilyassumod! Nor do we propose to shut our. doors upon the world, but that we continue to be the asy lum of the'oppressed of all -nations. Let the victims of civil and ecclesiastical tyranny come. What we mean to say is, that with onr consent they shall not rule the land. Superadded to all other disqualifications, so for as the Catholic foreigners art concerned; is the subjection of the Catholic people to their Priests, The num ber of Catholics in our Union has been various ly estimated, from three to four millions, ond three.fourts ofthe immigration is Catholic. Thislarge body is governed by their' Priests and Bishop* . When it suits their purpose, they direct the ;Whole vojing power of that._eom,i munion upon a singe point, and in the close division of parties, they deterinine elections. And who are they that grasp; tons the ruling power of the nation? They are the appointees lenrants of .Rome. Archbishop Hughes, rlca—it arrests civilization, ns is Spain and Portugal. It commands the will of its mem* bership, by the magnificence of ite ontward ar ray, by tho splendor of it* ritual, and by the fear of Its curse, acting upon superstition. He who denies these propositions' is ignorant of history, or willingly falsifies ifc If these things he so, then we ask, is it an unreasonable, de mand that foreigners be deprived ofthe right to vote until they shall have been in toe conn- try twenty-one years? We think not We are pledged to resist the aggressions of .the of New York, derives his commission from the Pope; He is amenable to him—he'is required to repair to His Holiness’ once in three years* to, report.and to receive instructions. He. owes no allegiance to any other prince, State Or pot entate. He may have' tukon, it is true, the oath of allegiance here, but tha* by the folth and usage of Rome; is.subordinate to tho paramount allegiance.which ho .owes to the head, of the Catholic Churoh. The Romish prlsrithobd know no allegianoo bnt that whioh they owe to the Pcpe—all else is subsidiary And what are oath• of allegi ance to the Union, with men who believe that they can bo at any time discharged from its ob ligation, or absolved for its violation. With unoonditioual consecration and.invinciblo zeal, they are, the world over, the servants of Rome. Tho claim of tho Pope is that he is the vice gerent of God—the.snooessor of St. Peter, and nfaUlblp—that there is but one churob, and all who do not adhere to it. are heretics—that alt temporal ppwer Is subordinate to that of the church—that kings, emperors, constitution*, legislature* and. all peoples, are rightfully sub- jeot to his authority. These pretentions, have cut down thrones/ reared tho Inquisition, lit up the earth with the flames of martyrdom, and havo oome hither also, to subsidise .and .The muter onrso of all hn- . mlsh hlerarehy, Thoy dotiy rivnto judgment—they patronize ii-Intelleot add'conselenbo should question their supremacy—thoy withhold Bible from the people, Jest the people, zhoi learn their miserable Impostures at the hands God—they enforce obedlence through the (er rors of excommunication; and when that foil* thoy have been wont, trough long oentnrip* irn the recusant over to the sooular.arm to uraed; and If the BeOhldr power deelihes to act, what then ? Why, then it is ont of the ale of tho church, and fire, and sword, *nd walls, and athemu, and revolution, are let|ooso to accomplish its overthrow... A convenient moans of enforcing States’!* to absolve subjects from their oath of allegiance. It Is -the ally of despotism, as in -Italy and;Auatrkw-ifc paralyzos free governmq^as lit ^Mexico; ^nd ^oqto t Amte ' q tit dltn i-T«W tolled tiftotr ij e^oiiuio [ rule thiB natio: who owe allegianoo, directly or lndireotly, to any foreign, power, eivil or eeelesiutical. If, therefore, a member of the Catoollo church, na tive born, d6os net in foot hold eivil allegiance to a foreign power, civil or eeolessiutioal, he may be supported for office u. any other native. If such an one desires suffrage, the harden of proof lies Upon him to show that he holds no snoh allegiance. This Bu been called uncon stitutional. We deny that it is. The oonstitn .tion of the United States declares “that no re ligious test.shall ever be roqnired as a qualifi cation to any office or pnblio trust under the United Statesand further, “that Congress shall make no law respeeting an establishment of religion, ..or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.” These clauses deny the right of the government to interfere, by legislation or oth erwise, with the right of private judgment. Tho prohibition is upon the. State. We depricate any such interference ; we abhor tost oaths; and we detest the very idea of a State religion. We invoke no legislation—we. uk no govern* mental interference. We simply as citizens claim the right of ehoiee amongst men for of fice. That right is secured to ns by the Con 4 , stitution. As citizens in the exercise of the elective franchise we say, that in our judgment the feet, that a man Is not a native, and if a native, the foot that he holds allegiance to a foreign power, is good ground to decline to vote for him. Wo prefer natives, We have a right to discriminate amongst men. To carry ont onr preference, we have toe legal right to combine and to nse any means not forbidden by law.— And in relation to offices filled by appointment, we hold that the appointing power should he governed by the same principles. Who shall rise np and deny to ns the right of making onr choice of men to rale over ns, to depend npon their religion or their allegiance to a foreign power ? It is curious to note that this objection comes from those who by all the - machinery of party, in secret and in public, move heaven and earth to exclude from office thoso who differ with them in opinion. Wo leave the Catholic to think as he pleases, and-to worship God how, ond where, and when, he pleases.— His religion we leave to himself and Maker. If he wants onr suffrage for office, for reasons sat isfactory to onrselves we simply say to him, we prefer a native and a Protestant. The very thing that is charged upon ns we are laboring to prevent—that is, a union of ecclesiastical with political power. We behold ih the United States a great voting power to combination with a groat ecclesiastical and !both wielded by a priesthood responsible .to n foreign power. That combihation'we shall resist, as dangerons to our institutions, by all means that constitu tional and legal. The platform which we present to toe countryon the subject of slavery, ie higher and broader than any that has ever Been reared by any National Party. It eomtnends itself to the patriotism of the Sonth, and will be vindicated by the enlightened friends ofthe Union in eve ry section of the nation. Neither the Whig nor the Domoeratic Party has at any time here tofore, in any National Convention, taken as high grounds—grounds which copcede to the South all which she can rightfully claim. The Philadelphia Platform received the sanction of the representation of eighteen States in that body, including the great State- of New York, and the American Party of Pennsylvania -has ratified it Now, jf ithe the object, as it un questionably Is, of the Southern States to main tain the Union, whilst they maintain intaet their slave rights, -when, inail coating time is it to be expected .that, any organization will command sach elements of power to effect these great ends? Sound on the question whioh, with ns is paramount to all others, and npon on all.others liberal and conservative, it is diffi, cult to imagine that it will not be acceptable to the people of Georgia. Upon it; all parties can, if they will, unite, and upon it, we believe the suffrage* of the people-will concentrate. It is rich to tbo promise of future good, and offers the moans of solving.'the problem of the age, to-wit:'howshati the Union be preserved, and at the fame tim*' the .rights of the South be maintainod. It pretermits any expression of opinion as to the power of Congress to estab lish or prohibit slavery in toe territories, leav ing opinion free upon that subject. So ought it to be left, because\ opinions on that subject, even at tho South, are different But it ex- pressly declares that Congress ought hot to legislate upon the snbjeot of Slavery within the territory, ofthe United States, and that ev ery interference by Congress with Slavery, as it exists in the District of Columbia, would be violative of the spirit and intention of the compact by which the State of Maryland ceded the District to the United States, and a breach of the National Faith. It “abides by and main- ta1ns|tho|existing;Laws upon the subject of Slave ry, as a final and conclnsiVo settlement .Of .that subject, in spir.itand in substance.” Thus af firming the Compromise measures—the legisla tion in relation to the territory of Karsas—the refugee Slave law and toe repeal of the Mia* sour! Compromise. And it asserts in oneqni.vo- oal terms the doctrine which all parties at the South hold to to-wit: tho'doctrine declaring that Congress possesses no ’power under the constitution to legislate upon the subject of Shivery in the States where it does or may ex ist, or to exclude any State from admission in; to the Union, because ite constitution does, oY does not reoognizo the institution of Slavery as a part of its sooial system. Consistently with and in addition to these, things, wo stand upon tho. Georgia Platform.' What more ean We ask of any party ? We respectfully submit onr candidate and onr principles, to tbs patriotism and intelligence of the pe.ople of Georgia. Vzxcs VissiSLB AT Noor-dat.—This brigh test of the planet* Is how the evening star In one of ite moat lamlnon* phases, and for two or three months to come.it will be increasing in brilliancy, and may be seen every afreraoep East of and about 45 degrees.from tbs sun. Chkrrfulxbss asd Sosa.—If yon wonld keep spring in yonr heart* learn to sing. There is more merit in melody than most people are aware of. A eobbler who smooths his wax ends with a song will do as mush work id a day as one given to illnatnre and fretting wonld offset in a week. Songs are like sunshine they ran to eheerfnlness—to fill the bosom with sneh buoy ancy that for tho time being yon feel filled with June air, or like a meadow of clover Inhlos- “A sober life," according to an ancient au thor, “implies moderation in all things. It consists in moderate eating, in moderate drink ing, and in the moderate enjoyment of all toe pleasures of this world—in keeping the mind moderately and constantly, employed, in culti vating the affections moderately, in avoiding extremes of heat and cold, and in sboning ex cessive excitement, either *of body or of mind.’’ A Goldkx Thought.—We know not the anthorof the following, bnt it is pretty: “Nature will be reported. All things are engaged in writing her history. The planet, the pebble goes attended by ite shadow.—The rolling rock leaves its sefatebes on the moun tain, the river its channel in the soil, and the animal ite bones'in the stratum; the fern and leaf their modest epitaph in the coal. The falling drop makes its senlptdre in sand or stone; not a footstep into the snow, or along the ground bat prints in characters more or less lasting a map of ite march; every set of the man inscribes itself on toe memories of ite fellows, and in its face. The air is foil of sounds, the sky of token; the ground Is all memoranda and signatures, and every object U. covered over with hints, which speak to toe intelligeht. Quits Natural.—Archbishop Hughes, in one of his letters to Senston Brook* says, “ I would not exchange the bright members of my early boyhood, in another land and beneath a different sky, for those of any other man living, no matter where he was horn.” This feeling is a natural on* and is a key to toe reason why adopted citizens can rarely be heartily Americans. With the Exponent, an excellent paper published at New.Orleans, we don’t blame these men for loving their own country; it is trae to the divine instincts of nature—it is interwoven with the fibres of the human heart—it is paramount to distance, time and circumstances—it is-beyond the reach of politics and philosophy ; but it is the one grand, and powerful emotion that colors every thought and directs every action. The for eigners who came to this country are not excep tions to these great rales. They still love their native land, aad link her doctrines in do-, mestic matters—in agricnltore, commerce, re ligion—and why not in politico.—Raleigh Rh r gioltt. - ■■■ - ■■ ... We clip toe following extract from the Sav annah Republican:' Fonstra Co , July 6. “Sam” lacks considerable of being dead “in these capes.” I see him walking about here, on two sounds legs, as proud os hig . “principles, aims/ahd objects” are patriotic And glorious, with no Sign* of lameness, or'of-being crippled by the sbots fired at him by .the “Swiss arch ers” oftbq foreign army. The letters of Mes srs. Stephens and Toomba hare greatly benefit* ted us here;'removing the only objection many _ publication' ter*; and are gaining accessions to our ranks ovkrfidf.-. w otr. The nomination of Judge Andrews is very popular with ns in tho mountains.. Johnson’s majority in Forsyth county two years ago was abont 280 votes. Andrews will carry the coun ty in October. Will yonr neighbor ofthe Geor gian make a note of this prediction? I know whereof I affirm! - . - The Mayor of Boston has procured a number of red and. gray sqniirels from Vermont, and let them lobsruponto* frees of the Common. A eompanyofenterprisingyonngmenofCoo. neautville, Pennsylvania, offer a beautiful silk dress to the unmarried lady who exhibits tbo best horsemanship at the next Crawford county fair. “So far as we understand the principles of tho American party, one of their cardinal doctrines is, to put down demagogues and office seekers* If this be their aim, we’htd them God speed, in so noble an undertaking. If this be one of their objeots, no. woh'der there is Bach opposition among party leaders to their organisation.— That opposition is, in our opinion, one of the strongest arguments in its favor. The leaders want to do the secret work in fixing up candi dates, thomsclvos. They have so long monopo lized this branch of polittbs, that they have come to the.conclusion that they ought to havo a pa tent right to tiie concern, and that it is not proper for others fo meet secretly, and presump tuously infringe the rights of party leaders, hy fixing up their own.oandidatee. Indeed, a few have so lopg exercised the right of meeting so* erttiy, and making nominations, that it has al most become a law: not quite, ^owpve^; for ike think that t|ie memory of man runs, back to a time, in the.^lstory^hf tbis governsaeiit^. wben there was po suoh thing ns party caucuses and nominations, and whon Presidente were elected without haying been,nominated by a conven tion.”—Exchange. /(Father, Aid yon ever have another wife be- sldes'moiher”- ‘“tfb/niy boy; what pbssCsied yon to nsk such a question?” - “Because Ifeaw n the old fomlly Biblo where you married An na Dominy, 1838; and that Isn’t mother, for b^nai^is^n^BnflUt;” i,u * A young gentleman paid his addresses to a young lady by whose mother he was unfavorably received. “How hard,” said he, to theyonng lady, “to seperate those whom love has united.” “Very hard indeed,” replied she, with great innocence at toe same time throwing her armes . around his neek, “and so mother will find it. 1 Rhode Island has raised the salary of her , » ■ ' - ■ Governor from four hundred dollars.to the more respectable sum of one thousand dollars. The Female Medical College of -'Pennsylva nia has thirty-five students. Six young ladies graduated at the recent commencement. An Edglisbmatbematicfan named Daily, late ly performed the feaf of weighing the earth.— He does not tell ns toe scales he nstd, but here is his balance: 1,256,195,670,000,000,000,000,. 000 tons 1 e-A — “Those are the worst of suicides who volun tarily and prepensely stab or suffocate their fame, when God hath commanded them to stand on high for an example.” The Pope of Rome is said to be infallible. He arrogates to himself infallibility The Catholic Choreh claim for him infallibility.. If infallible, he can do no wrong; if infallible, be has done no wrong. If infallible, whatever he has once claimed, he may Still claim, and claim as bis right Whatever power he has heretofore exercised, he mast still exercise. infallible, then, when he assumed to exercise temporal dominion, to depose prinees, and to absolve the subjects of Protestant sovereigns from allallegianee and loyalty to them, he - right, and, in order to maintan his infallibility, must and will do the same thing, whenever and wherever it can be done with any prospect of sneoess,—Rome, it is said, ean noiehange. In fallibility involves necessarily the indea of un changeableness. The Catholic Church innst then either abandon the idea of the Pope's infallibility, or it innst admit that he still claims the right and will exercise it, of inter meddling with the politics, of nations and af fairs of State.—Coiumlue Mirror. Slavery iw Nebraska.—A Kansas corres pondent of the St. Louis Republican makes toe following statements: “The qhestibn of slavery in Nebraska sonth of the Platte has already began to be discussed in a calm and enlightened way. Many of the settlers in that part of the Territory are from the Southern. States and some'have their servants with them: They are pleased with the conn try—they would like to cultivate their portion of ittoeir. own way ; and they, are vigorously determined to test the questtion at the ballot- box, wheihei- or ’ hdt they shall be allowed to retain their property in their new home. They believe the region south of the. Platte to be admirably adapted to slave labor, and that the Platte river ought in.reality to have been the boundary line between Kansas and Nebraska'/ The people of North-western Missouri, too, are aroused on this question, and will, doubtless, settle . in Southern Nebraska in large numbers. Whether,.then, the territory'adopts the institu tion of slavery or not, it is likely to receive large accessions of population from all parte of the Union.”. . Approved et aw Oppowest.—The Savannah Courier, one ofthe ablestidministration papers in Georgia, uses the following language concer ning fhe American National Platform: We have only had an opportunity to gtat at the know nothing platform, buVaglancois enuogh to show that it is-the workmanship of a master architect. We ean well understand why the southern members of the ordert-those maintaining ite principles—may be pleasedat tho manner in which they are set forth. We blame fortune for not visiting ns, where as, in many ease* the fault lies at our own door in.doing nothing to invite her in.—Punch. If Jnlius saw- his mamma eomlng down the street, what great man wonld it remind yon of? Jnlius Cmra r ( see ^ er *) Hartley Coleridge onoe being asked whioh of Wordsworth’s productions he considered the prettiest, very promptly replied. “His daughter Dora.” At a.meeting ofthe unmarried printers which convened notiong since, the’following toast was drunk in silence: ! I ::: »:L Woman—Heaven reward her; she is always in favor of a well .conducted press. ;Th«[ Journal; of the- Academy of Medicine at Turin states, among ot^ier things, that tall kion live longer, than those of small stature. Of course they do, and lie longer in bed. “Wbatsort of a sermon do yoa like?” said r. Rush to Robert Morris, qne day. “Hike, ” replied Mr. M6rris, “ that kind of preach- rhlc I HHUS Dr sir, 1 ing Whioh drives a man into too corner of his pew, and mokes him think- the devil is after him. L flM shop in Trt>y, tho concluding portion . reads thus:—“N. B. Dresses made lower than •Ter. “Truth has neter manifested itself to me in sneh a broad stream of light.os seems to be poured npon some minds. Troth bus appeared to my mental eye like a vivid, yet small and trembling star in a storm, now appearing for a moment with -a beauty that enraptured now lost in sneh clouds, as, had I less faith, might make me suspect that the previous clear sight had been a delusion.” Very exquisite, in the aptness as well'as poetry of the comparison ! Some walk by daylight, some?walk by starlight. Those who see the sun do not see the stars; those who seethe stars do not see the sun. The same writer says, in another place:—“I am averse to too ; much activity of the imagination on toe future life. I hope to die full of con- fidence that no evil awaits me; hut any pic ture of a future life distresses me. I feel as if an eternity of existence were already an in- snpportable burden on my soul.” How charac teristic of that lassitude of the sonl and sick ness of toe- heart whieh “ asks nol iuppiaea*' bnt longs for rest!” Shakespeare never did me any moral mis chief. Though the Witches in Macbeth trou bled me—though the Ghost in Hamlet terrified me (the picture, that is—for the spirit in Shake speare was solemn and pathetic, not hideous) —though poor little Arthur cost me an ocean of tears—yet mneh that was obscure, and all that was painful and revolting was merged on the whole in the vived pretence, of a new, beautiful, vigorous, living world. It is a common-observation that.girls of live ly. talents are apt to grour pert and satir i cal. J fell into the danger when about ten years oU. Sallies at the expense of certain people, ill- looking, or ilRdressecb or-ridicnlous, or foolish, had been laughed at and applauded in compa* ny, until, without being naturally malignant. I ran some risk’of becoming so from sheer vani ty- * . _; ' Education.—Everybody should have hi* head, heart and hand educated. By the. prop er education of his heart, he will be taught to hate what is vile foolish and wrong. And by proper education of the hand, he will he en:> - bled to supply bis want* to add to his. comfort, and to assist those around him. The highe.»». object is of -great value, everything that bin •' ders us is comparatively worthless. Wh.-n . wisdom reigns in toe head, and love in th c* heart the man is ever ready to do geod; ord-r and peace reign around him, and sorrow i.> almost unknown.' IsnfoBALiTT of Bad Fbnoes.—Thecrowninr evil resulting from bad fences I* that it impair? and destroys toe morality of oattie. Np maU. ter how well educated they may have been previously, if subjected to this temptation, their morality goes over the fence. - : The Hon. Bailie Peyton, who, some it em, was a prominent member of Congress fr» n Tennessee, has been elected City Attornoy of San Francisco by the know nothings., . ‘ 1 jto ■» — to * '■* ■■ - ^ There are many good qualities, and valuohh*- ones, too, which hastily deserve the name -t' virtues. The word virtue was synonymous in toe old time with valor, and seems to imply contest; not merely passire gooddess, but arfu---' resistance to evil. I wonder sometimes why if is that we so continually bear the phrase, : virtuous woman,” and scarcely ever that of i “virtuous man,” except in poetiy or from t!m : pulpit. ' ' - The fables whieh appeal to our higher men! sympathies may sometimes do as much for us as the truths of scioncc.. \ It was said, and very beautifully said, that "one man’s wit becomes all men’s wisdom." Even more trae is it that one man’s virtue be comes a standard whieh raises our anticipati-.u- of possible goodness in all men. . To trnst religiously, to hope humbly, to desire nobly, to think-rationally, to will resolutely, and to w;oTk earnestly—may this, he mine! As we grow old the experiences of infancy comeback upon us with a strange vividness. - There is a period when the overflowing, tumul tuous life of onr youth rises up between us any' those first years ; but as the torrent subsides th its bed we can look across thelmpassable gttlf to tnat haunted fairy land which we shall never more approach and never more forget. Recipe for Making BEER.~Tako one pbib of corn and boil it ; uptil it is a little soft, add b’ itonepintof molasses and one gallon of water ^ shake them well togethor, and set’it the flf •. ond in twenty four hours the beer wiTFbe exeeP lent. When all the beer in the jug is used, ju*- add more molasses and water. The same corn will answer for six month's, nnd the beer will be fit fdr use in twelve hour?*, by keeping the jug which contains it warm. In this.waythe whole ingredients used in making a gallon of beer will not cost over four cents, nnd it is better and more wholesome than cider. —Maine Farmer. 7 When may two people be said to bo half wil ted? When they have an understanding be- tween'them. ' A—.imrixK .n-.:r*.r.'T Covetousness, lika a candle ill-made, smooth: ers the splendor Of a happy fortune in its owu greese. -j’i.VgrLau. r .' 5.'R :u; to 1 er*sme a a-a-.z J3; i A IJ jusJtfoia f iSii ctqu alaals won •4 >*ii 1 1 ill v -

Georgia Historic Newspapers

Rome courier. (Rome, Ga.) 1849-18??, July 17, 1855, Image 1