Newspaper Page Text
ROME, QAi, TUESDAY MORNING, JUDY 17, 1855.
rCBUSHED EVERY TUESDAY MORNING.
BY DWINELL <fc FINLEY.
Terms of SohscripHon;
I* ADVANCE. FEE ANNUM, %
Paid lmsnt six mostmb, ......
Paid at tee sxd of yeas. ....
Terms of Advertising;
r* Legal Advertisements will be inserted
i usual n
$2 00
$2 50
$3 00
at toe
first and
rates. Miscellaneous Advertise-
Ifl per soonra of 13 lines or letter to*
id 50 cents for sseb —h—q»s»t Insmfien.
to. 11.
The triumphant
ofthej
t Arabian
■rent
for man and beast, H. 6. FARRELL'S
CELEBRATED ARABIAN LINIMENT, It
causing counterfeit'? to springnp nil over tbn
country, spreading thoir baneful influence over
the land, robbing the pockets of the honest end
sad poisonous tra;h. for the genuine H. G. Fan.
ralTs Arabian Liniment. Fellow Citizens!—
Look well before you bay, and Yee that the la
bel Of the botdn has th« letters H.€F* betel*
Farrell's for if it hat nob Ui»co»sN^ft Th«
tabel around each bottle of fits genuine lint'
meat reads that. “H. Q. FarralFa Celebrated
Arabian Liniment;” and the aigantnre of tbn
proprietor, is written upon the label also, and
these words am hluniE the glatt bottle, “H.
6. Farrell’s Arabian Liniment. Pooiia.’*
The daring boldness of the recreant who
trash, ter areafiy geautos and gcod
thus not only cheeting them oat of
their money, but Oat whichis far dearer—their
health—ought to be held up in scorn, and re
ceive the contempt his dastardly spirit merit-
Let every one then wheregards his own health,
and wishes tenth and Iwwir to triumph over
deception aad raacnlfry, put his heal on all bate
\»por(tio*j, and uphold that which ii juot and
ifat The z--nnine H. G. FarrelTs Liniment
has proved itself to -he the most remarkable
medicine known for too euro of iheumatism,
neuralgia, paic^srhoreror located, sprains, bra.
ires, h&rdesed^iamiM, bums, wouuds, corns,
chronic sore ana weak eyes, lame bade, ect. ect;
aad is an effectual remedy lor boraee and eattls
in the cure ofswecoy, distemper,lameness, dry
shoulder, splint, wounds set, ect, and will al
ways stop the farther progress of poll-evil, fis
tula, ringbone aad Mood spavin, if need in the
begin tag.
.. . -v ■
Aoot- osl fir O&OnUffeite ! ■■' • •
The public are cautioned against anothe
counterfeit, which has lately made its appearr
aace, called IV. B. Farreffk Arabinn Liniment,
the most dangerous of afi fibs/eountozfoil* W-
oausehis having the name of Farrell, many
will bay it in good faith, without the knowl
edge that a counterfeit exist* and they will per
•when the spun
HLG.
r
j article Is manafaciured only by
~s inventor and proprietor,
_____ _ t, No. 17 Main
IBiaois. to whom all
most be addressed. Be sure you „
the letters H. G. before Farrell’* thus—H. G.
FARRELL'S—and htesignatareon toe wrap
per, all others are eounterMta.
Sold by Kendrick APladger, - Melville
G. B. F. Matter, MU Hickory
a Brown, Ceoea P. O.
*- Branner A Moyers, Summerville
Robert Battey, Wholesale Agent, Rome
aadby regularly authorised agents throughout
the United f
AGF.}fTS WASTHH'li”every town/village
-toed hamlet in the United States, in which one
Is not already established. Address IL G. Far
rell as above, accompanied with good reference
as to character, responsibility, Ac.
CABINET SHOP
Aad Blind and Sash Factory !! -
STANDISH & BLAKEMAN
of Jas. M. Sumter, contin-
ina to manufacture all kindsof FUR
NITURE and SASH and BLINDS on the
at toe old stand on
March 27.—ly |
ATLANTA
MACHINE WORKS.
(late atlaxta iron focsdrv.)
Company is now prepar
ed to do work on short notice, of
ivy and light Castings from
the latest improved patterns of Iron,
or Composition, all of which wifi bo warran
ted. Turning. Borings and Drilling done to
order. Abo. screw cutting of 10 feet or un
der of any sire and thread required. Heavy
and light forging of wrought Iron or Steel
.R ATTENTION is called to
i for Mill Qearing.for Merchant
and Custom Flouring, and Saw Mills, GIo
Gearing of all the usual sizes, and Bark
Mill* always kept on band. We are also
1 .stationary Engines upon
i All of which will
Copper nnd Brass
for work at cash prices
JAMES L. DUNNING,
john. McDonough,
WILLIAM RUSHTOtf.
P. 8. All of the above company arc prac
tical Mechanics and give their lodividna
attention to the business. jan.0,’65
token In
T. R. RIPLEY,
ATLANTA, GA.
TkEALEli >n Chins, Crockery, aad Glass
U wares; Lam[* or all kinds j OIL
, Fluid, and Alcohol by the bbl.
1
advance.
JaaMsss
Tama
17
J/M. TOMLINSON,
■ . . ■ ■ -T .. u ,
House Sign, Coach, Passenger Care
Ornamental and Decorative Painter
irer of Gfit Glass Door Plates
Numbers for Pnblio Houses
ict Number*.
Haas A Co. White Hall 8troet
Jaa >, 1855 ly.
IV M. EDDLEMAN <fc BRO.
Atlanta, Georgia* j
constantly on hand and for sale on
ih prices, a large assortment of
BOOTS. SHOES, LEATHER, LASTS,
CALF LINING and BINDING SKINS
OE-MAKER’S TOOLS, Ac. Ac.
Jan Y, 1855. ly
—
a Blaster wanted i
npHE services of am«u who Is experieno in
X blasting rocks beneath the surfaccc of the
water are desired. A competent person can se
cure a remunerative employment by applying
at th is office. ap 24 tf.
T. 8* WOOD & CO. B O M E. G A
Dealers in watches, Clocks, Jewelry,
Silver Ware, Cutlery, Plated • ...
and Brittannia Ware, China,
Musical Instruments, Walking-
Canes, Fancy Articles, Ac., Ac., Ac.
REPAIRING NEATLY EXECUTED
may 1 - ' 7 'J& ly
BACON! BACON !
80,000 lbs. Prime Tennessee BACON for
April, 17. tf WE ALEXANDER A CO
QTA1
O Go
1 Goods and Groceries.
JOHN B. STAFFORD. { OCto!
-Dealers in Dry
II xV ip PirjfER.
ADDRESS OF TUR STATE COUNCIL
- OI THE AMERICAN PARTY,
ASIBIIL1D. SBOIHTIY XT MAC OS,
To (lie People «f Georgia.
Tho Amerlean Party presents to too Peoplo
their candidate for the Executive Chair, in tho
person of too Hon. GARNETT ANDREWS, of
Wiikae; and a programme of their Principles.
Of the farmer, it may be proper to say, that he
Iran able, honest man—« true patriot and au
agreoahie gentleman. HU character is known
to tit# country, and it Is neither necessary nor
in accordance with ear prinaiplM to deal in ex-
(raragmfienlop. - . .
Of our principles wo might say much, bnt
most content ourselves with little. They oon.
atfinta too bases of a recent organisatioh which
it boa been foahionable to denounce as violative
of the constitution of tho Union, and treasona
ble to tho Slave institutions of too Sonto—as
loving darkneaa because ita deeds are evil—as
ashamed of ita principles, aad afraid to avow
ita purposes. Its working machinery has been
secret; that its beginning might be inaugurated.
It was a ooudition of its being, that it should
for a season hide its life. Yet its principles have
bean known, and if not. heretofore known, are
now proclaimed. It meets toe light and con
fronts its foes. It easts its principles broadly
over too land—Invites the scrutiny of the wise
aad good, aad defies alike, the criticisms ofhon-
est dissent, and the adroit porriaions of dema
gogues aad office seekers. To begin at all, was
heroism—to prevail will be all bnt miraculous.
Standing in opposition to all other Parties, Par
ty leader* have suspended their conflicts, and
put aside their prejudices aad hushed the clam
ors of long embittered Party passion to crash
It Old resentments are smothered—old doe-
trines are postponed or ignored—the .most vio
lent antagonisms have been harmonised, and
strange allianoee formed; that a power in the
State arising to assert the independence of the
people, aad too supremacy of principle may bo
stricken down. Its sucoess was seen to be the
disoomfitnre of office holders and aspirants for
office, bj dissolving the charm of Party domi
nation. And therefore arrayed against it, are
the stereotyped usages of a great and prevailing
Party, and of a self reliant, vanquished, yet
stragfing minority— Democracy stimulated by
toe prestige of success, and Whiggery nerved
by the mortification of defeat, arrayed against
it, are all the casts of polities—the intolerance
of official station—too rank lust of official aspi
ration, as well as the associations and Party
habitudes of the people. Aware of the inequal
ity of the contest upon which it enter* it is nev
ertheless undismayed. It relies upon the pow
er of virtao and too invincibility of troth. It
must prevail if patriotism Is ought hot a name
—if revolutionary memories are not extinct—if
the Constitution is any thing bnt an antique
scrip—if religion retains its parity and Ameri
can kistosy bo wot a table.
The necessity of *ueh a Party was found in
the departure of the Government from its prim
ary constitutional coarse—in the increase of Ex
ecutive power and patronage—in the absence
from toe oowneilaef toe-Nation and States of
wise and good men, and the presence thereof
noisy brawlers ond mediocre statesmen—in the
prevalence at the North and West of Factions
originating to the wildest virions of radicalism,
or in the most revolting theories in morals—in
Irreverence for venerable names and established
principles—in insubordination to the Laws—in
disregard of the obligation of treaties—in the
Want of ability and prudence in the national rep
resentation at Foreign Courts, and in the com
bined assault apon toe Slave institutions of the
South of Fanaticism and political selfishness.—
There evils in great part originated in and are
sustained by, a prodigious influence operating
directly through the ballot box, and indirectly
through its demoralizing action upon too Whig
and Democratic.Parties. We mean the voting
power of the vast body of foreigners who have
oome among us sinoe toe revolution, and whose
annually increasing accessions threaten to over
whelm the native population. From no exis
ting Party could toe arrest of these evils be ho
ped. On the contniy, the actual condition of
Parties was calculated to inflame them. After
yean of heroic contest, the Whigs are beaten
open all the old issues between them and the
Democratic Party, victor upon a thousand field*
reigns supreme. They possess the Government,
State and National—they wield toe power of of
fice—they shape the policy of the nation, foreign
and domestic, and flashed with snccess, and re
sponsible to nobody, they are unableand unwil
ling to restore too Government to Us original
parity and simplicity. Snccess inspires arro
gance and irresponsibility engenders pride. No
wonder then that in portions of toe Union^they
have become deplorably corrupt, and every
where regardful mainly of the means and ap-
pllaooea of retaining power! At this moment
tve behold a great people ruled by oliques, can-
eusses, and conventions—by an associated Few
—that.Few in toe name of toe people suppress
ing the very bennnings cf resistance to their
domination, and busied ever and anon with the
convenient childs play, of adjusting Platforms
to suit the varying state of times.
Where in the history of Free Government has
a triumphant and ever-swelling majority been
found capable of reform? On the other hand,
toe Whigs, disclaiming responsibility because
out of power, hare maintained a sturdy resis-
tanee to their conqueror*. Their efforte as a
party have been limited of lato to daring bnt
spasmodic efforts to unseat the Democracy.—
Thus it U that the absenee of all great issued
upon old principles between tho two great par
ties of the State and nation, has reduced toe no
tion of both to a humiliating struggle for the
leave* and toe fishes. Each charges the other
with fraternisation with the anti Slavery pow
er of tho North; each claims for itself allies
and sympathisers upon the slave question a-
mongiU Northern associates; both are nnwil*
ling to forego tho advantages of a national con-
; whilst Freesoilism grows daily more
t and aggressive—the Union has been
to the verge of dissolution, and the
ftttnrrof onr eonntry wears unmistakable pois
tents .of disaster if - not rtrin. No sensible man
Dow^belicves that^tho South can rely upon
whtn enlightened, they insist that the educa
tion of yonth ii an obligation of toe 8tato. And
as freedom of opinion is indispensable to civil
and religious liberty, they oquallj insist thai
pubUo eehoole shall be common to all, “withou i
distinction of creed or party, and free IVotn
any influence or direction of a denotnioa
tional or partisan character.” That tho con
•ciencamay bo free to Interpret the Bible for
itself, they protest against its exclusion from
schools established by toe State. Thus would
(hey combine secular and sacred instruction
without intolerance, and diffuse religion through
out too body politio, without a union of occleai
astical aad political power. What a contrast
do these catoollo sentiments oxhibit to the ao\
tion and policy of too Romish ekarob, whioh,
by the evidence of every page of its history, has
wielded an iron despotism over the mind and
oonsolenee, by fostering ignorance, and with
holding the Bible from the people 1
As wo reeede from the Revolutionary day,
the example of toe Revolution becomes lesaanci
less influential. We are prone to undervalue
....
tbo principles in whioh that great event ori
etod, the valor that aeheived and the sacrifice*
that consecrated it. The stern virtues of that
glorious ere are held too slow for this progres
sive age. The simplicity and parity of onr Fa
thers are ridiculed as weakness or denponoed
as fiwatieum, and the republic which they eon
straeted id blood and baptised in tears, is con
sidered by many as illy adapted to tho wants,
and areproaeh to the illamination of this gen
eration. The maxims of Washington havo lost
much of their authority as rules of political eon-
duet ; and only a fow months since an impa-
this is troe of these parties as such, toe groat
body of tot psoplo are tree to too Constitution
—true to tho civilisation and Christianity of
tho ago—truo to rifhLhospr.and justice. Amid
the wild uproar of party conflicts—quieted .by
party triumphs or stoplflsd by party dofeats—
their vofoo us not been raised, or if raised, not
heard. Tho patriotism and sonnd sense ortho
people have boss In abeyance. They now as
sert their eontroL The people ask to be heard.
They unfurl their banner-ft is the hanner of
the Constitution, aad the rallying cry Is Aster-
lease $haU rule America.
Tho propositioBf lately promulgated by toe
State Connotl express their opinions concisely,
But clearly and forcibly stated, upon every ques
tion of general importance. In aubmittingthem
to toe'uonsidcratien of the vetoes of Georgia,
the hops is entertained that they will command
the approval of every lover of pure morality andi
sound statesmanship. Of them it maybe said,
generally, that whilst not one Jot or tittle of
toe peonliar rights of our Section Is eompromit-
ted, they are strongly nationalond conservative.
What is dear to patriotism in tho platform of
any party, at the South, they contain—whilst
they embody principles which no party has
.heretofore ventured to avow.
“We are bat of yesterday, and know nothing,
because our days on earth are a ebadow." Be
neath the all-porvadiug Eye, nnd relatively to
the Supremo Intelligence, the knowledge of
statesmen is verily nothing, and what they do
know should teach humility. Well, therefore,
does their programme of principles open with
the recognition ofthe Divine sovereignty,, and
an acknowledgement of that distinguisnodgood-
ness which from tho beginning has marked onr
career as a nation. Disclaiming all pretension
that the American Party sinco tho Revolution
has expressly declared—the sublime truth, that
Christianity is “an element ofour political sys
tem,” and that the Biblo isits source. As ours
is eminently a government of. opinion, and as
opinion is only reliable as a political element
of all nations,
opinion, for ignoranoe and folly. And the na
tions of the earth nv with am element that
some were found base enough and weak ehongh
to countenance the charge. The mission ofthe
American Party, among other things, is to to
store the government to the strengtn and pari
ty of its early days—to reinstate the authority
of its framers—to inspire reverence for historio
names, and respect for revolutionary virtue;
and tons to establish anew tne Constitution of
toe Union in the hearts of the people. It re
verts to first principles, and it remembers first
.men. It looks at onr system ofgoyeramentno-
so much in toe light of its present relations to
the world, as in the light ofthe principles and
sacrifices upon whioh it started. The soarees
oTonr eivil and religious liberty it finds in the
Information, in toe great English Revolution,
and in that majestio troth which Christianity—
Protestant Christianity—alone reveals, that all
men are equal., . ,
Nations are'no-more exempt from the obliga
tions of honor, honesty and morality, than indi
viduals. Fidelity to contracts can never yield
to tho demands of policy, without ignominy.—
Justice is the first attribute of nationality. Ne
cessity, the plea of tyrants, has no plaoe in Free
States; and interest cannot justify wrong, or
cupidity sanctify rapacity. The man or the na
tion that stoops to a violation of these precepts,
stands condemned by the moral sense of toe
civilised world, and by too ralee of private hon
or. Wo -therefore hold that too government
shall abide the faith of treaties, respect the
rights of other States, and with unswerving de
termination exact respect for her own rights.
Charged with the trust of our own institu
tions—holding in onr hands the destiny of
twenty-five million of people, and responsible
for tho happiness of the teeming additional
millions destined soon to inhabit this broad
land; with ample scope and verge for an em>
ire wider and grander than Imperial Rome in
ler palmiest day ; it is our duty to develop our
own resources—to guard and perpetuate our
own liberty—and to stand aloof from the con
flicts and complications of Europe. Surely we
have work onough to do at home. Our obliga
tions are sufficiently strong to task the energies
of the greatest minds—toe ends to be accom
plished soffioienty great to satisfy the cravings
of the most lofty ambition—and the motives to
action pure enough and strong enough to
prompt the most energetic exertions.
Our vocation is to watoh tho fires that burn
on the altar of American freedom, content to
know that its light is a beaoon to the nations*
Whilst moving opart in the high sphere to
which Providenee baa assigned os, we are not
indifferent to the straggles of opinion against
prerogative, and of popular right against des
potism elsewhere. We are propagandists of
republicanism, not by direct intervention, bnt
by the prompt recognition of free governments
wherever they exist do facto by a fearless pro
mulgation of our own opinions and-policy, and
above all by toe example, of a great and united
people, secare and happy under the operation
of Democratic institutions. ■
In regard to tho relative power’of the State
and National Governments, it is sufficient to
say, that we recognise “ toe rights of the seve
ral States as expressed and reserved in the
constitution;", and insist upon “ a careful avoid-
anoo by the. General Government of all inter
ference with'their rights by legislative or exec
utive action.” The Constitution limits the
power of the General Governmentr-its powers
are inch and no more, as are expreesely gran ted,
and as are necessary to give effeot to express
grants. All the balanco of power and right
belongs to toe States, or is reserved to tho
people of the States. In the legitimate exer
cise of their respective powers is found tho
admirable virtue pf onr Federative system.
Encroaohment by.either is equally to be dep.
ricated and to preventit, the oxeroiss of doubt
ful powers should be carefully avoided. As
the constitution is the rale and measure of the
rights and obligations of the Federal and State
Governments, obedience to that—sacred-
prompt and profound—from all departments
and officers ot both, is the only guarantee of
order and permanency. If in the expansion
of territory—the complications of interest, or
because of onr varying relations with foreign
State* that instrument is found by experience
to be inefficient; then we say, let no man, or
officer, or Party, or department, violate its pro
visions, or stretch its limitations to cover the
wants of the hour, but let tho amending power
be invoked.
The immigration of
cease.
onr. owncountry,
E enty onr resources of bonevolenee exceed tho
ome demands, then we are entitled to seleot
other objects of our bounty. Enforeed charity
can lay no olaim to merit, and the'old world has
no more right to burden os with her panpers,
than to constrain ns to pay tbo cost of the ware.
Neither natural generosity nor the obligations
or obristianity, require the American Union to
beoome the alms house of the Nations. As
poverty Is too ofteri Attended with disease and
deprivation, the advent of paupers is not un-
frcquontly marked by the diffusion of pesti-
lonce physical and moral. Muob loss are we
willing that -our country should beoome the
Botany Bay of all humanity. The criminals
of Europe are sent to us by a systematic policy.
Desperate from guilt and rlpo for illogal adven
ture, they, prey Hko obscene birds upon our.
communities. The influene'e of their presence
reaches the sources of our wealth—the pooeo
of fhmilies, and the parity of our polltios.
The Ameriean Union sprang not from the
revolution, like Minerva from the brain of Jn
pitor u Goddess complote. It was tbo growth
of ceqturlei of straggle- and discipline. Its
record Is.found in tho history of tho Reforma
tion, and tho histoty of Englond from Magna
Chariot, to tho sqiliDg of tho May Flower, as
well as in onr own Collonial history. Its prin
ciples inspired tbo genius of John Milton, and
were written with the blood : of Hampden and
Yane. Our fathers came to the New world to
.*SMpe fremHlog-^raft ainjLPrlf(fcongtiijtlgpusi
pf training prepared a people forfreomen—Bri
tish tyranny brought on tho revolution—then
came tho conflict—the confederation—the Con
stitution, and lo! tho Ameriean Union fair as
the Moon—otear as thb Sun and terrible as
an army with Banners. We read 1tS valuo In
the prico that was paid for it. We love It and
shall maintain it, for it is the source of our pros
perity, our protection against Foreign Power,
slo ers&t tHIH? rtze! is od Haas 'tod) Jsdi I era :
MU*
immigration of panpers and felons should
Obr charities are due first to the poor of
i country, and if in our abounding pros
and the guarantee of our future greatness. We
•halt maintain it against intrigues from abroad
and factions at home—against eonfliete of in
terest and of policy—and against sectionalism
and fanatloism. Wo shall forbear and eompro
tnlse, so long as the exerolso of these virtues
involves toe abandonment of no vital principle;
rather than harard its disruption. We depre*
pate the agitation of sectional questions, whon
agitation serves only to exasperate. Bat when
constitutional rights are withhold, and eonsti-
tutional privilcs are withdrawn—when the Un
ion becomes tho instrument of wrong and op-
pression, wb; * ’
J tben, if that melalanoholy day
como “haring exhausted the
argument we win stand by onr arm*”
The institutions of our country ; are endan
gered by the voting power of foreigners, and
one of the ends of toe New party, is to procure
such modification of the Naturalisation Laws
as trill restrain that power, and place the power
of rating America in the hands of Americans.
We do not propose to interfere with any exist*
ing right* of citizenship; Obedience to the
laws lies at the foundation of oni- creed. So
long as they are unrepealed we shall obey their
behests. . That the existing Naturalisation Laws
are evaded by frauds and mode nugatory by
construction, is not a matter of question. Such
as they are, they are but the pretence of a
limitation upon the elective franchise. In the
race after votes, the politicians have striven
who shall first relax them. Foreigners are the
favorites of National and State Legislation.
Privileges have boen eoneeded to them whioh
native citixens might ask for in vain;—Know
ing the weight of thp foreign vote, Parties—
Legislatures, Executives, and a large portion
of the party press,.have stopped to conciliate it,
untiLpractically,, the moment an emigrant sets
foot upon our soil, he Is invested with citizen-
hsip. An emigrant lands at New York, and in
ten days he is in Kansas. Tbo day he arrives
he declares his purpose to become a eitizen, and
that done be goes to the Polls, and by the elec
tive franchise takes part in making a constitu
tion for Kansas. Is he a safe depository of the
power? What does he know of our institutions ?
What interest has ho in the Government His
associations are .with the fatherland—a ecus
tomed to.a government °f the sword and the
bayonet, what can he know or .feel.of subordi
nation to law? ofthe authority of constitutions
—of an enlightened pnblio sentiment—of the
responsibility of citizenship? Relieved from
citizenship with lawless rebound, his only idea
of liberty is to. do what he lists. No wonder
that toe names'of foreigners ocoupy such large
space on bar criminal calendars. The danger
to onr institutions becomes alarming when we
reflect upon the numerical strength of the for
eign vote—yet more alarming when we note its
power of concentration—and-even terrific when
we advert to the fact that the larger part of it
is not voluntary but is -wielded by cunning
Priests and political ecclesiastics. What this
power will be, may be learned from the fact that
the immigration may be reckoned at half a
million annually. Its,increase will he ten mill
ions in twenty years at thai rule. When we
speak of foreigners we mean all foreigners—
Catholics from Ireland and Italy—Infidels from
Germany—Protestants from Prussia and Swe-
den—Jews from the. ends of the earth' and L
dolators from China. The right of all States
to prescribe the terms of eitisenship is mot
questionable, and toe prescription of terms is
so for as we know, universal. It was so amonj
the Jews—at Rome; in England the power o ’
Parliament Is invoked to naturalize as foreign
ers; with us Congress is expressly clothed with
the power to establish a uniform rule of natu
ralisation. We are not content with any effort
to correct abuses under existing laws; wede
sire that the law may be so framed as that no
foreigner shall be allowed to vote until he has
resided in the country twenty-one years, we
would subject him to the civil probation which
our children -are subjected to: If is absurd
that an educated native is incompetent to vote
at the age of 20 years and 363 day* whilst an
ignorant foreigner, an imbecile, in political
capacity, may vote as soon as he artives in'toe
country. Such a law is no hardship to the for
eigner—it.will operate prospectively. We owe
him nothing—if he.tikea not onr,terms of cit-
izeuship in God’s name lot him stay 'away. It
has been said that the result of Bach a law
would create in our midst a degraded caste—a
mongrel condition of freedom and slavery com
bined—without the. dignity of the latter and
the security necessary to the former. The his
tory of civilized States'negatives the assump
tion—reason . negatives it—our constitution
which requires a naturalization law all denies
it. Our Franklins, Washingtons and Jeffersons
did not so think. Our experieace denies it—-
for the unnaturalized foreigners in-.our midst
are not whilst serving their probation, mofo
degraded than after naturalization; Such easts
are found in every civililized' State of .the
Union. How can men occupy a dograded posi
tion who. are protected in their persons—in
their character—in domestic Tights—social pri
vileges and freedom of will? With no mark
of discrimination against th sin, but as to the
right of voting.- The burden of that volunta-
rilyassumod!
Nor do we propose to shut our. doors upon
the world, but that we continue to be the asy
lum of the'oppressed of all -nations. Let the
victims of civil and ecclesiastical tyranny come.
What we mean to say is, that with onr consent
they shall not rule the land. Superadded to
all other disqualifications, so for as the Catholic
foreigners art concerned; is the subjection of
the Catholic people to their Priests, The num
ber of Catholics in our Union has been various
ly estimated, from three to four millions, ond
three.fourts ofthe immigration is Catholic.
Thislarge body is governed by their' Priests
and Bishop* . When it suits their purpose, they
direct the ;Whole vojing power of that._eom,i
munion upon a singe point, and in the close
division of parties, they deterinine elections.
And who are they that grasp; tons the ruling
power of the nation? They are the appointees
lenrants of .Rome. Archbishop Hughes,
rlca—it arrests civilization, ns is Spain and
Portugal. It commands the will of its mem*
bership, by the magnificence of ite ontward ar
ray, by tho splendor of it* ritual, and by the
fear of Its curse, acting upon superstition. He
who denies these propositions' is ignorant of
history, or willingly falsifies ifc If these things
he so, then we ask, is it an unreasonable, de
mand that foreigners be deprived ofthe right
to vote until they shall have been in toe conn-
try twenty-one years? We think not We
are pledged to resist the aggressions of .the
of New York, derives his commission from the
Pope; He is amenable to him—he'is required
to repair to His Holiness’ once in three years*
to, report.and to receive instructions. He. owes
no allegiance to any other prince, State Or pot
entate. He may have' tukon, it is true, the oath
of allegiance here, but tha* by the folth and
usage of Rome; is.subordinate to tho paramount
allegiance.which ho .owes to the head, of the
Catholic Churoh.
The Romish prlsrithobd know no allegianoo
bnt that whioh they owe to the Pcpe—all else
is subsidiary And what are oath• of allegi
ance to the Union, with men who believe that
they can bo at any time discharged from its ob
ligation, or absolved for its violation. With
unoonditioual consecration and.invinciblo zeal,
they are, the world over, the servants of Rome.
Tho claim of tho Pope is that he is the vice
gerent of God—the.snooessor of St. Peter, and
nfaUlblp—that there is but one churob, and all
who do not adhere to it. are heretics—that alt
temporal ppwer Is subordinate to that of the
church—that kings, emperors, constitution*,
legislature* and. all peoples, are rightfully sub-
jeot to his authority. These pretentions, have
cut down thrones/ reared tho Inquisition, lit
up the earth with the flames of martyrdom,
and havo oome hither also, to subsidise .and
.The muter onrso of all hn-
. mlsh hlerarehy, Thoy dotiy
rivnto judgment—they patronize
ii-Intelleot add'conselenbo should
question their supremacy—thoy withhold
Bible from the people, Jest the people, zhoi
learn their miserable Impostures at the hands
God—they enforce obedlence through the (er
rors of excommunication; and when that foil*
thoy have been wont, trough long oentnrip*
irn the recusant over to the sooular.arm to
uraed; and If the BeOhldr power deelihes
to act, what then ? Why, then it is ont of the
ale of tho church, and fire, and sword, *nd
walls, and athemu, and revolution, are let|ooso
to accomplish its overthrow... A convenient
moans of enforcing States’!* to absolve subjects
from their oath of allegiance. It Is -the ally of
despotism, as in -Italy and;Auatrkw-ifc paralyzos
free governmq^as lit ^Mexico; ^nd ^oqto t Amte
' q tit dltn i-T«W tolled tiftotr ij e^oiiuio [
rule thiB natio:
who owe allegianoo, directly or lndireotly, to
any foreign, power, eivil or eeelesiutical. If,
therefore, a member of the Catoollo church, na
tive born, d6os net in foot hold eivil allegiance
to a foreign power, civil or eeolessiutioal, he
may be supported for office u. any other native.
If such an one desires suffrage, the harden of
proof lies Upon him to show that he holds no
snoh allegiance. This Bu been called uncon
stitutional. We deny that it is. The oonstitn
.tion of the United States declares “that no re
ligious test.shall ever be roqnired as a qualifi
cation to any office or pnblio trust under the
United Statesand further, “that Congress
shall make no law respeeting an establishment
of religion, ..or prohibiting the free exercise
thereof.” These clauses deny the right of the
government to interfere, by legislation or oth
erwise, with the right of private judgment. Tho
prohibition is upon the. State. We depricate
any such interference ; we abhor tost oaths;
and we detest the very idea of a State religion.
We invoke no legislation—we. uk no govern*
mental interference. We simply as citizens
claim the right of ehoiee amongst men for of
fice. That right is secured to ns by the Con 4 ,
stitution. As citizens in the exercise of the
elective franchise we say, that in our judgment
the feet, that a man Is not a native, and if a
native, the foot that he holds allegiance to a
foreign power, is good ground to decline to vote
for him. Wo prefer natives, We have a right
to discriminate amongst men. To carry ont onr
preference, we have toe legal right to combine
and to nse any means not forbidden by law.—
And in relation to offices filled by appointment,
we hold that the appointing power should he
governed by the same principles. Who shall
rise np and deny to ns the right of making onr
choice of men to rale over ns, to depend npon
their religion or their allegiance to a foreign
power ? It is curious to note that this objection
comes from those who by all the - machinery of
party, in secret and in public, move heaven
and earth to exclude from office thoso who
differ with them in opinion. Wo leave the
Catholic to think as he pleases, and-to worship
God how, ond where, and when, he pleases.—
His religion we leave to himself and Maker. If
he wants onr suffrage for office, for reasons sat
isfactory to onrselves we simply say to him, we
prefer a native and a Protestant. The very
thing that is charged upon ns we are laboring
to prevent—that is, a union of ecclesiastical
with political power. We behold ih the United
States a great voting power to combination with
a groat ecclesiastical and !both wielded by a
priesthood responsible .to n foreign power.
That combihation'we shall resist, as dangerons
to our institutions, by all means that constitu
tional and legal.
The platform which we present to toe
countryon the subject of slavery, ie higher and
broader than any that has ever Been reared by
any National Party. It eomtnends itself to the
patriotism of the Sonth, and will be vindicated
by the enlightened friends ofthe Union in eve
ry section of the nation. Neither the Whig
nor the Domoeratic Party has at any time here
tofore, in any National Convention, taken as
high grounds—grounds which copcede to the
South all which she can rightfully claim. The
Philadelphia Platform received the sanction of
the representation of eighteen States in that
body, including the great State- of New York,
and the American Party of Pennsylvania -has
ratified it Now, jf ithe the object, as it un
questionably Is, of the Southern States to main
tain the Union, whilst they maintain intaet
their slave rights, -when, inail coating time is
it to be expected .that, any organization will
command sach elements of power to effect these
great ends? Sound on the question whioh,
with ns is paramount to all others, and npon on
all.others liberal and conservative, it is diffi,
cult to imagine that it will not be acceptable
to the people of Georgia. Upon it; all parties
can, if they will, unite, and upon it, we believe
the suffrage* of the people-will concentrate. It
is rich to tbo promise of future good, and offers
the moans of solving.'the problem of the age,
to-wit:'howshati the Union be preserved, and
at the fame tim*' the .rights of the South be
maintainod. It pretermits any expression of
opinion as to the power of Congress to estab
lish or prohibit slavery in toe territories, leav
ing opinion free upon that subject. So ought
it to be left, because\ opinions on that subject,
even at tho South, are different But it ex-
pressly declares that Congress ought hot to
legislate upon the snbjeot of Slavery within
the territory, ofthe United States, and that ev
ery interference by Congress with Slavery, as
it exists in the District of Columbia, would be
violative of the spirit and intention of the
compact by which the State of Maryland ceded
the District to the United States, and a breach
of the National Faith. It “abides by and main-
ta1ns|tho|existing;Laws upon the subject of Slave
ry, as a final and conclnsiVo settlement .Of .that
subject, in spir.itand in substance.” Thus af
firming the Compromise measures—the legisla
tion in relation to the territory of Karsas—the
refugee Slave law and toe repeal of the Mia*
sour! Compromise. And it asserts in oneqni.vo-
oal terms the doctrine which all parties at the
South hold to to-wit: tho'doctrine declaring
that Congress possesses no ’power under the
constitution to legislate upon the subject of
Shivery in the States where it does or may ex
ist, or to exclude any State from admission in;
to the Union, because ite constitution does, oY
does not reoognizo the institution of Slavery as
a part of its sooial system. Consistently with
and in addition to these, things, wo stand upon
tho. Georgia Platform.' What more ean We ask
of any party ?
We respectfully submit onr candidate and
onr principles, to tbs patriotism and intelligence
of the pe.ople of Georgia.
Vzxcs VissiSLB AT Noor-dat.—This brigh
test of the planet* Is how the evening star In
one of ite moat lamlnon* phases, and for two or
three months to come.it will be increasing in
brilliancy, and may be seen every afreraoep
East of and about 45 degrees.from tbs sun.
Chkrrfulxbss asd Sosa.—If yon wonld
keep spring in yonr heart* learn to sing. There
is more merit in melody than most people are
aware of. A eobbler who smooths his wax ends
with a song will do as mush work id a day as
one given to illnatnre and fretting wonld offset
in a week. Songs are like sunshine they ran to
eheerfnlness—to fill the bosom with sneh buoy
ancy that for tho time being yon feel filled with
June air, or like a meadow of clover Inhlos-
“A sober life," according to an ancient au
thor, “implies moderation in all things. It
consists in moderate eating, in moderate drink
ing, and in the moderate enjoyment of all toe
pleasures of this world—in keeping the mind
moderately and constantly, employed, in culti
vating the affections moderately, in avoiding
extremes of heat and cold, and in sboning ex
cessive excitement, either *of body or of mind.’’
A Goldkx Thought.—We know not the
anthorof the following, bnt it is pretty:
“Nature will be reported. All things are
engaged in writing her history. The planet,
the pebble goes attended by ite shadow.—The
rolling rock leaves its sefatebes on the moun
tain, the river its channel in the soil, and the
animal ite bones'in the stratum; the fern and
leaf their modest epitaph in the coal. The
falling drop makes its senlptdre in sand or
stone; not a footstep into the snow, or along
the ground bat prints in characters more or less
lasting a map of ite march; every set of the
man inscribes itself on toe memories of ite
fellows, and in its face. The air is foil of
sounds, the sky of token; the ground Is all
memoranda and signatures, and every object U.
covered over with hints, which speak to toe
intelligeht.
Quits Natural.—Archbishop Hughes, in
one of his letters to Senston Brook* says, “ I
would not exchange the bright members of my
early boyhood, in another land and beneath a
different sky, for those of any other man living,
no matter where he was horn.”
This feeling is a natural on* and is a key
to toe reason why adopted citizens can rarely
be heartily Americans. With the Exponent,
an excellent paper published at New.Orleans,
we don’t blame these men for loving their own
country; it is trae to the divine instincts of
nature—it is interwoven with the fibres of the
human heart—it is paramount to distance,
time and circumstances—it is-beyond the reach
of politics and philosophy ; but it is the one
grand, and powerful emotion that colors every
thought and directs every action. The for
eigners who came to this country are not excep
tions to these great rales. They still love
their native land, aad link her doctrines in do-,
mestic matters—in agricnltore, commerce, re
ligion—and why not in politico.—Raleigh Rh r
gioltt. -
■■■ - ■■ ...
We clip toe following extract from the Sav
annah Republican:'
Fonstra Co , July 6.
“Sam” lacks considerable of being dead “in
these capes.” I see him walking about here,
on two sounds legs, as proud os hig . “principles,
aims/ahd objects” are patriotic And glorious,
with no Sign* of lameness, or'of-being crippled
by the sbots fired at him by .the “Swiss arch
ers” oftbq foreign army. The letters of Mes
srs. Stephens and Toomba hare greatly benefit*
ted us here;'removing the only objection many
_ publication'
ter*; and are gaining accessions to our ranks
ovkrfidf.-. w otr.
The nomination of Judge Andrews is very
popular with ns in tho mountains.. Johnson’s
majority in Forsyth county two years ago was
abont 280 votes. Andrews will carry the coun
ty in October. Will yonr neighbor ofthe Geor
gian make a note of this prediction? I know
whereof I affirm! - . -
The Mayor of Boston has procured a number
of red and. gray sqniirels from Vermont, and
let them lobsruponto* frees of the Common.
A eompanyofenterprisingyonngmenofCoo.
neautville, Pennsylvania, offer a beautiful silk
dress to the unmarried lady who exhibits tbo
best horsemanship at the next Crawford county
fair.
“So far as we understand the principles of tho
American party, one of their cardinal doctrines
is, to put down demagogues and office seekers*
If this be their aim, we’htd them God speed, in
so noble an undertaking. If this be one of their
objeots, no. woh'der there is Bach opposition
among party leaders to their organisation.—
That opposition is, in our opinion, one of the
strongest arguments in its favor. The leaders
want to do the secret work in fixing up candi
dates, thomsclvos. They have so long monopo
lized this branch of polittbs, that they have come
to the.conclusion that they ought to havo a pa
tent right to tiie concern, and that it is not
proper for others fo meet secretly, and presump
tuously infringe the rights of party leaders, hy
fixing up their own.oandidatee. Indeed, a few
have so lopg exercised the right of meeting so*
erttiy, and making nominations, that it has al
most become a law: not quite, ^owpve^; for ike
think that t|ie memory of man runs, back to a
time, in the.^lstory^hf tbis governsaeiit^. wben
there was po suoh thing ns party caucuses and
nominations, and whon Presidente were elected
without haying been,nominated by a conven
tion.”—Exchange.
/(Father, Aid yon ever have another wife be-
sldes'moiher”- ‘“tfb/niy boy; what pbssCsied
yon to nsk such a question?” - “Because Ifeaw
n the old fomlly Biblo where you married An
na Dominy, 1838; and that Isn’t mother, for
b^nai^is^n^BnflUt;” i,u *
A young gentleman paid his addresses to a
young lady by whose mother he was unfavorably
received. “How hard,” said he, to theyonng
lady, “to seperate those whom love has united.”
“Very hard indeed,” replied she, with great
innocence at toe same time throwing her armes
. around his neek, “and so mother will find it. 1
Rhode Island has raised the salary of her
, » ■ ' - ■
Governor from four hundred dollars.to the more
respectable sum of one thousand dollars.
The Female Medical College of -'Pennsylva
nia has thirty-five students. Six young ladies
graduated at the recent commencement.
An Edglisbmatbematicfan named Daily, late
ly performed the feaf of weighing the earth.—
He does not tell ns toe scales he nstd, but here
is his balance: 1,256,195,670,000,000,000,000,.
000 tons 1
e-A —
“Those are the worst of suicides who volun
tarily and prepensely stab or suffocate their
fame, when God hath commanded them to stand
on high for an example.”
The Pope of Rome is said to be infallible.
He arrogates to himself infallibility The
Catholic Choreh claim for him infallibility.. If
infallible, he can do no wrong; if infallible, be
has done no wrong. If infallible, whatever
he has once claimed, he may Still claim, and
claim as bis right Whatever power he has
heretofore exercised, he mast still exercise.
infallible, then, when he assumed to exercise
temporal dominion, to depose prinees, and to
absolve the subjects of Protestant sovereigns
from allallegianee and loyalty to them, he -
right, and, in order to maintan his infallibility,
must and will do the same thing, whenever and
wherever it can be done with any prospect of
sneoess,—Rome, it is said, ean noiehange. In
fallibility involves necessarily the indea of un
changeableness. The Catholic Church innst
then either abandon the idea of the Pope's
infallibility, or it innst admit that he still
claims the right and will exercise it, of inter
meddling with the politics, of nations and af
fairs of State.—Coiumlue Mirror.
Slavery iw Nebraska.—A Kansas corres
pondent of the St. Louis Republican makes toe
following statements:
“The qhestibn of slavery in Nebraska sonth
of the Platte has already began to be discussed
in a calm and enlightened way. Many of the
settlers in that part of the Territory are from the
Southern. States and some'have their servants
with them: They are pleased with the conn
try—they would like to cultivate their portion
of ittoeir. own way ; and they, are vigorously
determined to test the questtion at the ballot-
box, wheihei- or ’ hdt they shall be allowed to
retain their property in their new home. They
believe the region south of the. Platte to be
admirably adapted to slave labor, and that the
Platte river ought in.reality to have been the
boundary line between Kansas and Nebraska'/
The people of North-western Missouri, too, are
aroused on this question, and will, doubtless,
settle . in Southern Nebraska in large numbers.
Whether,.then, the territory'adopts the institu
tion of slavery or not, it is likely to receive
large accessions of population from all parte
of the Union.”. .
Approved et aw Oppowest.—The Savannah
Courier, one ofthe ablestidministration papers
in Georgia, uses the following language concer
ning fhe American National Platform:
We have only had an opportunity to gtat
at the know nothing platform, buVaglancois
enuogh to show that it is-the workmanship of a
master architect. We ean well understand why
the southern members of the ordert-those
maintaining ite principles—may be pleasedat
tho manner in which they are set forth.
We blame fortune for not visiting ns, where
as, in many ease* the fault lies at our own
door in.doing nothing to invite her in.—Punch.
If Jnlius saw- his mamma eomlng down the
street, what great man wonld it remind yon of?
Jnlius Cmra r ( see ^ er *)
Hartley Coleridge onoe being asked whioh
of Wordsworth’s productions he considered
the prettiest, very promptly replied. “His
daughter Dora.”
At a.meeting ofthe unmarried printers which
convened notiong since, the’following toast was
drunk in silence: ! I ::: »:L
Woman—Heaven reward her; she is always
in favor of a well .conducted press.
;Th«[ Journal; of the- Academy of Medicine
at Turin states, among ot^ier things, that tall
kion live longer, than those of small stature.
Of course they do, and lie longer in bed.
“Wbatsort of a sermon do yoa like?” said
r. Rush to Robert Morris, qne day. “Hike,
” replied Mr. M6rris, “ that kind of preach-
rhlc I HHUS
Dr
sir, 1
ing Whioh drives a man into too corner of his
pew, and mokes him think- the devil is after
him. L
flM
shop in Trt>y, tho concluding portion .
reads thus:—“N. B. Dresses made lower than
•Ter.
“Truth has neter manifested itself to me in
sneh a broad stream of light.os seems to be
poured npon some minds. Troth bus appeared
to my mental eye like a vivid, yet small and
trembling star in a storm, now appearing for a
moment with -a beauty that enraptured now
lost in sneh clouds, as, had I less faith, might
make me suspect that the previous clear sight
had been a delusion.” Very exquisite, in the
aptness as well'as poetry of the comparison !
Some walk by daylight, some?walk by starlight.
Those who see the sun do not see the stars;
those who seethe stars do not see the sun. The
same writer says, in another place:—“I am
averse to too ; much activity of the imagination
on toe future life. I hope to die full of con-
fidence that no evil awaits me; hut any pic
ture of a future life distresses me. I feel as
if an eternity of existence were already an in-
snpportable burden on my soul.” How charac
teristic of that lassitude of the sonl and sick
ness of toe- heart whieh “ asks nol iuppiaea*'
bnt longs for rest!”
Shakespeare never did me any moral mis
chief. Though the Witches in Macbeth trou
bled me—though the Ghost in Hamlet terrified
me (the picture, that is—for the spirit in Shake
speare was solemn and pathetic, not hideous)
—though poor little Arthur cost me an ocean
of tears—yet mneh that was obscure, and all
that was painful and revolting was merged on
the whole in the vived pretence, of a new,
beautiful, vigorous, living world.
It is a common-observation that.girls of live
ly. talents are apt to grour pert and satir i cal. J
fell into the danger when about ten years oU.
Sallies at the expense of certain people, ill-
looking, or ilRdressecb or-ridicnlous, or foolish,
had been laughed at and applauded in compa*
ny, until, without being naturally malignant.
I ran some risk’of becoming so from sheer vani
ty- * . _; '
Education.—Everybody should have hi*
head, heart and hand educated. By the. prop
er education of his heart, he will be taught
to hate what is vile foolish and wrong. And by
proper education of the hand, he will he en:> -
bled to supply bis want* to add to his. comfort,
and to assist those around him. The highe.»».
object is of -great value, everything that bin •'
ders us is comparatively worthless. Wh.-n .
wisdom reigns in toe head, and love in th c*
heart the man is ever ready to do geod; ord-r
and peace reign around him, and sorrow i.>
almost unknown.'
IsnfoBALiTT of Bad Fbnoes.—Thecrowninr
evil resulting from bad fences I* that it impair?
and destroys toe morality of oattie. Np maU.
ter how well educated they may have been
previously, if subjected to this temptation, their
morality goes over the fence. - :
The Hon. Bailie Peyton, who, some it
em, was a prominent member of Congress fr» n
Tennessee, has been elected City Attornoy of
San Francisco by the know nothings., .
‘ 1 jto ■» — to * '■* ■■ - ^
There are many good qualities, and valuohh*-
ones, too, which hastily deserve the name -t'
virtues. The word virtue was synonymous in
toe old time with valor, and seems to imply
contest; not merely passire gooddess, but arfu---'
resistance to evil. I wonder sometimes why if
is that we so continually bear the phrase, :
virtuous woman,” and scarcely ever that of i
“virtuous man,” except in poetiy or from t!m :
pulpit. ' ' -
The fables whieh appeal to our higher men!
sympathies may sometimes do as much for us
as the truths of scioncc..
\
It was said, and very beautifully said, that
"one man’s wit becomes all men’s wisdom."
Even more trae is it that one man’s virtue be
comes a standard whieh raises our anticipati-.u-
of possible goodness in all men. .
To trnst religiously, to hope humbly, to desire
nobly, to think-rationally, to will resolutely,
and to w;oTk earnestly—may this, he mine!
As we grow old the experiences of infancy
comeback upon us with a strange vividness. -
There is a period when the overflowing, tumul
tuous life of onr youth rises up between us any'
those first years ; but as the torrent subsides th
its bed we can look across thelmpassable gttlf
to tnat haunted fairy land which we shall never
more approach and never more forget.
Recipe for Making BEER.~Tako one pbib
of corn and boil it ; uptil it is a little soft, add b’
itonepintof molasses and one gallon of water ^
shake them well togethor, and set’it the flf •.
ond in twenty four hours the beer wiTFbe exeeP
lent. When all the beer in the jug is used, ju*-
add more molasses and water.
The same corn will answer for six month's,
nnd the beer will be fit fdr use in twelve hour?*,
by keeping the jug which contains it warm. In
this.waythe whole ingredients used in making
a gallon of beer will not cost over four cents,
nnd it is better and more wholesome than cider.
—Maine Farmer. 7
When may two people be said to bo half wil
ted? When they have an understanding be-
tween'them. ' A—.imrixK .n-.:r*.r.'T
Covetousness, lika a candle ill-made, smooth:
ers the splendor Of a happy fortune in its owu
greese. -j’i.VgrLau. r .' 5.'R
:u; to 1 er*sme a a-a-.z
J3;
i A
IJ jusJtfoia f iSii ctqu alaals won
•4 >*ii 1
1 ill v -