Newspaper Page Text
POLITICAL.
From thf I'nited Stotts Telegraph.
ItBTLY OF MR. DAVIS, OF S. C.
On t!;e prc;,< -\ . (ogive precedence to the bill for the
collection , ,ne, i.. r tii hill to reduce the du
ties on linj ort.--.
Mr. VAJIft’"t ... DANIS ‘aid, (he House would
do him the j mii . ' those with whom lie acted, to
own that tin y were in i u w y rt sponsible fir (he snail
pace of the- lurid i.iil, they fiad not impeded it by the
frivolous amendments ailu .-cd to, or I-v propositions of
any sort. They acquiesced in and billowed the sug
gestions of friends on this floor, ntid remained silent oil
this deeply interesting subject, lest to their participa
tion ill the debate should he attributed whatever of a
dilatory or stormy character it might assume. Nou have
all witnessed, he said, that we submitted, in silence, to
the reading and discussions of public documents, con
taining false, inai.cious and defamatory libels on the
State and people of South Carolina—to language of con
tumely and reproach upon our public functionaries—
(friends w hom we dearly love) —that shot like fiery ar
rows through our veins. Vet we were dumb. Still
more, sir, the bitter cup was not yet full—it might not
even thus pass. We felt (l our duty to let the sacrifice
he complete. We remained incur places: we kept
our scats, and bore the toiture. You all knew, fromthe
beginning of the session, that such would he ourcourse ;
yet we were baited at the start. What friendly voice of
truth or justice, was heard in our vindication during these
hours, days, weeks) of burning agony? What did we
hear from those who ought to have defended us? Why
that South Carolina was precipitate ! After ten years of
petition, prayer, and sufi -ring—after witnessing all our
southern sister States taken up last summer with the Pre
sidential election, as if the shirt of Nessius were not up
on their backs. Piccipitatc !* away with such stuff
and nonsense. And w hat, sir, do we now see ? The
tanffqiicslion, that lias been crccpii.g, loitering, drivel
ling, dragging itself through six weeks of the session—
the very bill wo were desirous to abstain from discussing
lest we might shake too rudely the leaves of its Olive
branch—a hill entitled, by all Parliamentary right and
Usage, to precedence, is to ho shoved aside, and this
firebrand to be flung before it. Why? Because, for
sooth, the President wills it! And by whom is the at
tempt made, to substitute this sword in the place of the
Olive-branch I By the organs and fast friends of the Pre
sident on this floor. Can I he mistaken ? That I may
not he, J dcsiro now to ask of the honorable chairman of
the Judiciary Committee (if lie be in the house) —I do
not see him in his seat—Here Mr. Bell rose from a dif
ferent part of the House] to ask, and the terms of formet
kindness between us entitles tnc to a candid answer;
whether it is the intention of the party, with which he
acts 111 irivr* im praliini'i' :unl .liu-ful-unnn In llio bill for
tolfecf.-ng revenue ?
Mr. BEI.L, of Tennessee, said lie would answer the
question in the same spirit of candor in which it was ask
ed ; it was desired to have this measure passed as soon
as practicable, and, for that purpose, to give it prece
dence. lie exonerated the delegation of South Carolina
from all responsibility for the delay of the tariff bill, and
approved their course on tire occasion.
riien, said .Mr. J)A\ IS, wc understand it now. The
President is impatient to w reak his vengeance on South
Carolina. Be it so. Pass your measure, Sir, —unchain
your tiger—let loose your war dogs as soon as you please !
I know the people you desire to war on. They await
you with unflinching, unshrinking, unhlnncliing firm
ness. I know full well the State you strike at. Sire is
deeply enshrined in as warm affect ions, brave hearts,
and high rninds, as ever formed a living rampart for pub
lic liberty. They w ill receive this bill, Sir, whether you
■pass the other or not, with scotri and indignation, and de
testation. They never will submit to it. They will see
head of your Executive. They will see in it the scene
upon the Lupcrcal vamped up and new varnished. They
will see in its hideous features of puins and penalties, a
declaration of war in all but its form. 'J i'l“y cannot, (for
•they arc the .est informed people on the face of trie •A.'!* l !
or that ever have been on it, on the great principles of
civil and political liberty, but see in it the utter prostra
tion and demolition of State Rights, State constitutions,
eye, and of the Federal constitution too. But say gen
tlemen, and I am surprised at their blindness and hardi
hood, it is all a mistake, it is a mere lull for collecting
the revenue—intended for the preservation of peace, and
to prevent civil war. Civil war with whom? Sir, all
usurpations are attempted on such mild lovely, and beu
< volant pr. texts as thpse. Peace is it! Shame, shame!
Von pour fir. and brimstone on our heads, and hid us,
in tlv. lac; uage of a departed friend he quiet, it is Ma
c r oil, : yrrh, fr ;ok;license ! You tell us, with this
bill 01 ;• -in-- -oid t -s, of army and navy and militia,
in your list, t: t it is -. in e matter of revenue collection
theqxunt of tut >aynn. t, and call it ricil process!!
t, h t I u iil not oppose
the taking up this bill by any idirect means, I am ready
• . I only ask that you
ous question. \ ouch
t.ife me that, y i may go your ways; but that you can
' la lifest, since the cordial junc
tion lira pinto ot two hostile parties; the one opposed to
the President, and who declares that he is not worthy of
his office, or of the trust arid confidence of the country;
and another that seems w illing to graut him any tiling
he asks.
I heard a gentleman somewhere near me say, that :he
whole question is one of dollars and cents. To bo sure,
it is the very girt and marrow of it; if it were not that
there were such things as southern dollars and cents, we
would never have heard the question made. The nefa
rious system would never have grown up. All govern,
mental oppressions, exactions, and tyranny throughout
the world and through ail time, have been perpetrated
for the dollars and the cents of honest people, earned by
the sweat ol their brow, for thepurpo3eof giving them
to the powerful or rogueish wlw> ilxl not cam them. If,
however, it is meant to say that South Carolina makes a
question of the mere amount, the more or less to he con
tributed for the support of the Government, the short
answer is, it is not true. What does her bright and glo
ttous history tell you? To coin her heart for money” to
drop her blood for drachuns! Iler objection is to your
taking her dollars and cents, not for the support of the
Government, she jointly made with her sister State,
hut for the purpose of putting them in your pockets, or
the people or Stales you represent. The amount even
then, she might ha* i ionic as a temporary injustice had
von not declared a perpetuity. The gentleman from
Georgia, (.Mr. Wayne,) has informed us, that this bill
will be harmless, as a tarill project, not vet submitted,
willjcertainly be adopted that is better than cither yet
proposed- I ant deliglitod to hear it; but whv, in the
name of liberty, is it not offered to us instead of this
outrage on the Constitution? \\ by arm the President
with powers so dangerous to peace and freedom ; and
in the face of a recorded refusal by your predecessors,
to give the pacific civilian, the mild, virtuous, humane,
Jefferson, the much lesser power of suspending the
habeas corpus act? Is this tiling so coveted by, amt grat
ifying :o, the President; in this bloody bill, this Boston
|>ort bill, so delightful to him that it is to he preferred to
that which is said to be pacificatory? Why, s : r, if he
must he gratified, must b- assumed and plcasurcably
employ cd, buy linn a tee-to-tuin, or some other harmless
toy, but do not give him tie- purse and sword of the na
tion, the army ami navy and whole military power of the
country; as peaceful playthings to lx; used at his disco,
tion, if, however, this bill must pass— if there he no suh-
A.il tte so palatable as blood, I withdraw iiiv op|K>snion
to its being taken up, and only ask the privilege oft*.
posing its iletails; although 1 clearly see that the inter
ested passions on one side, and a stiplc subserviency on
another, will ensure its passage by a very large majority.
In what I have said, no individual allusion was intend
ed. I fired at the flock. .My allusion was to a state of
tilings as notorious as noonday! Our situation is pecu
liar, and some allowances should he made- Our Repre
sentatives on thisfluor are small in number. Our peo
ple love honor as they do liberty; both have been assail
ed. Wc value highly the opinion of the wise and good,
many, very many of whom wc recognize in the ranks o!
our adversaries. It is when tiiey show a disbelief or
suspicion of the interity of our purposes, or purity of our
motives, that we feel the iron enter our hearts.
One word, sir, to the gentlemen over the way—en
tirely over the way—who says this bill is necessary, be
cause South Carolina has not yet repealed her ordi
nance. Has not yet, I presume means, notwithstanding
the President’s proctnalation. Sir, South Carolina has re
ceived :>n insolent mandate of the President, command
ing her to retrace her slops, tear from her archives one
of the brightest pages of he r glory, and alter the funda
mental principles of hcrconstitution: and she sends him
hack for answer, (though her humble representatives,)
the message sent from Utica to Ctcsar—
“ Bid him disband his legions;
Restore the Commonwealth to liberty;
Submit his actions to the public censure,
Abide the judgment of a Roman Senate,
And strive to gain the pardon of the people,
That, Sir, is her answer!
•Excuse haste said thcTarrapin to the Snail
SOUTH CAROLINA CONVENTION.
Monday, March nth, lS.'ib.
The Convention met pursuant to the Proclamation of
the President and was opened at 12 o’clock, by prayer
from the Rev. .Mr. Ware.
The President on calling the attention of the mem
bers to t!io business, which would be submitted to them,
delivered the following address:
Gentlemex —In exercising the power of calling you
together, which you were pleased to place in my hands
at your adjournment, I have both regretted and been I
sensible of the inconvenience to which I must have sub
jected many of you in being compelled to leave your
homes at a season so essential to the success of the agri
cultural labors of the whole year. It must however have
been manifest to you from the nature of the proceedings
of this body at its former meeting, that its reassembling
after the adjournment of Congress, was an event of high
ly probable occurrence. Before however this necessity
was demonstrated, I was officially apprized by the Gov
ernor of South Carolina, on the sth February, of the ar
rival of a commissioner on the part of the State of Vir
ginia, bearing certain resolutions adopted by the Gen
eral Assembly of that State, respectfully solicit ng of
this Stale, a suspension or rcscinlingol the ordinance
of her convention until the adjournment o£the next ses
sion of Congress. These resolutions were accompanied
by an application on the part of the gentleman in this
commission that this Convention should he convened at
an early moment. The high source from which this
mediation eininated, the friendly dispositions by which
it was obviously dictated, borne too and advocated by a
gentleman so long and so advantageously known ns
among the most able and devoted champions of the
rights of the States, left me by what I was quite sure
would be your own decision, no other alternative (if my
own inclinations had been wanting) than a compliance
with the wishes of that distinguished Commonwealth as
communicated by her worthy Representative. As I was
however perfectly satisfied that no decision on the prop
ositions of which he was the hearer could bo made prior
to the adjournment of Congress, the period of your as
sembling has been arranged to meet both contingencies.
You have thus assembled, gentlemen, and the propos
ed mediation of Virginia concurrently by the pas
modifying the Tariff of the 14th of July last, and by an
act entitled “an act “more effectually to provide for the
execution of the Revenue Laws.”
In bringing both these laws to your view, and invok
ing your mature consideiation ol their provisions and
objects, it would not become mo to make any sugges
tions as !C the course it behoves you to pursue in refer
ence to these measures. If the first is not in all respects
satisfactory, as coming up to that measure of justice, to
which the Couth had a fair claim, and is liable to some
important objections, it, nevertheless, provides for the
commencement of a..’ oarlv, though gradual amelioration
of that system, against v» hicli wc have so Ipng complain
ed and for an ulterior recognition of the constitutional
principles upon which our rights are assumed to rest. In
forming your estimate, however, ot whatever may he its
intrinsic value you will not be insensu..' 9 *° fact,
that it is a compromise of extreme, vexatious a’’d con
flicting interests made in the spirit of peace, as an purr
ing to Ihe concord and tranquility of our common conn- I
">• to »»!* a our Representatives in Congress
voted for it. amLin such a spirit must we consider it,
whatever may be our final decision on the measure.
This adjustment, however, coincs to us., at least with this
compensation for the justice which it yet withholds—
that all that has been beneficially accomplished by it for
the counli v, is to be attributed to the action of this Con
vention, and the energy, decision, and love of Liberty,
ol that people, by whom our proceedings have been sus
tained. We may surely say this without an unworthy
vaunting, when the most able of our opponents, has borne
testimony to the truth of this fact.
It is greatly to he regretted, with a single view to the
harmony and repose of the country, that this adjustment
should be accompanied by the other measure to which
l have invited your attention.
If wo could regard the act, which provides by its title,
“for a more effectual execution of the revenue laws.”
but which, infacl, piovides for the coercion of a sover
cign State in this Union, as an empty defiance got up as
a mere salvo for the wounded pride, or to gratify a worse
passion of the Executive, vve might permit it silently to
pass by, with that reprobation with which, not posterity
alone, but at an early moment, a contcnipormj ugv, «iil
visit it, standing nnpotently as it will stand, a dead let
ter on our Statute Book,but *s a mere precedent engraf
ted on our Laws, it is of the most serious and p or
tentous import furnishing as itjdoes, the most unequiv
ocal evidence, that as far as the authority of the Law ex
tends (independently, thanks be to God, for the spirit of
a free people) by asingle act of legislation, the charact
er of our Government is changed and a military despo
tism placed at the disposal of the executive, when lie
shall determine in his own discretion, that a fit exiu
gency has arisen for its exercise. The broad usurpa
tion in this law of the right on the part of Congres to
coerce a Sovereign State in this Union, when this power
was solemnly withheld by the Convention, that formed
the Constitution, the utter anmhiliation of our jtidiciurv
in casesclearly within their exclusive jurisdiction, anil
the still more revolting circumstances that in obeying
the laws of their own State, and executing the mandates
of their own Courts, the lives of our citizens are placed
at the mercy of the standing forces of the Union, all con
cur to present an epoch in the public liberty of the
country, which ought not to be allowed to pass without
your animadversion. And you will permit me further
to remark* whether the adjustment of the Tariff be
deemed satisfactory or not that much remains fur vou to
do, in making of constitutional record in an enduring
form those great conservative principles, which have
borne us yet through this contest.to say nothing of the |
necessity of providing those securities which may in all
future time, command the fealty and obedience, of those i
who receive the protection of our laws.
\ou will now I tilist, allow me to refer lo a matter |
which is personal to myself. The distinguished station '
| I now occupy, I owe to the accidental circumstance of!
my having been U*c Chit f Magistrate of this State, v. 1: i j
the Convention first assembled*
Another individual now oil tiis floor fills that post. I j
feel that I am not alons payings proper deference to an
established and • valuable prep-dent) but a just homage
to superior personal claims and more eminent qualifica
tion, when I signify to the pretence es this Conventi n,
that it is my purpose,- alter tio reading of the corre.--
denco I now communicate, between the Commissioner
from Virginia and tlie public authorities of this State, to
resign this scat. a mk~
lu making this declaration, permit me to superadd to
it niv unfeigned ackno-.l -dgernents for your past kind
ness and confidence, and my fervent prayer, that the
God of ail mercy ami truth tnay so order and govern our
proceedings that they may rebound totlic liberty, peace,
ami happiness of our Country.
From mi: Ar. vhama Jointval.
GOVERNOR TROUP’S LETTER,
JJUed December 20, 1832.
Me. Mays Hoping your readers will be put in pos
session of the Lttcr of the above date, I shall content
myself with a fw remarks on it, leaving the public to fill
up for tlietnsel cs, what must bo wanting in this short
notice. TlirGovernor fully sustains his character as a
Statesman aid Patriot, not a word nor sentence can be
tortured or misconstrued from its obvious meaning. He
blinks no question—He shuns in responsibility—He
fearlessly meets every difficulty and attempts to point
out as with a sun beam the proper course to be pursued.
Tbo’ within a few hundred yards perhaps of the osten
sible author of the Proclamation, lie boldly and trium
phantly overturns with patriotic fin or almost every posi
tion taken in the document. You recollect how deli
cately last Session in a siiort letter he proved himself
the friend of General Jutkson on the subject of the Su
premo Court, yet now that the emergency requires it he
does not shrink from hr; duty—private friendship and
political enmity, seem to have nothing to do with the
opinions of this Patriot. As earnestly as Mr. Crawford
has laboured for a Fedora! Convention, and to whose
agency much must unquestionably he attributed in the
various movements made for its call, yet Gov. Troup
comes out firmly against t. His reasons are powerful
and truly alarming. Mind sir! lie does not refuse the
call from the sickly reasons which some have advocated,
namely,that the majority sre righteous and will do jus
tice ; tiiat the Government is doing- well enough ; no
the very reverse arc his reasons. It is because the op
pressed States arc in the minority. It is because the
majority will send them back despoiled of their sover
eignty of shorn of tiieir rights. For says he, “ the indi
cations of public sentiment at this moment are unerring
that an overwhelming majority favours a consolidated
Government, and it may behoove you in all wis !om to
prepare not for an improvement in your condition, hut
for a Crrsar and. the purple." This letter is written on
the heels of the President’s Proclamotion, in the midst
of the righteous majority at Washington City.
“ It may behoove you in all wisdom to prepare not for
an improvement of your condition, hut for a Cresar and
the purple !” What think ye Alabamians of tins.—
Are you prepared to began to think of this State of
tilings!—A riiaa who never deceived his countrymen
tells you. Georgians what think ye of the matter !
F.iends of Liberty what think Ve of a Crcsar and the
purple? lie asks “if that power, which decrees its
own supremacy perseveres to enforce it, must every
thing yield to force?” Here sir, is the great question
now to be solved by the Southern States and bv the
friends of State Rights. All minor points yield at tin
present crisis to what is involved in this question.
Hear the answer of the immortal Patriot to this question,
ye friends es Consolidation, ye friends of State Rights in
name, at least ye complacent gentlemen who condemn
only some minor points of Federal Legislation and the
Proclamation. Read his answer, and if there.are any
strong arm of power as set forth by the Proclamation
and the bill reported in the Senate by the Tariffitcs “to
repeal the Constitution,” and to establish the Sword in
its stead to govern us—let them read the answer,“Foret
may vanquish every thing—reason, right, truth, justice,
and it is because force may do so, that vve have created
barriers to detend. reason, right, truth, and justice.
These barriers arc the Sove reign States of this Union,
which whatever the old Federalists and monarchy men
may sav of them, were absolute Sovereign- son the Decla
ration of Independence, an Sovereigns now, and will re
main so until by the voluntary surrender of their sove
reignty, they please to mate themselves slaves, but I
trust of all who shall make hat surrender, Georgia will
be the last.”
Governor Troup does no make an unmeaning thing
of State sovereignty, a sounl by which Demagogues de
ceive but to betray, it is tot the “Will of The Wise ”
of the Political Charlatan! who clamour about State
I Rights and mean that wc fyve norcrnnd.es but force
~'je sword and the bayonet ind a master, in a President
no but the opinions of the majority. “ l’ or
exlraordiriv. ’ v alK * extreme ones (grievances) there is no
remedy but ilit. ereigii power of the States, and in ex
treme cases yau re). 9 ’ 0 )ourselves upon the sovereign
power for thq very rcuse.’ constitutional remedy
fails, i\ic. of the exercise of >. '‘R’h * s the sole judge,
because in this re-pect it is indepfc.'^ ent ns well as Sove
reign.” 'Pile idea that this action of sovereignty
will ho too frequently exercised, which is we’. 1 'mown to
he the great aid Icadingcty against the exercise m'.Nul
lification, is fully disprove!! by a variety of cogent rea
sons. He stems rather toidoubt from the oppressions
to which the States have n ready submitted whether it
does not require some frightful tyranny driving them to
despair, to drive them front the Union! He says “we
hear the cry of Union ! Ijnjon ! from all quarters as if
there were nothing in this world worth preservin'* but
Union ! So that the frienls of Liberty and Union mav
well doubt w hether the peiplo love liberty least or the
or the Union most.”
He eomplainsjustly of tlie manceiivres of factions ma
king 1 residents and overleaping the Constitution, spen
ding the peoples money, and doing all manner of tilings
never mtended by the framers ot the Constitution, ‘df
(says ae) a single State frettedand tortured by such ah
ominations shall by any unwise and hasty movement re
solve tt\shake off,” suppose for instance South Carolina
even adiliit the movement to be unwise and hasty, yet
he asks, Ms she to he bound neck and heels, and con
signed to \he care of Trcphonius or the Cvek ( >s ? The
aline, ■ universal answer is yes, jes! down with the Re
bels, down with the traitor State. But whose turn come
next.' A v\ry interesting question, one at least worth
something toN slave-holder; one worth at least somethin'*
to the fricrnk of the rights of the States. He says
“ extreme cas\g (and supposes many,) require ex
treme remedies, and if these are to be sought in the
power of the States, it is because the States, are sover
eign and uay protect and defend themselves.” Bit
does this consist wall that unity one and indivisible
claimed for the Unittd States as a nation? Certainly
not, “those who make the claim must make it good, for
ourselve wo protest against it as most wild extravagant
and lallacious. ’ —He di-olarcs tlie Government is the
strongest in the world,that it is the departureofthe (.Jen
etal Government from the,Constitution that has ever
brought about collisions, adl that tlie idea of coercin'*
Slates was an absurdity.” jit would take up too much
of your columns Mr. Edit* to go much into detail it
inay not bo nnii-s to uoticojtlmt the following distinct
proposition made by Goverlor Troup, covers the w hole
ground that any State Right man could assume “The
States in virtue of their soireiglity, when evils arte no
longer supportable, must julgej the cril and the remedy."
I lie whole letter abound}! with plain and undeniable
truths, and tlio'lie may not in theory < ,ury out hisopiu.
ions in the same train as ionic of the most eminent men
!:-v» done recently, yei inti, final result and cn the
fundamental principles of our Government there is nu
material difference of opinion. ! am glad that lie has
-poken out, and unless run worship hus carried away
our hopes and unices they prefer the mere cry of Union
to liberty itself, thc people will listen to thc opinion of
this "real .Statesman. ]f e is no aspirant ufte office, tlio’
confessedly one of thc Greatest amongst tiie Groat.
True to the Constitution, true to thc rights of the People,
they can listen to him without prejudice or passion, and
if they will, we may yet escap : “a Ctesar and the pur
ple.” ’ ' NO MONARCHIST.
, • iMwff iztftP&irkWi '-'C
.
AVI* STATE RIGHT’S ADVOCATE.
Mi LLEIK SEVILLE,'"
DC/ 3 We have ohs. rved, since wc christened our
paper, by the title of “ l'he Times,” that there are
several others of the same cognomen both North
and South efus. We have therefore thought pro
per to superadd, by way of distinction, “Georgia” to j
our head. The title of our paper is now, “ Georgia
Times, and State Right’s Advocate.”
The Governor’s Psendo-lacksonhm.
It would have amazed tis very much, if indeed any
thing could excite astonishment in these days of po‘
litical degeneracy, to hear of Governor Lumpkin’s
reconversion to Jacksonism. We have learned with
Horace and Randolph nil admirari. Two years
ago, when Mr. Calhoun published his cotrespond
cnce with Gen. Jackson with a view to repel the
charges of duplicity'and baseness, which the subsi
dized presses so unceasingly made upon his conduct
while Secretary at war, in the Seminole alliiir, thc
present Governor of this-State, then a member of
Congress, was as'prodigal of his censure and denun
ciation of Gen. Jackson’s illiberal and ruthless per
secution of Mr. Calhoun as he is now lavish of his
commendation of thc President for his treacherous
attempt to undermine the liberties of the people, and
to exterminate those principles which elevated him
to the Presidency.
Thc Governor is marvellously fond of discoursing
about Republicanism before the faces of those whom
he knows to be attached to its principles, and never
fails to pronounce their eulogy. We should be
pleased to know what had become of his republican
.~..»u0u, mitiaiug tmr mis
sionaries, he runs riot in bis laudations of the most
corrupt and I'cdcral administration that ever breath
ed from its pestilent lungs upon a free people.
here were his views of Republicanism ? They
must have been in bis heels not in his head. Where
were his former opinions of Gen. Jackson’s malig
nant and disingenuous conduct towards Mr. Cal
houn ? Has lie so soon forgotten his reproaches of
thc former and his praises of the latter ? What has
occurred to change his opinions of either, except
Gen. Jackson’s treason in endeavouring to involve
thc country in a civil war to wreak his vengeance
upon that distinguished and persecuted statesman,
to whom Gov. Lumpkin was formerly so much at
tached, both personally and politically. We use his
own words. The change cannot have resulted from
any revolution in Mr. Calhoun’s personal or political
character. lie was then what he is now. The man
and his political opinions were as well known to
Governor Lumpkin then as now.
What powerful motive could have operated upotl
the mind of Gov. Lumpkin, who was so devotedly
attached both personally and politically to Mr. Cal
houn and so sickened and disgusted with the foul
machinations of Jackson and his Pet, to produce so
unexpected a change in his opinions ? Has the Gov
ernor laved his mind in the waters of Euripus,which
ebbs and flows seven times in a day ? Was it to
step into the Curule Chair that he thus shamelessly
abandoned bis old personal and political friend and
seeks now to degrade him as a man and a states
man ! Is mortal capable of such dissimulation ?
Docs the breast ofunan harbor such insincerity ?
- „ . “ Sincerity,
I hou first of virtues ! let no mortal leave
The onward path, although the earth should oape,
Au<l from the gulf of hell destruction cry, 0
To take dissimulation's winding way.” * *
Carolina Convention.
I iio Convention of South-Carolina met on tlic
11th ins Land proceeded to tlie consideration of the
mediation of A irginia, for whicli purpose that body
was convened. 'J'iie Committee of 21 have repor
ted favorably and drawn up an Ordinance rescind
ing that of their late Convention, nullifying the Ta
nfl laws. The reasons assigned in the Report arc
the gradual reduction of the Tariff to the revenue
standard w hich Mr. Clay's hill provides for, and the
distinct abandonment of the protective principle.—
I'he amount of present reduction and the time fixed
(or 1,10 adoption of the revenue standard of duties do
n, ; : 1,1 thc entire approbation of the Com
mittee, hut to evince their love of union and harmo
ny and to repel the slanderous imputations of their
enemies, they have agreed to sacrifice something of
ih''ir in!* rests to restore the government to its equal
ity mid purity and thus save commotion and blood-1
shed, in which they were charged to be ea£, r .
volvc the country. The Report is full 0 f kj,
and moderation. We copy Gen. Hamilton’s
upon resigning the Presidency of the Convent;,
It is short, but it is fluent of eloquence and
triotic feeling. Gov. Haync was elected P a ,
of the Convention.
T!k* passage of the Tunip yrc Bii ,
ITark to the knell! whoso frightful beat anj
the premature decay and sudden fall 0 f At V
Liberty! Its last sad funeral note has been
in the proud dome and lofty capitol of thc most'
mising and aspiring nation, whose name is rt .
in the annals of time. The last terrible pj
echoes thro’ every vale of this extensive butill-f
Empire. It is with a sorrowful heart that ire'
nouncc the mournful and appalling event that
Liberty of man is stricken to death and lies u
the dust!
What would the Fathers of the glorious Btj
tion of ’76 have thought, if, upon the day the.
auspicious and the most pregnant of impLnant,
sequences in all time, it had been told to them
listening to the patriot eloquence of Jefferson,
but a little more than the half of a century hence
the liberty of that people whom they had freed J
he subverted and destroyed—that it should J
we are no longer free ! Like Cassandria, the J
loved of Apollo, a man might have uttered tj
phecy, but not even youthful credulity or the J
gloomy disciple of that sect of Philosophers, J
dulge in doubts and misgivings of the stability*
human concerns, would have lent a seriouse*
the prediction. Yet upon this day and inurl
before the living witnesses of the scenes oftliclfl
lutiou have rested from their labors mid been cat*
ed with their fathers, the dreadful, the appall™*
lieart-rcudingintelligence is received, “Libera*
more !” Oh ! ill-fated hour which witn«*
distraction ! May the day, which marked the*
sage of thc Hill of Blood, be blotted out fmnniie*
endar of Time ! May it descend to thc A ■
darkness and he forever engulphed in Dfl
stream I B
Wc have just enjoyed our liberty sufficient!jfl
to have learned its value, and it is now nnnhifl
and scattered to the four w inds of'Heaven. lH
cau wc do to restore it ? How shai! ne
destruction? On whom shall the guiltufyH
death descend ? Shall thc lasting and
proa.-h of such a crime !>c laid to the
South? Forbid it Heaven! Let the order
ter and light he converted into chaos
terror reign every where, so wc but
In ■nor. diameter and patriotism of the
I rum the guilt of the destruction of thc
man: vvnat was it mat lead to tliis
event ? The infuriate passion of the
the l nion. It is he then upon whom tlr:
blood must descend.
Eook back and then forward. I
The session of Congress just closed in ivß
transpired so much that is extraordinary irß
amplcd, will not be forgotten io the latest pB
I he names of those men, who madly urged tB
tion of sanguinary measures to repress cfl
plaints of the South against the arbitrary B
quitous legislation of Congress and who wcnß
to quench with fire and sword thc spirit ofiiß
mong our people, arc doomed to ail infamous®
'lying fame. The time rapidly approachesß
the minds of men will be exempt from conß
and divested of all those prejudices which spiß
in the bosom ol the multitude, attaching toB
men, and reason will be then left free to B
tuose fatal delusions into which the people harl
beguiled by a high but misplaced confidence!®
public servants. Justice, even-handed justi*
unco more elevate her lofty balance and di*
to each actor in the scenes that have past lit®
reward to which his deeds may entitle him. *
then will be found those slavish minions of *
who would have bartered Liberty itself 'B
spoils of Office. B
The moment has arrived when the people ■
determine to act for themselves or slavery*®
gradation must mark their future destiny. Tltß
which they are hereafter to tread may he one®
ry and renown or it may lead them to infant®
shame. Will they not mark it well before tit®
print their footsteps upon it ? Ought 111°.'"®
s urvey calmly every inch of ground before ts*
go the moorings of safety, when danger and *®
ty threaten them with thc heaviest calami!)*
can befal a free and happy jieople? Surely®
will look to thc preservation of the Rights
States whole and uncrippled, as the only s' l ®
they have for the restoration of their
tratc Liberties. fl
Van [tui'cn at thc helm I
I low easily we can discover the wand oft ll *®
gician. Had we not known that Aan Huron *
Washington,' wc should have found it out upon®
ing the Inaugural Address of the President®
Papers begin to present a double-face agan ~ - ■
thing for and something against republican P®
pics—something in favor of Federalism
thing in opposition. Such wasthecharad' 1 I
executive ]iapcr.intcjidedforthc peopl«M* suc
Mr. Van Ihireii's residence in W ashin,- ,on
So soon as he departed there was a progro **
steady march towards thc doctrines ol E