Newspaper Page Text
THE HIACOW
GEORGIA
TELEGRAPH.
List of Sheriff* Clerks, &:c. for 1844—5.
Appliog
B.Wf r
Baldwin..
Bibb
Bryan
Bulloch
Barlu
Butu
Camden
Campbell..
Carroll
Cass
Chatham
Chattooga
Clarke
Cherokee.........
Cobb
Columbia
Coweta
Crawford
Dade
Decatur..........
DeKalb
Dooly
Early
Elbert
Effingham
Emanuel
Fayette...........
Floyd
Forsyth
Franklin
Gilmer
Glynn
Greene..., .. ...
Gwinnett
Hall
Habersham
Hancock
Harris
Heard............
Henry
Houston
Jrwin
Jackson............
Jasper
Jefferson
Jones
Laurens
Lee
Liberty
Lincoln..
Lowndes
Lumpkin
Macon
Madison
Marion...
McIntosh
Meriwether
Monroe
Montgomery
Morgan ...........
Murray
Muscogee
Newton
Oglethorpe
Paulding ..........
Pike
Pulaski
Putnam
Rabun
Randolph..........
Richmond
Rcriven
Sumter....
Stewart
Talbot
Taliaferro
Tatnall
Telfair
Thomas
Troup
Upson
Walker
Walton
Warren
Washington ..
Wayne
Wlikinson....
Wilke.
Ware
Mi-14
Snsurra.
35
93
157
321
262
325
529
549
62
67
2
240
415
225
233
310
135
126
111
207
328
464
539
73'2
770
644
274
249
334
177
'419
521
398
592
247
44
716
571
317
411
330
253
6-20
547
272
322
159
214
858
72
143
52
85
54
309
445,
260
319
323
513
201
610
213
319
122
23
037
83
435
405
347
49ti
'26-2
553
432
229
759
263
229
303
620
690
543
560
8
130
374
467
403
424
322
47
393
354
393
19
277
129
162
73
179
167
239 263
<24 609
296 249
293 265
304 131
145 118
60S 653
716 603
123 12
413 269
303 464
362 759
717 340
541 116
217 287
436 655
131 157
396 249
26 193
433 517
755 435
193 147
415 293
52 633
697 704
323 46
241 19
156 116
245 49
.... 931 302
.... 311 369
....Il5fi 349
.... 573 213
....1343 48.'.
....1381 567
....534 133
....'507 381
....I 33 48
„..|312 425
....357 257
....! 56 82
James Wilcox
Geo. W. Coliier
O. P. Bouuer
James Gates
John V. Welles
Erasta* Walters
H. J. Blonut
Hiram Doss
R. F. Floyd
L. W. Alien.
John Dean
Robert M. Linn
Geo. W. Wiley
Wm. McConnell
Francis Jackson
Josbna Roberts
Joseph Chastain
Isaac Ramsey
William Brown
James Beelsnd
James Griffin
ft. P. Wright
Young P. Outlaw
Seaborn Houston
H. R. Deadwyler
Clems Rahn
M. Moore
Andrew McBride
H. Aycock
A. Thornton
W. B. Gilliapie
8. Jones
James D. Piles
James Burke
N. Roberts
J. D. Hardage
Bo-well Ivie
L. S. Brooking
James Ramsey
Wm. D. Granger
A. E. Johnson
Wm. Harrington
Smith Tamer
W. 8. Thompson
S. H Blackwell
W. S. Alexander
N. 8. Glover
T N. Gnvton
Joshua Clark
Wm. G. Martin
Felix Crosson
Cyprian Brinson
James Kenedy
L. D. McMillian
J. R. Stovall
J. Wilcher
T. A Houston
E. Gresham
Thos. M. Spear
J. M. Wall
Jno. S. Walker
Charles W. Bo
T. A. Brannon
F. W McCord
S. R Maxwell
S. M. Shippe
Joseph H. Slr'vers
Joseph Carmhers
James W. Mappin
Wm. J. Gains
J. W. Guilford
Wm. V. Kerr
A. G. Rnnaldson
Jno. V. Price
J. It. Guldens
Wm. Alexander
James Vinsant
Wm. Ellis
D. McAuley
Henry Fivers
H.T. Smith
Drurv D. Roach
Sam’l Caraway
Hiram M. Shaw
F. B. Hays
Thos. Jones
Jepths Brantlv
R. R. M. Ratcliff
E. Garret
E. R. Anderson
Miles J. Guest
OLXRK &OFERXOR ColRT.
Jesse Mobley
Seth C. Stephens
Donald M. McDonald
Henry G. Ross
Joshna Smith
David Bessly
Edward Garliek
Wm. R. Bankstons
Henry R. Fort
Jno. A. Hopkins
John Long
William M. Jones
Robert W. Pooler
S. E. Burnett
John C. Johnson
J. Jordon
E. U. Mills
Gabriel Jones
B. H. Mitchell
E. W. Dennis
John T. Smith
John Glenn
•Thomas H. Key
James Hays
Ira Christian
James Rahn
Neil McLeod
Jesse L. Blalock
Dennis Hills
John H. llussell
Davit! Dumas.
J{. B. Perry
Alexander Scranton
Vincent Sanford
D. W. Spence
E. M. Johnson
P. Martin
Tattle H. Audas
Nat. Barden
B. Bledsoe
John Goodwin
James Holdem ess
Wm. M. Kennedy
J. J. McCulloch
Jesse Loyal
Ebenezer Boiliwell
Elbert Hutchins
Francis Thomas
Tie
J. S. Bradwell
M. Heuly
Duncan Smith
M. P. ftuilhan
G. C. Carmichael
R M. Merony
Burton W. Down
Josiah E Townsend
Levi M. Adams
E. G. Cnbiness
Farquhard McRae
John C. Reese
F. B Morris
Bockner Beasley
Reuben Ransome
Geo. H. Lester
Thomas A- Chisolm
J. M. Ready
Jno. V. Mitchell
James Nicholson
James Bleckly
Samuel W. Brooks
James McLaws
M. M. Guerry
M. Greshatn.
George N. Forbs
Chestey Bristow
John A. Rogers
John F. Mcltea
H. H. Tnoke
Moses Lee
Peyton Reynolds
Thos. M. Hughs
Thomas F. Bethel
John Caldwell
W. W. Nowell
James Pilcher
L.A. Jernagan
Robert B. Wilson
Thomas M- Tarply
John H. Dyson
Thomas Hilliard
Clerk Inferior Cogrt.
Jessa Mobley
Seth C. Stephens
Wm. Steele
John E. Jeffers
Joshua Smith
David Beasly
Ed Garliek
William Hava
Harry R. Fort
R. Beavers
Wm. L. Parr
Artbua Hair
Robert W. Pooler
J. Easley
John C. Johnson
Win. Williams
N. Hawthatn
David Harris
James J. Neely
E. W. Dennis
John T. Smith
Ebsoy B. Reynolds
Thomas H. Key
James Hays
William li. Nelms
James Rahn
Neill McLeod
Solomon W. Woodruff
J Lambrigbt
A. G. Hutchins
It. H. Kurtoa
Baity Brace
Alexander Scranton
Vincent Sanford
Riley S. Baker
J. M. Murray
L. B. Hninbright
Henry Rogers
Wm. Johnson'
David M. Smith
Burwell Ragland
William H. Miller
Wm. M. Kennedy
J. J. McCulloch
John. A. Hilliard
Ebenezer Bothwell
C-iarles McCarthy
Frames Thomas
William Janes
J. S. Bradwell
M. Heuly
Duncan Smith
Wm. Eamn
Alexander Collins
W. H. Griffith
Burton W. D >wd
Josiah E. Townsend
D. C. Gresham
Willis Curry
Farquhard McRae
John C. Reese
E. H. Edwards
N. McLerfer
William D. Luckie
George II. Lester
James Campbell
W. E. Mangham
John V. Mitchell
William B. Carter
James Bleckley
Jcines Buchanan
James McLaws
Alfred F. McPhersou
H. Dennard
Henry Junes
Ohesley Bristow
John A. Rogers
John F. Mcttea
H H.Tooke
John E. Gillespie
Lewis Solomon
William Pparks
William A. Cobb
KdJev Bevert
W, W. Nowell
James Pilcher
H. Brookins
Robert B. Wilson
A. B. Raiford
R. Beasley
Thomas Hilliard
07 s * We re-publisli the above, inconsequence of some material errors in the arrangement of the
names of the Clerks, in our paper of the 22kl ult.
PRAIRIE AND MOUNTAIN LIFE
The Old Man of the Mountains.
The world should be made acquainted with
•omc of the strange characters who have buried
themselves away from civilization among the
rocks of the West.
There is a whimsical old genius who is noted
particularly among the trapper tribe ns the
prince of queer ones. He called himself Wil
liam S. Williams M. T, and he is more reso
lutely determined upon having the title initials
(“M. T.”) always afllxed to his name. lie is
the oldest man in the mountains, having resol
ved to live and die there, and more droll anec
dotes are told about him than would fill a pair
of volumes of modern size. M. T. is men ut
to signify Master Trapper, and llieold man lias
just seized upon the whim of insisting that this
distinguishing mark shall on all occasions and
under all circumstances be attached to his name.
He chanced atone time to fall into a mortal
quarrel with a Black foot Indian, and upon achie
ving advantage, lie at once seized upon the red
fellow’* scalplock.
•‘Bill Williams !” shouted the Indian, whose
whole knowledge in English consisted in the
capacity of pronouncing this singular old while
man’s name.
“William S. Williams, M. T. ifyou please.”
said the old man of the mountains, as he cool
ly darted the point of his knifearound thesculp-
lock and tore it off!
This extraordinary individual is now about
fifty-Tivo or sixty years of age, and he has lived
more than half his life in the mountains. Ho
declares that he was never anywhere else,but it
is remembered that iie was once a Methodist prea
cher in the States, and it is knpwn that lie is an
educated man, with a critical* knowledge of
Greek and Latin. By his own words, he was
“rolled out of a thunder storm in the mountains,’
for he found himself there and don’t remember* P'“ y° u,, g block head, and stop starling. I dare
anything else: He is quite certain lie is not| sa I’ you call yourself a gentleman !
human, and lias a strong persuasion that lie was
Mr. Calhoun’s Cel ter.
ROOM OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE, ?
JaXOarT 23, 1344. J
To the Editors of the Charleston Cour.fr:
We enclose to you for publication, a letter to us and an
address from the Hon. J. C. Calhoun to his friends and sup
porters, giving his reasons far withholding bis name ns a
Candidate fur the Presidency, from ihe Convention which is
to assemble in Baltimore, on the 4th Monday in May next.
In placing this document inyour hauds for publication, it
is proper to state, that although transmitted to this Commit
tee, to be through them submitted, to the public, the ab-
tence of many of its members prevented the assembling of
a quorum until this day. when its publication was directed,
in accordance with the wishes of Mr. Calhoun.
FORT HILL, Dec. 21, 1843.
Gentlemen—I herewith enclose you. as the organ of
those who have nominated me for the Presidency in this
State, subject to a Convention fairly constituted, an Address
to my political friends and supporters, assigning my reasons
for not permitting my name to go before the proposed Con
vention to be held in Baltimore in May next. 1 ttan.vnil it
to you, because I deem it respectful ami proper to make it
known to those to whom it is addressed, through you, anJ
in order to afford you an opportunity to take such measures
in relation to it. as you may deem proper, if indeed, you
should deem any necessary. All 1 have to request is, that
its pub ication should not be unnecessarily delayed.
With great respect, I am, Ac.
(Signed) J. C. CALHOUN.
Hon. Jacob Bond I’On
and other members of the Committee.
The Address of Jlr. Calhoun to Ills political
Friends aud Supporters.
I have left it to you, my friends and supporters, through
whose favorable estimate of my qualifications, my name lias
been presented to the people of the United States, for the
office of Chief Magistrate, to conduct the canvass on such
principles and in such manner, as you might think best.—
But. in so doing. I did not waive tny right to determine cn
■uy individual responsibility, what course tny duty might
compel me to pursue ultimately, nor have 1 been an iuat-
tentive observer of the canvass and the course you have ta
ken.
It affords me pleasure to be enabled to say, that on all
Iea<V'-g questions, growing out of the canvass, I hearrly
concurred with you. in the grounds you took, nnJ especially
those relating to the inode in which the delegates to the
proposed Convention to be lie! d in Baltimore, should be ap
pointed, and how they should vote. You have, in tny opin
ion. conclusively shown that they should be api*ointed by
districtsaod vote per capita, but yuur reasons, as conclu
sive as they are. have proved iu vain. Already New York
aud same other States have appointed delegates en masse
by Slate Conventions, and one Slate (Virginia) has resolved
that the votes of her delegates shall be settled by the major
ity and be counted per capita. Their course would ocessa-
riiy overrule that, which you have so ably supported, should
you go into Convention, ami would leave you no alternative,
but to yield yours and adopt theirs, however much you may
be opposed to it on principle, or to meet them on the most
unequal terms, with divided, against united aud concentra
ted forces.
The question is then, what course, under such circum
stances, should be adopted 1 Ana that question, you will
be compelled speedily to decide. The near approach of
the time for mertiug of the profHised Convention, will not
admit of much longer delay. But as your course may de
pend in some degree on that which 1 have decided to take,
1 deem it doe to the relation subsisting between us. ft mslse
mine known to you without further delay. 1 then, after
the most careful and deliberate survey of the ground, have
decided that I cannot permit my name to go before the pro
posed Convention.constituted as it must now be, consistent
ly with the principles which have ever guided my public
conduct. My objections are insuperable As it must be
constituted, it is repugnant to all the principles, on which, iu
tny opinion, such a Convention should be farmed. What
those principles are, 1 shall now proceed briefly to state.
I hold then, with you. that the Convention should be so con
stituted. as to utter fully aud clearly the voice of the people,
and not that of politics! managers, or office holders and of
fice seekers; and for that purpose, 1 hold it indispensable,
that tlte delegates should be appointed directly by the peo
ple. nr to use the language of Gen Jackson, should be
" fresh from the people.” 1 also hold, that the utily possible
mode to effect ill's, is for the people to chouse the delegates
by districts, and that they should vote per capita. Every
other mode of appointing would be controlled by political
machinery, and place the appointments tu the hands of the
few who work it. I object then, to the proposed Conven
lion, because it will not be constituted in conformity w itb this
fundamental article of tbe Republican creed. The dele
gates to it will be appointed from some of tbe Slates, not by
tbe people iu districts, but, as has been stated, by State Con
ventions en masse, composed of delegates appointed in all
cases, as far as I am informed, by county or district conven
tions. and in some cases, if not misinformed, these again
composed of delegates appointed by slil 1 smaller divisions,
or a few interested individuals. Instead then of being di
rectly. nr fresh from the people, tbe Delegates to the Balti
more Convention will be tbe delegates of delegates: and of
course removed, in all cases, at least three, if not four de-
grees from the people. At each successive remove, the
voice of the people will become less full and distinct, until
at last it will be so faint mid iuipesi'ect. as not to be audible.
To drop metaphor, I bold it impossible to form a scheme
more perfectly calculated to annihilate the control of the
people over the Presidential election, and vest it on those
who make politics a trade, and who live, or expect to live
on the Government.
In this connection. I object not less strongly to the mode
in which Virginia has resolved her delegates shall vote.
With all due respect. I must say. I can imagine nothing
more directly in conflict with the principlea of our federal
ayatem of government, or to use a broader expression, the
principles on which all confederate communities have ever
been united 1 hazard nothing in saying, that there ia not
an instance in our political history, front the meeting of the
‘translated from the Great Bear, or some other
luminous celestial animal, for some most parti
cular anti especial purpose that is meant to be
made known to him hereafter.”
He was never known to wear a hat, but once
in the winter, finding his head cold, ho shot a
wolf, scalped the animal, and drew the warm
skin to his own head' For nil such eccentric
tilings this old man is remarkable, but, perhaps
the singularity of his character may be shown
by relating an odd meeting (hot ho once had
with a young fellow fresh from the States. Wil
liams was camping alone when the young man
accidentally encounterod him.
''Hum /” said the old matt in soliloquy, “here
comes another enormous fool ot a young ras
cal to crowd us here in the mountains! We
shan’t have an inch of elbow room left! Cook,
old cake ! cook!” said lie, addressing a lump
of dough that lie was turning over on the coals
of itis solitary fire with his naked toes, that pro
truded through his venerable moccasins, ‘‘Cook
old cake! hei e comes a white fool, and lie’s hun
gry of course. Now, you miserable block
head do you know me!” said the old man to
the stranger.
“I guess I do,” snid the boy, forhc was a wan
dering sprig of Yankee land.
“You guess,” rep'ied the old eccentric'“you’re
a pretty sample of a scalp-block to come here
guessing! Had you nobody to keep you at
home, that you must come strolling out here
among bears and Blackfcet? How do you
know m-?”
“1 rcekon I guess.”
‘•O, you’re a big figure at mathematics ! You
had beiler get rid of your guessing and your
reckoning, if you want to live among the rocks
Take up the chunk of burnt dough (here, and
stuff it down your ravenous maw!”
“Thank you—I’am not hungry.”
“Don’t come here to tell lies, sin we are j fir “ “evolutionary Congress to the present day, of the del-
, . ’ , ( elates of any oute vouug by majority, and coutiung per
honest rnen 111 the mountains, niicjyou iTJUsn’t j c.pitt; nor do I believe an instance of the kind ran be
come here to contaminate us with your civili- " r """ "
zation. You are hungry, and you know it, and
you must eat the cake; I’ve got another. Du
you take me fur an antediluvian, not to share
my dinner with you!'
“ Aint you the man they call Bill Williams?’
said the hungry lad, as he greedily devoured the
cake.
“What do they call me?” roared Bill, with the
growl of a wounded bear.
“William Williams, I think?” answer the
young aspirant in the trapping trade, with u
half frightened tone of subdued respect,
“William S. Williams, M. T. younjf buz
zard’s meat!” replied the master trapper, draw
ing himself up with the air of a Julier Caesar.
“Look here boy, do you see that buttcl There’s
a hole in it, and that’s where I put my bones.”
l, Jiones\" said the boy, greatly bewildered
at the words of the old man.
‘•Yes—tchu /” continued Bill, lifting his ri
fle and imitating a shot, “there’s where I bury
my dead; that’s my bonc-ltqpse I”
“Why, you don’t—”
“Don’t tell me I don’t,” interrupted the old
man, “or I’il don’t you, knock me dead if I
don’i! How would you like to sleep there tu
night ? Eat away, and don’t be gaping at a na
tural Christian like a born fool! 1 always stow
tny while hones decently. Eat away you stu-
found in the history of any confederated community.
There ia, indeed, something monstrous in the idea of giving
the majority the right of impressing the vote of the minority
into it • service, nnd counting them ns its own. The plain
rule, that which has ever prevailed, and which conforms to
the dictates of common sense, is, that where a State votes
as a State Ly a majority of iu<l elegates the votes count one,
he they few or many, or the State large or small. On the
contrary, where the votes of all the dele gates are counted,
they vote individually and independently, each for himself
counting one. And it is to he noted, that whenever this lat
termode of voting exists among confederate States. *1 ia in all
rases founded on compact, to which the ronsei.t of encli
State ia required. Iu the absence of compact the invariable
mode of vote in such States is in all cases by tbe majority,
their voting counting one. The course which Virginia has
resolved to take is iu violation of this plain and fundamen
tal rule, nnd destructive of the foendatit n on which the
whole structure of the state right doctrine ia reared.
I hold it. in the next place.to lie an in lispen able princi
ple, that the convention should be aoconstitnted as to give
to each ritate. iu (lie nomination of a candidate the same re
lative weight, which the constitution sreutes to it in the
election of the President, making due allowance for its rela
tive party strength. By the election I mean tlte whole—the
eventual choice when it goes into the House of Representa
tives, as well as the primary vote iu the electoral College.
The one is as much a part of the election an the other,
the two make the whole. The ndoption of the one in the
convention which framed the constitution, depended on the
adoption of the other. Neither could possibly he adopted
aloue. The two were the result. of compromise between
tlte larger and smaller States, after a lung an.l doublfu
struggle, which threatened the loss of the constitution itself.
The objectol - giving to the smaller States an equality with
tlte larger in the eventual choice of the house, was to coun
terpoise the preponderance of the largest in the elecioial
college. Without this tbe smallest would have voted against
the whole provision, nnd its rejection would have been the
consequence Even as it stands. Delaware ruled against it
In confirmation of what I state, I refer to Mr. Madison’s re
port of the proceedings of the convention. Having staled
what I mean by the election, it will require hut a few words
to explain my reasons for the principles I have laid down.
They are few and simple and rest on the ground, that the
nomination is in reality the electiou.if concurred in. ns far
as the parly is concerned It is so intended to be. The lea
ding reason assigned for making it is to prevent a division
of the party, and thereby prevent the election from going
into the house, where tlte smallest Stales would have the ad
vantage intended to be secured to them by the convention,
by being placed on an equality with the larger. Such bring
the intended object and effect I now submit tu erery candid
mind, whether the convention ought not to be soccnsiituted
as in compensate in the nomination for the important udvan-
tage in the the election, which the smallest State would sur
render by going into a convention? Would it not be unfair
a palpable want of good fuitli nnd subversive of the compro
mise of the constitution to withhold it? Or. if demanded.
aid it be short of an insult to refuse it? Can it he thought
■hat tbe smallest States are so debased and absorbed in the
party politics nf iliedavas to peituit themselves to be indi
rectly stripped of a right which their high minded and pa
triotic ancestors held so dear, os even to preferthe loss of
the constitution itself, rather than surrender it. I object
then to tlte proposed convention in this connection because
it makes no compensation to the sina.ler Stales, forthesur-
render of this unquestionable and important constitutional
right. Instead of that its advocates | eieniptorilv nnd indig
nantly refused any, and treat with scorn every attempt to
Ho Wu rir« h-irri makes monpv nnd secure it. Some have pone even so far, ns to deny that the
ne Works tiara, nt.lk.LS motley, ana eventual choice of the house constitutes any portion of the
election and to manifest open hostility against the provision
of the constitution which contains it!
If there was no other objection, the one under considera
tion would be insuperable with me. 1 differ utterly from
the advocates of the proposed Convention in reference to
this provision. I regard it ns one of the firai importance,
not because I desire the election to go into the House, hut
because I believe it t" be an indispensable means, in the
f the smaller States, ofpreservingiheirjust and con-
Ye-es!” stammered the youngster.
“Happy of your acquaintance. If you have
dune eating, just remember that yo t Imre di
ned with William S. Williams*, M. T.”
Tltisold encounter happened almost word
for as here set down, and it may give the ren
der a fair idea of one of the dro lest beings that
ever breathed. Surely^ abrupt and eccentric,
the ohl fellow is yet noted for benevolence and
stern honesty. He once look off’his cout of
drer-skin, when it was almost the last remnant
of apparel in his possession, and threw it over
the shoulders of a poor shivering squaw. He
sleeps curled up hy the camp-fire, with his head
in the ashes, embracing an old rifle, l hat has
been mended nnd mended again with “buffalo
tug,” until scarcely a parcle oltbe original stock
left.
gives everything away to others who may hap
pen to be in distress. He onc« threatened to
shoot an old friend who sent him n letter with
an offer of assistance! Old William S. Wil
liams, M. T. will accept of charity from no
man breathing. Such a character is now pil
lowing his gray hairs among the snows of the , ,
est, and there he Will live anti die, while this the ExecutiveDepartment and.ibe Government it-
rough sketch, no doub!, presents aljtllo world self, which! believe to be etacntial to the preservation of
will ever know of the Oid Man of the Mountains.
E7* “Well. Mrs. Moody,bow arc you this evening ?”
“Oh, Mrs. Harrison, I am very unwell; nm quite out of
spirits."
"Blessyoo, ma’am, don’t t.ke on so," said the servant,
"there’s three bottles lelt yet.”
"Go down stairs directly Betty P*
our sublime federal system. I regard the adjustment of the
relative weight of the States in the Government to be the
fundamental compromise of the Constitution, and that on
which our whole political system depends, its adjustment
constituted the great difficulty in forming the Constitution.
The principles on which it wag finally effected was that,
while due conression should be made in population, a pro
vision should he also made, in some form, to preserve the
original equality of the States in every department of tht
Government. The principle was easily carried out in con
stituting the legislative department, hy preserving the
equality of the States in one branch (tbe Senate.) atm con
ceding to population its full preponderance in tlte other.
But the great and difficult task of reducing it to practice
was in the Executive department, at the head ot which
there is but a single officer. So great was it that it occu
pied the attention of the Convention from lime to time, du
ring the whole session, and was very near causing a failure
at last. It would have been an easy task to constitute that
department either on the principle of the equality of the
Slates in die Government, nr that of population. To com
bine die two. in the election of a single officer, was quite a
different affair, but however difficult, it bad to he perform
ed at die hazard of loaing the Constitution.
It was finally accomplished by giving to the larger States
nearly the .same preponderance in the electoral college, as
they nave in the House, and to the smaller, in the event of
a choice by the House, the same equality they possess in
the Senate ; thus following closely the analogy of the Leg
islative Department. To make it as clase as possible, it
was at first proposed to give the eventual choice to the Sen
ate. instead of the House, but it was altered and the pres
ent provision adopted, for reasons which did not affect die
principle.
It was believed by the framers, the practical operation of
the provision would be, that die electoral college in which
the influence of die larger Stales preponderates, would no
minate, and that the House voting by States, where their
equality.is preserved, would elect who should he the Presi
dent. To give it that operation in practice the provision, as
it originally stood in the Constitution, was that each elector
should vote for two individuals, without discriminating
which suould be P-esideut, or Vice Preaiden . ami if no
one had a majority of the whole voles, then out of the five
highest the House voting hy States, aiioutd elect one. aud
the person not elected, having tbe highest number of votes
should he the Vice President. It has been since altered,
so that tbe electors should designate which should be Presi
dent, and which Vice President, and the selection of the
House was limited to the three highest. It is manifest, that
if this provision of the Constitution had been left to operate
hy itself, without the intervention ofcaucusses, or party con
ventions between the people and the e’e-i.ioa. that the prac
tical operation wculd have been such as 1 have stated. and
such as was clearly intended hy the framers of the Consti
tution.
Tiie object intended is important. The preservation of
the telative weight of the States, as established by the Con
stitution in all the Department, is necessary to the success
nnd duration of our system of Government; but it may be
doubted, whether the provision adopted to effect it in the
Executive Department, is not too refined for the strong, and
I inay aid. corrupt passions, which the President’s election
will ever excite. Certain it is. that if the practice of nomi
nating Candidates for the Ptestdency, by Conventions, con
slituted as they proposed, shall become the established us
age, it will utterly defeat the intention of the framers of the
Constitution, and would be fillowed by a radical anil dan
gerous change, not only in the Executive Department, but
in tlte Government itself.
Tb s danger was early forseen, and to avoid it. some of
tlte wisest ami most experienced statesmen of former days
ao strongly objected to Congressional caucuses to nominate
candidates for the Presidency, that they never couhl be in
duced to attend them; among these it will he sufficient to
name Mr. Macon nnd Mi. Lowndes. Others, believing
that litis provision of the Constitution was too refined for
practice, were solicitnjs to amend it,hut without impairing
the influence of the smaller States in the election. Among
these, I rank myself. With that object, res ilutions were
introduced, iu l’S'JS, in the Senate by Col. Benton, and in
die House by Mr. McDuffie, providing for districting the
States, aud lor referring the election back to the people, in
case there should he no choice, to elect one from tlie two
highest candidates. The principle which the amendment
proposed, was to give a fair compensation-to the smaller
States for the surrenderor their advantage in the eventual
choice by the House, and at the same time to make die mo le
of electing the Presideut more strictly in conformity with
the principles of our popular institutions, and to he less lia
ble to corruption than the existing provision. They receiv
ed the general support of the parly. but were objected to
hy n few. ns not being a full equivalent to the smaller
States. The principle embraced is identical with that on
which vou proposed to constitute the 1! i It into re Convention,
Lot which lias been so dictatorial))' objected to by seme,
who then took so prominent a part in its favor. Iffyou h ive
in t succeeded, there is at least suuie consolation in reflec
ting that if others have since changed, you now stand where
you then did, in the purer and better days of* the party. I
wa« in favor of it then, as I am now, not because I consider
the resolutions as perfect, theoretically, as the existing pro
visions of the Constitution, but because I believe it would,
in practice, more certainly accomplish what the frxmers of
the Constitution intended. But while the provision stands
as it does. I would regard myself as little short of a traitor
to that sacred instru nent. should I give my assent, directly,
many practice which would have the effect of divesting the
smaller States of the due weight which it secures to them
in the Presidential election. And here let me add, that os
objectionable as I think a Congressional caucus for nomina
ting a President, it is in my opinion, far less so, than a Con
vention constituted as is proposed. The former had in
deed many things to recommend it. Its members consist
ing of Senators and Representatives, were the immediate
organs of the State Legislature, or the people ; were res-
ponsihleto them respectively, and were for the most part,
of high character, standing and talents. They voted per
capita, and what is very important, they represented fairly
the relative strength of the respective States. In all these
important particulars, it was all that could be desired for a
nominating hotly, and formed a striking contrast to the pro
posed Convention; and yet, it could not he borne by the
people in the then purer days of the Republic. I, acting
with Gen. Jackson and most of the leaders of the party at
the time contributed to put it down, because we believed
it to be liable to be acted oil and influenced by the patron
age of the Government—an objection far more applicable to
a Couventii n constituted as the one proposed, than to a
Congressional caucus. Far. however, was it from my in
tention, in aiding to put that down. to substitute in its place
what 1 regard as an hundreJ times more objectionable in
every point of view. Indeed, il there most be an interme
diate body between the people and the election, unknown
to the Constitution, it may he well questioned whethei a
belter than the old plan of a Congressional caucus can he
devised.
In taking the ground I have, in favor of maintaining
the right seemed to the smaller Sia'es by the roniprc-
mise of the Constitution, I ntn actuated hy no partisan
feeling or desire to conciliate their good opinion. If
Ihe case was reversed, und the rights of the huger, in
stead of thr smaller, invaded. I would with equal rea
diness and finm.es-', stand up in their defenre. I am
the partisan of neither one, nor the other, but simply
n supporter of the Constitution, nnd what 1 believe to
he just aud fair. I regard the Constitution, as the only
ark of safety for all, and I believe that in defending it,
I defend the interest nnd safety of each and all—the
gres'er. as well as the smaller—the States invad.ng the
right of the others, as well us the States whose right
tire invaded.
I have laid down the principle on which I rest the
objection in question, with the limitation, that the rel
ative weight of the Stales should be maintained, ma
king due allowance lor their relative party stiength.
The propriety of the limitation is so apparent, that
but a few words,in illustration will be required. The
Convention is a patty Convention, and professedly in
tended to take the sen-e of the party, which cannot
lie done fairly, if States having but little party strength
arc put on an equality with those which hove much.
Iftha: mete done, the result might be, llmt a small por
tion of the party from States the least sound, political
ly, and whirh could give bui little support in Congieee,
might select the inndiduto and .make tho President,
against the great majority of the soundest, ami on
which the President and his administration would have
to rely for his suppoit. All II is is clearly too unfair
nnd improper to be denied. Thete may lie a gre.it dif
ficulty in applying a remedy in a Convention, hut I do
not fi-cl myself called upon to say how it cun he done,
or by ivhal standard the relative parly strength of the
respective States should he determined ; perhaps tho
best would I* thri* relative strength in Oongiess nt the
time. In laying down thu principle, I added the lim
itation for tho sake ol acemury, atul to show how im
perfectly the parly must ho represented, when it is
overlooked. I see no provision iu the proposed Con
vention to meet it.
But, in order to realize how the Convention will op-
einle, it will be necessary to view the combined effects
of the objections which I have made. Thus viewed,
it will he found that a Convention so constituted, tends
irresistibly to centralization—centralization of the con
trol over the Presidential election in the hauds of a
few of the rcnlial, large Slates, at first, nnd finally, in
political managers, office holders and office seekers ; or
to express it differently, iu that portion of the commu
nity, who live, or cx|>ect to live on the Government, in
contradistinction to the great mass, who expect to live
on tlicir own means or their honest industry ; who
mnintuin tbe Government, and politically speaking em
phatically the people,
Thut such would'he the case, may bo infetred from
the fact, that it would afford the means to some six or
a few, wfto make politics a trade,
vention is removed from the pen;
ly the control over it will bi
DEMOC RTr
Democratic Ca,„!i,| alol for
rt’Vho ‘oner I MARTI* VAJ¥ BIJRfcXot’Y v
‘ ° CAS*, of Ohio, *
they have SvBCE&’D. I?I. JCS23SO.Y df*.
'8 lo which V/41B V nnvrw ' *1V
be the case ffaEI?, ol ^ D's!l!j ( q "
To be decided by a lYniiount Convent; '
1844.
Itlncon Cotton JJni-tet,
The Market fur the past week has be tn
The farlheMhu C Vh-
e, the more certain-
j,laced in ihe hands of tho
interested" few,~and Vvhen removed three or four degrees
as has been shown it will he, where the.flppomtinent is
by Slate Conventions, the power of the people will
cea*o, and the seekers of Executive favor w ill become
supreme. At that stage, oil active, trained anti combi
ned corps will be formed in tits (tarty, whore whole
time and attention will be directed to politics. Jt will
bo their sulo business. Into their hands ihe appoint
ment# of deleg tier in all the Mages will fall.' and they
will take special caro tint none but themselves or their
humble and obedient dependants shall be appointed.
The cenlral and S.ate Conventions will be filled by
the most experienced and cunning, and after nomina
ting the Piesident, they will take good eare^ to divide
the patronage ami offices, both of the General and
State Governments, among themselves and their de
pendants. But why say voill ? Is it nut already the
cave / Have there Mot been many instances
Conventions being filled by office seekers
making the nomination, u«vo diviiid the <
State among themselves slid ;hei» partisans, and joined
in recommending to the candidate whorn t
just nominated lo appoint them to the offices
they have been res|ieclfolly allotted. If such be
in the infancy of the syMem. it must cod. if such con
ventions should become the established usage, in the
President nominating his successor. When it comes
to that, it will not he long before the sword will take
the place of Ihe Constitution.
Such arc my objections to the mode in which the
proposed Convent ion is to he constituted, and my tea- . , , , * 1,03 °**it actic.
sons fM* entertaining them. They are such, that l ean* j - ‘ es ,a ' e een made at intpunj .
not refuse to obey them without renouncing the prin- i cc ' 3, 1 ‘ ,u roads nave partially recover^ r
ciples which I have often avowed in public und private j the wretched slate tnto which tliev weret) -■ ^
and which have guided me through the whole coutse ,j ie ( ale unparalleled tains' and nla,.,.-
of tny public life. i 1 “8st»
Incoming to this conclusion, I have not passed over, 'J V. ° market, consequently the
without cau-ful examination, the reasons assigned by have increased, and our streeis present il )f j r ^
its advocates for constituting the Convention as they business-like appearance. \Vequoie8t
A few bales were sold on yesterday at 9} *
Prices in New York on the 27tlt ult. * ^
“ “ Savannah “ 3d inst. V?
“ “ Charleston, “ 30ilt ult. g . ‘j}
“ “ Augusta, “ 1st inst. s '”j
Receipts of Cotton this Season to Feb. 1#,
Receipts, 61,783 bale,
Stock on hand, 18,014
Same time last year:
Receipts, 73^54
Stock ou hand, 45
ffZcchnnica Ennk, Augnata.
Various unfounded rumotsare in circulation:
reference to the solvency of this instiiutioa, w
afloat, no doubt for the malicious intentionofifc®.
ing the holders of its notes. This Bank ij taj
to those acquainted with its business and
to he one of the soundest Institutions in the S«J
and it will be remembered was one of tee of ^
State Institutions which did not panicipste in fe
last suspension of tlte Banks generally. \v e t £ J
tho highest auhorily for saying that the Meckaatal
Bank was never in a more sound, safe, and soiml
condition, than at the present time; andwewon’J
caution our readers not to let any malirioiaiepool
induce them to part with its notes at less ihaaibs|
par value in specie.
propo.-e. They h ive not tlimmUhrd the force of my
objection*. 1 propose to notice the most prominent.
That which they have utged with the greatest emt-
fiJeiicc, is, that each State has a right to appoint Uelc-
oates as site pleases. 1 meet it, by utterly denying
that there is any such right. That each State has tbe
right to act us it pleases, in whatever relates to
exclusively, no one will deny; b..l it is x perfectly
novel doctrine, that any -state Iras such a right, when
she cones in act in concert iviih other* in reference
to whul concerns the whole. In such cases it is the
plaineM dictate of common sense, that w hatever allecle
the whole should be regulated by the mutual consent
of all, and not by the dircretiou of each. That the
appointment of Ddc-at.-s to the proposed Convention
is a case of this description, I true I have conclusive
ly shown. I have, 1 also trust shown more; that the
supposed right is pet fed ly deceptive, fur while it claims
for each State the right lo appoint Delegates us it
pleases, it in reality gives the larger Slates the right
to dictate how the others shall appoint. If, tor exam
ple, the Empire State', as it is calieJ. adopts the mode
ol appointing (us she has) which wi I concentrate her
whole slrrngtil, what discretion would she leave lo
others, if they go into Convention, hut to ap(M>int as
she has appointed, or to be ruleJ hy Iter. It is then,
neither more nor less than a claim to dictate, undtr
the u'lrti of a right, and such its exercise has proved
in the present case. It lias left no option, but lo cun-
f >tni to her course, ur ha overruled, or refuse lo go
into the Convention.
I regret thi- 1 , because I sincerely desire to preserve
the harmony ot the parly. I had strong hope that the
rally after the defeat of 1840 would he Exclusively ou
principles. This hope was greatly strengthened by
the tiuly republican and noble stand, taken at the ex
tra session and the eatlirr portion of the succeeding
tegular session. Duimg that period of rigid adherence
to principle, perfect harmony pervaded the ranks of
the party. I beheld it with joy. I believed the mo
ment highly favourable for the thorough reform itton
of tbe GoveAiment and the restoration of the Consti
tution. To the Republican party, 1 looked lor the
accomplishment of this great work; and I accordingly
felt the deep, st solicitude, that Ihe stand taken, and
the harmony which existed, should be preserved. In
older that il should. I made up my mind to waive the
objection, which 1 have long entertained to auy -inter.
mediate body, unknown to the Constitution, between
the people and the election of t e Pres.dent, in the
hope that the p oposed Convention would be so con
stituted thut I might consislctfl. with my principles
give it my support. In this I have been disappointed,
and being so, 1 am coinj died to decide as I have done.
The same motives which imp lied me lo separate from
the admini tratiou of Gen. Jackson, in the plentitude
of its power, and to come to the re.-cue ot Ml. Van
Buren’s ot its greatest depression, compels me now to
withhold my name from the proposed Convention.
Having now assigned my r. asons for reiusiug to per
mit my mime to go befme tbe Baltimore Convention,
it rests w ith you who have placed it lcfure the people
and assented to abide hy u Convention fairly con-titu-
teil, to dereruiine what coutse you will pursue.
Be your decision what it may I shall be content.
But I regarded il as due to the occasion, lo you and
myself, t * declare thut under no circumstances what
ever shall I support any candidate, who is.opposed to
fri-e iiailr, and in favor of the protective policy, or
wtlose prominent and influent.ul friends anil suppmt-
ers are. I hold the policy to be another name for a
system of monopoly and plunder, and to he thoroughly
anti lepublican and tedernl in its character. 1 also
Id that so long as the dutie.- aic so bid ms to l e in
fact bounties lo one portion of the community, wmle
they opetale as oppressive taxes on I. c other, there
ran lie no hope that the Government run lie reformed,
or that its expenditure will be reduced to tbe pr per
standard.
Were I, with the evidences before m \ to say other
wise of my course, it would he. p acticully, to declare
that 1 regard the pr.iteetive policy to he an open ques
tion, so far as the parly is concerned; which I would
consider, on my part, u virtual abandonment of t e
cause of Fire Trade. That can never he. (have
done ami suffered too much for It. when ils friends
were few and feeble, to abandon it now—now, when
Cotton und other matters.
There never has been a period, probably, «4a I
the Cotton ctop has made such pmfiiab'emmsl
to the planter, as during the present seam Wiel
this crop was planted, it must be tememberri,il«j
Cotton was worth little more than 4j etna ft I
pound, and in consequence, every necessary iiadtl
of consumption aud every item of planl»ii«t
pense, was on a scale to correspond with that re
ced price of Cotton. M tiles, for instance, soldi!
Ior about S30 each—the same mules would a
sell for S70. Perk was then worth but 3 c
nca:—il now sells for 4j.
Well, suppose, afler raising the crop on 1
scale of expenses, the plainer now gels 9cenai
his crop, is it noi evident that one bag out of eTryl
two has been made without any expense Mj1L*[
Or, in other words, if a planler raised 100bspll
Cotton, 50 of them pay all the plantation eipei»|
and leave a small balance—and
bags are clear gains.
This God-send, enables every ntaniopsy^J
remainder of his debts, if he is nottoodeeplye
rassed. And those whose debts il is not su&ri]
to pay, will act unwisely, iftitey do notseiat
a crisis to sell enough property to clear tlienss* "
of all incumbrances; and stand forth, ooee 1
in the original similitude of their Mate?and *
more deface that image, hy the fawninjsmile>
cringing manner, which a debtor is forced t»1
that man who lie has made Itis msstei, by*“*|
ing him to become his creditor.
This is all a mai ter of taste, however;
every man prides himself on his own jrnte® 1
and capacity of foreseeing events which 1
come, Ici every man act os to him seems 1
But 1 lie result will probably be, that liewhotl
cs to remain in a stale of vassalage—a 1
very—in order that he may retain all hisF
for a few years more, will at last be
some low stale of prices, to see the whole ofi*!
the auspices everywhere ,hi* an,I the other side of , a , e by the SlieriR ; (u ., ay a de bt which
tha Alhiiitn*. nriic itmi thn nriiirnurliint* i nan h ni * 1
the Atlantic, proclaim the approaching downfall of
protection and the permanent triumph of Free Trade.
who upheld it auaiuM monopoly and plunder, in the
worst ot times, ami braved the men tecs of Adminis
tration ond Opposition, when harked hqt by u single
Stale,—will not—cannot abandon the glorious cause
now, when its Imntier waves iu proud triuinph over
the metropolis of the commercial world. No, 1 shall
maintain imniovcahly the ground I have so long oveu-
icd, until I have witness'd its great nnd final victory',
if it shall please the Di.-poser of Events to spa'C my
lifts so long. Il will he, indeed, a victory—the liat-
hincer of n new and brighter und higher civilization j
selling now', a half ora third would pay- "'I
man who sells row and pays out, will be t
man, and all his properly will be hfs own-
man can control the wages of iris labor or h«
lions. Any one who has once trod in the’j
press of dein, and escaped from its wore*
gyprion bondage, knows that the peace of-
that a freedom from debt insures, is wonb '
than lands or negroes.
With regattl to the propriety of planters ■
Much less, still, can 1 give my support to any can- ; Hieir Colton for siiii beiler (trices, if our i
worth onv il
didate, who -hall give his aid nr countenar.re to the:
tgilalion of atHiliiiou in Congress or elsewhere'; or j .
ho.-e prominent and influential friends anil suppuitcrs * a * e >
it ts litis:—Prudence w*
now,
a good price
shall. 1 doubt the sincerity o! any ntan. who declares feretl, ralltcr than to lake the rifk eta
seven States lying contiguous ami not far from tho ccn-
tie of the Union, to control the nomination, und through
that tho ( lection, by com rtilialing tin ir united votes in
the Convention. Give them the power of doing so,
and it would nnl long lie dormant. What may he done
hy combination, where the temptation is so gtcat, will
be sure ere long to he done. To combine and conquer
is not less true as a maxim, where power is concerned,
than to “ Divide and conquer.” Nuthing is heller es
tablished, than that the dcsite for power can bring to-
gclher and unite the most discordant materials.
But the tendency to centralization will not stop there.
The appointment of delegates m-masse hy State
Convention, would at the sitne time aud even with
greater force, to centialize this contiol in the bands of
But we must not lie understood its
tlte prospect of a decline is warranted,
intlicniipn. On the contrary, every
beii* r ‘ 5 =
thi"
errteE’-t 6 ?
I
he is no abolitionist, whilst at the same time, be'aids
or Countenanc 8 the agitation of the que.-lion. ho his
pretext what it may. If we have a right to our slaves,) 7
we have tho right to hold them in peace and quiet. If: 1
the CoiiMitutiun guarantees the one, it guarantees tho j seem to tend toward a lurtlier iniprov ^
other: and if it forbids the one from being attacked, it j ces . Even the policy which the Banko. ‘■”-
equally fin bills the other. Indeed the one stands to
the other, us means to an end, ami is so avowed hy tho
ahulitionisis; and on the plaineM principles of morals.
If the end ho prohibited, the means of eflei ting it also
are. Of the two, I reguid the deluded fanatic far less
guilty and dangerous that) he who for politiial or patty
purposes, aids or countenances hint.in what lie knows
is intended to da that, which he acknowledges to bo
foihiddcii by the Constitution.
It is time that nil end should be put to this system
of plunder and agitation. They have been borne long
■ trough. They ute kindred measures and hostile, as
far, at least, as one portion of the Union is concerned.
While tho muff takes from us the proceeds of our la
bour, aboliliun strikes at ihe labour itself. The one
tubs us of our income, while the other aims at destroy
ing the source from which that income ts derived. Il
is impossible for us- lo stand palirnlly much longer
under their double operation, without being impover
ished and ruined. JOHN C. CAI.HOUN.
A gentlen at once said he should like to see a boat full o;
Ladies oil the ocean, to see what course they would* teer.
A lady in the room replied—"that's easy told, they would
steer to the Isle of Man, to be sure.”
lias adopted, of curtailing the drctils** 00
lions of dollars in a niontlt, with liie'*"-
ing tfie price, has not been ab.e to ' eP
prices from coming up to, and fully s“ 5
rales on this side of the water* wli-■
somewhat accelerated by speculah on- ^
The diminished supply of ihe to" ,n ■,
-'’fed >•
all the Cotton region, and an ir.crca-
manufactured goods, and of coutse an^
maud for raw cottons, are 6ubsbinua
which inferences are to he drawn-
in con
nneeffi 1 "
It is worthy of observation, 3 ,
this subject, that lira speculators'»
sea ports, this season, are men l) i -1 ^
be expected to incur the risk of ,0sS ’ 1
ratio of their ability to >tand it. oce s
And in N- Y- which has usually ^ ^
poorest markets for our staple in 11
this year rather lead in speculation- ■ ^.jj
itv of her dealers to hold on. as * e