Newspaper Page Text
I decision* of the Supreme Court by force and arms*
,1,18 difficulty has arisen out of the passage of a bill
i-i a blot upon our statute book, and which I think
. rcssed upon Congress for tile sole purpose of grati
, the b»d passions of weak and wicked men. You
j"receive further particulars hereafter. At present,
■ consternation and confusion in both cabinets. Si
'eand secrecy arc the watch words. But they shall
sail, 1 promise.
The Spy is Washington.
Xot so fast, if you please.
v Washington Globe will insist upon it that the
p ] c of Georgia are under obligations to General
L> n for his espousal of their cause upon the ln-
icontroversy. It is the first time we have learn
cftcially, that the President regards the discharge
his Executive duties as a special favor, and
;re he allows a suspension, as in our case, we
indulged, in his opinion, ought to make a grate
md submissive return. If this be not the mean
of the Official, the only reasonable construction
tit will bear is, that the President has not dis
rfred his duty and thus the people are to be in
to him for the extension of his indulgence and
icarance at thu expense of a flagitious violation
; s oath. Georgia never has and never will ask
nor of the President, because there are none
c h h»* can bestow upon her. and if there were, we
t that sht? is too high-minded and independent to
K r hands with the cords of gratitude. All Geor
doiros is an acknowledgement of her rights and
privilege of exercising them, which the Presi
; can neither give nor take away. It seems that
i. Jackson has been coaxed into the belief that it
favor to discharge the official duties of his sta-
M d that he is at liberty to exert or withhold
cutive action at pleasure. What gratitude can
State owe to Gen. Jackson as President? None,
a degrading and slavish doctrine and should be
ned down by every friend of liberty. Lay a
e under a debt of gratitude, if the position of the
:ial is a good one, and you make her people neu
or passive followers of whatever arbitrary mea
s the President may choose to pursue.
the southern bv\m:u.
ic have read witli a great deal of attention the
v ui the Southern Bunn* r, devoted to ourselves.
did not receive that paper, until the evening bc
our own went to press, and therefore have but
time to reply to so w .de a field of discussion as
Editors of the Banner have occupied in meeting
>oiats which we proposed for their considera
and which were narrowed down to a few sim
ucstions. It docs seem to ns, from tiie chasten
ine of the Banner that it has said much, which
ould willingly retract, but that it is too late. Wc
ot hereby mean to question the honesty of the
ical principles which have governed the editors
e Banner in the conduct of that paper, but sim
to urge upon them the impropriety, nay injustice
icirown State and to the whole South, whose
est', feelings and principles are so closely idem
I, of rendering so much homage and heaping so
censure upon the President for the abandon
t of principles, which the Editors of the Banner,
n fullness of patriotic feeling, declare their de
lation to sustain at the hazard of their lives, if
be, that the extremity should come.
r e ask the Banner to point us to the time, when
lights of the States were ever in more irnmi
hazard ? Was it in’9B ? It cannot be.—
laws, then passed by Congress and which
ck at the root of liberty, were annulled by' the
onerful influence of that fiat of destruction
:li the Banner now so furiously, and we must be
wed to add, without designing offence, blindly
igns to irretrievable ruin. We did not find fault
i the Banner for its grateful sense of Gen. Jack
s services to his Country. Noflt was not : n our
it to do so. We complained only of such un
lificd laudations of his public conduct at other
oils, passing over his late treachery (we can not
■ ita milder name, but could a much harsher one)
ilcnce, and venting indiscriminate censure upon
>e who undertook to combat his Federal doctrines
to expose the malignant spirit which had engen
id them. This was the complaint wc uttered a
istthe Banner which we then thought was just,
we have not been able to find much in its dc-
*of itself to mollify it in any great degree,
lutfor our motto, nil admirari , we should scarce
st faith in our own senses revealing to us the
page of the Banner whicli sets Gen. Jackson’s
practical opinions in opposition to his spccula
notions of our government. It can not be that
Banner is serious in this belief. Where, wc
a i a--;. the conflict between his practical and
iillative opinions. The Proclamation, the Ban
seems to admit, contains his speculative doc
es, then surely his message calling, upon Gou
ts to cloathe him with authority to reduce S.
'olina to obedience to tyrannous oppression,
st contain his practical opinions. Do they con
■ The Banner will not hazard its reputation for
Sernment by affirming that they do. The priuci
iot both are the same. But the Banner may
deny that the message is practical. Will it de
bat a law is so? Has not the President signed
Force Bill, embodying every principle both of
Proclamation and the message? JFould the
Banner have us believe that the President took
Ibis pains to procure the passage of that Bill for
tr speculative purposes? Does it think the sta
! vox,et praetcrca nihil? Do not insult the un
standings of the people, if you have lost all re
d for their rights and liberties.
"® ha ;e only replied to a small part of the no
• taken of us in the Banner, and shall reserve
at we have to say farther in reply for our next
)cr - By-the-by we hail the appearance of the
Bner >*n att enlarged and new dress.
The Georgia Jouraal
m 'tilth the hare and holds with the hounds.’
e can not subscribe either to (he principles or
policy of the Journal, if their last paper furnish
tr| ie standard of their political course. We
lu °l no cunningly devised scheme so well suited
bewilder and mislead the people as a middle
lrse in the principles and policy by which our
'eminent should be regulated. This seems
w the determined purpose of the Journal. Wc
cot deny the right of that paper to pursue the
lrse its own judgment may dictate, but wc have
equal right to admonish the people of the dan
i following such timid counsellors, and we are
'lately determined to exercise it all hazards,
here are hut two sides to this question. In the
!S( , al difficult and nngcrous crisis,no vacillation,
rolling from side to side, can be tolerated. The
' 11:1,11 ‘ s > are you for or against us? Be fearless
candid, that we may put our trust in you or
bui,aw our confidence. Have the States sove
■o bights ! Have the States the power to abro
' altw which they deem unconstitutional? Has
the Federal government unlimited, discretionary
control over the States? Has Congress the power
to make war upon the States ami coerce their obe
dience to the mandates of an arbitrary government*
There is no middle ground between the affirmance
ol these lights on one side and the negation of them
on the other. The Rights of the States are not
derived from the Constitution, and we can not look
to that instrument for the particular cases in which
they may exercise them, nor for their extent or lim
itation, when a State decides to resist oppression by
virtue of them. If the power to resume her sove
reignty, which has been violentlv assailed and un
righteously abacted, exists in one instance, it belongs
to her in all cases. This is an undeniable and sim
ple position, and must either be affirmed or denied
by every man who pretends to any knowledge of
our government.
But the Journal seems to he more disposed to fol
low than adhere to principles. This is no un
fair inference from the article upon which we are
commenting. It still retains its confidence in Gen.
Jackson, and sustains his course as far as it dare
do in Georgia. Ihe Journal yet professes to be
in doubt as to the character of the late views of the
administration, whether they really be Federal or
Republican. It shall speak for it itself. “But he
(the I resident) is said to have since proved recreant
to the principles that won the confidence of the Re
publicans of this country, and gone over to the Fed
eral Consolidationists. If this be so. it is plain his
iriends can not follow him.” Here is a doubt so
strongly expressed, which taken in connection with
the tone of the entire article, as to amount to a total
disbeliefof the President’s apostacy? Can any sin
cere, true believer in the Republican doctrines doubt
for a moment, that Gen. Jackson, has been regular
ly confirmed in the membership ofthe Federal Church
It can not be, that such doubts do suspend the judg
ment ot the great body of the people.
The Journal says, we ought not to pronounce a
hasty sentence against an old friend. las it been
more speedy than the emergency of the case deman
ded? The same rule can not govern us in our pub
lic relations as in our private friendships. It would
he treachery to ourselves and to the country, to
practise upon the maxims of private life in our pub
lic conduct. But we deny that the sentence is a
hasty one. Gen. Jackson has furnished the plainest
and most satisfactory evidence from his own pen of
his guilt, and we have pronounced sentence upon
the strength of that testimony. Was not this fair?
The presen leading supporters of the administration,
instead of denying have confirmed the justice of the
judgment.
The Journal says farther, that the President should
bo judged by his measures. llow else could we
conclude upon the character of his administration,
hut by his measures? We have only tried him by
his measures acted upon, and do we err in affirming,
that John Adams himself never was more Federal
in his principles than Gen Jackson? The Journal
makes very light of the doctrines of the Proclama
tion. It says, Gen. Jackson does not stop to weigh
such matters in golden scales, like Mr. Adams. Is
this language for a Republican Editor in Georgia to
indulge in, when the State is in the jaws of this mon
ster Proclamation? The Journal never had much
confidence in Jackson’s polemics! Does that print
regard the principles of our government of no great
er magnitude—of no other use than to he a subject
of polemics? Have they no practical utility? Are
they powerless in the preservation of liberty? Do
we examine into them only ns a matter of amuse
ment or excitement? If this be the Republicanism
of the Journal, it is not worth the naming.
The Journal says that the consolidation principles
were admittedinto the Proclamation without much
scrutiny. Does the President ofthe United States
take up opinions of our government, which involve
all the rights of man, without any examination,
whether they he right or wrong? Is this really the
Opinion of the Journal? Ifso.it is more degrading
to the President and to the Union than every other
wicked act of his life. The excuse is far worse than
the act itself. But is it true that the opinions
of the Proclamation were taken up without consid
eration or examination? ’• hat document itself tells
us differently. Wc must all know that its doctrines
were deliberated upon for months previous to ts ap
pearance. The position that Carolina would as
sume was well understood long before her ordinance
of nullification was passed. But admit that the
Proclamation was hastily digested, what becomes of
the principles of the message which succeeded it?
Was there not sufficient time between the appear
ance of the two for a careful examination? Are
not the doctrines of both identically the same? Did
not the President in his message ask Congress to
carry out his principles into practice? And were
they’not acted upon? It is needless to attempt to
excuse the President. There can be no apology for
the violation of the Constitution and the annihilation
of the Rights of the States.
The Journal derives great consolation from the
Inaugural Address, and says every republican must
approve it. That <pceeh acknowledges that the
States have Rights. Every Republican will coincide
with that doctrine, and so will every Federalist.
But has the President told us what those Rights are?
Has he defined them at all in his speech? He has
not. JFiiat consolation then can we draw from his
Inaugural Address? The Federal papers have all
lauded that speech, and they arc entirely satisfied
with it. fFe arc sorry that the Journal worships in
the Temple of Janus. Wc did not intend when wc
set out to say so much, and we have not said half
what we could say upon the course of the Journal.
We can not be silent,when the best of our people are
hood-winked and made a prey to the worst; when
our government is in a corrupt, decaying State;
when our liberties arc vended and the people en
slaved, and no man safe, who will not practise the
evil and infamous means of flatten' and bribery to
sustain himself. The man, who docs not acknow
ledge his principles and sustain them to the extent
thathc is able, will incur guilt equal to that of Judas.
ittore ISiirKiuK!
A few weeks ago, we announced (rather than
publish a communication relating toil) the hanging
and burning of Mr. Forsyth’s effigy, at Hillsborough.
Wc then said we did not approve ofthe mode of dis
pleasure, which it manifested: we have since re
ceived a communication from Laurens, describing a
similar exhibition by many of the citizens of that
county, of the same individual, and also ot Mr.
Wayne. Although we respect the source from
whence it comes, yet we reserve our right to with
hold the communication. It is sufficient to be known
that these two individuals arc branded with the mark
of the strongest censure, which disappointed con
stituents can inflict upon their faithless Senator and
sentutivc.
FRESHET.
In the last week, rain has descended iti torrents,
and raised the rivers and- recks to a great height.
' he Oconee at this place, was near the highest wa
ter mark, and the Ocmulgee, at Macon, was as high
as we have known it. We have heard of conside
rable injury of Bridges swept away, and other de
struction of projierty. The most material, was a
part from the centre of the Macon Bridge, caused
by a boat having broke loose from above, and lodg
ed against it, which forcced it to give way. Passage
across the river at that place, is now effected by a
cotton box converted into a flat. The regular arrival
of the mails was stopped, but they are again running.
This will account for many of our papers not coming
duly to hand last week.
Executive .nomination.
J. P- Henry, Esq. was nominated as Navy Agent
for Savannah, which has been confirmed by the Se
nate.
JIDGE CLAI'TOn.
We find in the United States Telegraph, an able
and eloquent speech of our distinguished and faith
ful representative, Judge Clayton. It covers nearly
eleven columns of the Telegraph. We shall take
great pleasure in laying it before our readers as soon
as we possibly can. Speeches, such as Judga Clay
tons, can be read with interest and advantage long
after the occasion which called them forth lias pass
ed away.
THE BOO.\-C,UF.
If the President really designed to be just and true
to the Republican party, as some will insist that he
did, be has fallen far short of the mark. We can
not search into his bosom for the hidden impulses
which moved him to beat down so unmercifully the
land-marks of principle, and can only arrive at our
conclusions by an examination of his acts. Is there
any justice or honesty, as they stand out exposed to
the naked view, upon the face of them ? The An
cients in their Iconography paint Justice in the fe
male shape with a fillet over her eyes—with the
sword of retribution in one hand—with the equipois
ed balance in the other—with a brilliant luminary
shining upon her bosom, as the just representation
of her snow-white purity—with a calm, hut coura
geous countenance—sitting in the midst of the tomes
of eternal truth, as the guide of her judgments—and
to complete the picture, with the horn of Amalthca.
the emblem of prosperity and plenty, placed by her
side. Can the President realize the resemblance to
this portrait in his breast ? Has he placed a ban
dage over his eyes and looked not upon men, when
he pronounced judgment upon principle? Has he
not trampled upon the sword and the balance and
grasped with violence and treachery the cadeceus
and the purse ? Has not the grim visage of war and
Tyranny, in the place of serenity and moderation,
imprinted itself upon every act of lus life, when op
position rose up to thwart his ambitious views?—
Does the sun of truth illume his bosom ? Or is he
guided by the light of her decisions,shed upon a pure
and lofty mind ? Has he not aided in the oppres
sion of our people and sought to bring desolation and
misery upon the South ? This is our President, and
yet lie is called just and honest. Impious profanation!
Degrade not those terms by bestowing them upon
the hungry wolf!
SOUTH CAROLINA.
The Convention of South Carolina has adjourned
after repealing her Ordinance of Nullification and
responding in cordial and respectful terms to the
mediation of Virginia. The Convention reiterates
the attachment of the State to the Union and re
minds Virginia, that in the great contest which Ca
rolina has waged with the general government, that
she has but acted upon those conservative princi
ples of the Federative System, which gained that
Mediator State so much honor in the conservation of
the Rights of the States and the preservation of the
Constitution. The Convention makes known the
resolution of the State to stand by Virginia in all
contests, which involve those great principles for
which she has long fought and in whose defence she
has so gloriously triumphed.
The Governor in the Proclamation of the Ordi
nance requires that the foliowing oath shall be taken
bv all the officers of the State government, before en
tering upon the discharge of their several duties :
“1 declare myself a citizen of the free and Sovereign
state of South Carolina ; l declare that my allegiance is
due to the said state, and hereby renounce and abjure all
other allegiance incompatible therewith, and I will be
true and faithful to the said State, so long as I continue
a citizen thereof : So help me God.
11. 1.. Pinckney, Esq.
We take this method of returning our thanks to
Mr. Pinckney of S. Carolina for his pamphlet, re
viewing the Proclamation of the President and the
measure adopted by him to enforce the execution of
the revenue laws. Ihe Pamphlet comprises the en
tire numbers of the communications which appeared
in the columns of the Chs. Eve. Post under the signa
ture of “a S.Carolinian.” We read them as they
appeared and were struck with the ability and elo
quence with which the false and arbitrary positions
of the Executive were refuted and the principles of
the Constitution vindicated. There are few men in
the Southern country to whom the people of the
anti-tariff States are more indebted for the'decrease
of our burdens and the restoration of our rights than
Mr. I’iucney, and we hope there is sufficient room
in every bosom for impartial justice to give him his
full share of credit for the overthrow ot the Ameri
can System.
HR. CUT.
Mr Clay has sinned ; but he has made some n
toncment hv his magnanimous and tearless aban
donment ofthe protective system when he saw that
its existence would certainly dissolve the Union and
plant the standard of civil war in the heart of our
country. He deserves, and we hope will receive
the gratitude of the Southern people for the sacrifice
which he made of his popularity upon the altar of
peace and concord. Bad motives are assigned to
this good and memorable action of Mr. Clay. Wc
are of a different opinion. We believe that he was
incited by the loftiest patriotism and that no selfish
consideration prompted him to pursue the course he
did. Wo have thought that the genius, the good
spirit which presides over the destiny of our Repub
kc, like the two angels who descended from Heaven
upon the mountains ol the Moon, where Mahom
et slept, plucked from his bosom the black bean
from which all the evil of his nature was supposed
to spring, and washed his heart in snow, has in like
manner enured the mind of Mr. Cmy and cleansed
it of its impurities. We feel inclined to do him
all the honortnd reverence to which his late patri
otic services to eminently entitle him at our hinds.
Foreign Hews.
The only fore ign intelligence, worthy of note*
brought by the latest arrivals from Europe, is the
information, given in a letter to the Editor of the
London Times, that orders had been received from
the Dutch government, by the commandment of the
Dutch fleet in the Scheldt, to allow the vessels of
every Nation to pass up and down the river, except
those bearing the British, French and Belgian fugs.
This order is said to be unconditional. It is hardly
probable that those governments will submit to this
exclusion. The measure*, however, is alledged to be
retaliatory on the part of the King of Holland.
The collection of the rents seems to have pro
duced some disturbance in Ireland, which made it
necessary to call out the military. Nothing serious
is likely to come of it. The excitement was partial
and must necessarily be short lived.
The contest between the North and South upon
the Tarifl’question seems to have excited considera
ble interest in Paris. Much speculation was indulg
ed as to the mode which would he adopted for the
final settlement of our differences. Great reliance
seems to have been placed upon Gen. Jackson’s mili
tary address to silence all the discontents ofthe mi
nority. Thus, we see what ideas first strike the sub
jects of a Monarchy, when people complain of op
pression—the res •rt to the argument of the sword,
to restore harmony raid contentment. This mode
may suit slaves, but not freemen.
We are put in possession of the intelligence by the
Charleston papers whicb| arrived last night, that War
had brok"n out jbetwei n France aud Russia. The in
formation came from London, by the way of Havana.
[From the Alabama Journal.]
The “bloo.ly Bill” has passed both branches of Con
gress. If there was any step In tier calculated than any
other to keepalive the ill feelings that now exist in the
country, and produce hostility, it was the adoption of
this Bill, it was wholly uncalled for by the existing
state of things. It is a gross outruge upon the rights
and sovereignty of the States, and does equit violence to
the spirit of tire Constitution and the genius of our Go
vernment. It is emphatically a Bill Mo subvert the sov
ereigntv of the States of this Union—to establish a con
solidated Government, without limitation of powers, and
to make the civil subservient to the military power."
Whether the people of the respective States will sub
mit to hold their rights at the discretion of any single
individual, remains yet to ho seen. The Government
hag never passed an act, which exposes the rights and li
berties ot the people to such emininent peril as this Bill
does. The riot act of Great Britain, which was passed
to enable the King to disperse the riotous and disorder!}
mobs, which occasionally collect in the popolous cities,
confers but little more power than this “revt nuc collec
tion Bill”does. It completely arms the President with
the land and naval forces of the Government, that hi
may enforce every act, however unconstitutional and op
preseive they may be, which an interested majority in
Congress may pass!
If this Bill should be engrafted upon the statute Book
of the country, and receive the sanction ofthe people, it
requires no prophet to fortcll the fate of our republican
institutions. The Constitution will be buried, and the
Government will become whatever the President aud the
majority in Congress may will.
[From the Va. Times and Jeffersonian.]
Tlicfiftli section.
This potion of the Bloody Bill is like to become,
to Georgia, more tcrribl-■ than the “2d section,” of which
we have all heard so much—and which in past time fur
nished Mr. Ritchie with such a fruitful theme for ridi
cule and abuse of Jackson. By ttie bye. we should like
to know what the Editor thinks of the “2d section” now.
Has he changed his opinions about that too? or dots it
savour as much of the “ ignoramus” and “ Tyrant ” as
ever ?
We re-publish ths sth section, in order that our friends
in Georgia may see how much they are indebted to Atr.
Forsyth’s hatred of South Carolina. If Jackson and
Van Huron could give the whole State a Foreign mis
sion, or a seat in the Cabinet, the thing would not be so
had. But as it is, Georgia is certainly in a bad way.
It will be seen that the sth section utterly abolishes her
courts, and puts her nose to the grindstone. Fine and
Imprisonment’'] ? Take care Mr. Lumpkin !
“Sec. 5. And be it farther enacted. That either of
the justices of the Supreme Court, or either of the jud
ges of the district courts of the United States, in addi
tion to the authority already conferred on them bv law,
shall have power to grant writs of habeas corpus iri all
cases of a person or persons in jail or confined, where he
or they shall have been commuted or imprisoned in pur
suance ofanv sentence of any State court for any act
done in pursuance of the revenue laws of the United
States, or any order, process, or decree, of any judge or
Court of the United Slates; any thing in anv act of Con
gress to the contrary notwithstanding. And if any per
son shall disobey the commands of said writ of habeas
corpus, be shall be adjudged guilty of a misdemeanor,
and on conviction thereof, may he fined not exceeding
six thousand dollars, and imprisoned not exceeding three
years, at the discretion of the court.”
Deferred A rtides.
FROM THE T. S. TELEGRAPH.
Mr. Randolph tells his old constituents that he is
willing to come to Congress and see that their “ head
man does not cheat them.” He ought to know that
our “head man” has got past “ cheaterv.” We have
been cheated so fu'ly and openly, that it iias embold
ened him. We have been cheated about reform. We
have been cheated about appointing members of Con
gress to office—about serving a second term—about
Executive Officers interfering with the freedom ©f
elections—about the tariff’—but as he has cheated
both parties, wc will forgive that;—he has cheated
us about his republican principles and his regard for
State Rights—but as that is about to kill, politically,
him aud his, we are strongly tempted to pass over
even that. But it is impossible to forgive his pre
sent attempt to rob the people of their rights and
liberties, and murder under the scmblanca of law,
our fellow-citizens, acting under the authority of a
State.
| From the Aigvsta Courier.]
DECENCY!!
“Georgia will sec them [the nullifiers] in hell before
she will join any such a set of damn’d rascals.”
We give it up. When the pious Jerebomn Goliali
Mcwhortcr is induced to exclaim in such pathetic
terms that Georgia is not in favor of nullification, it
must be so.
We would only request the gentleman to correct
the falsehood which he published with regard to the
Jackson Resolutions in the Alabama Legislature
more than 12 months ago, which he refused to do
at the time. If he will do this, he will have an ad
ditional chitn on the public credence. It must
have been an oversight—as a man capable of using
such polished and pauu language as the above speci
men would uot designedly misrepresent any thing,
Ala. Times and Jeffersonian, j
[F,em the \orth Western Car.vino rt.]
M T MEN.”
There Is no safety for liberty in a Government
without blacks: give unlimited power to any man, or
to any set of men;, and it will not be lent* he sere you
see it grossly abused. These abust s \v;a cuniuac to
increase until the people can no longer bear thrfn,
and then revolution must follow. Owing to the want
of proper checks, the government of Ancient Rome,
from the foundation of the city to the usurpation of
Augustus, say 724 years, underwent no less than
eleven changes,—one change in about every 65
years. Owing to the want of these checks, the Re
public of Venice, experienced a convulsion of the
people, about once in every fifteen or twenty years,
until it was finally overthrown:—in fact, without sale
and poweiful checks, no government can be kept
within the limits at first prescribed to it. A know
ledge of tills fact, taught by the bloody pages of his
tory, made Patrick Henry exclaim, on seeing the
Federal Constitution, “W here are your checks, your
checks.* The Republican party contended that the
States are the checks.—and under this idea the
Constitution was adopted. But how is it now? We
are told that the States can furnish no checks
against usurpations of Congress, and that the Major
ity of Congress is the only check. General Jackson
tells us that he is the check—and the Supreme Court,
is, by others, set up the check; —but we see what
kind of checks these are, —against their own abuse
of powers, and this is the quarter from which the
danger comes.
The Union will never be in danger from the States
for the reason that the States have an interest in
preserving the Uuion; but the danger comes frpm
the Federal Government which always is struggling
to get more power,—says Dr. Johnson, “ Power is
always stealing from the many to the few.’' And
the only salvation for the few is always to be watch
ful of their rights.
“ Pkincikles, not Men,” should be the maxim.
Manworship, is as fatal to Liberty, as Idolatry is
to true Religion.
“ The Spy in Washington,” in an account of the
debate in the Senate, on the introduction of Clay’s
Bill, says:—“ Mr. Forsyth, in what appeared to be
a prepared speech, opposed granting the leave ask
ed. I refer you to his speech. Respect for him, as a
Senator of the United States, pr eludes comment.
All eyes were placed upon him. Astonishment was
depicted in almost every countenance. Dissatisfac
tion, for the moment, was seen lowering upon every
brow.’—No wonder that in his second speech “ the
Honorable Senator” said that lie felt himself most
awkwardly situated, assailed b\ both parties— fired
upon from boih sides of his ditch at the same time,
—poor thing!
Wiiliain .IrfllTMin .louts,
ATTOfINEY AT I.AW,
VET 11,1, still continue to practice I.aw. Any business con
* * filled to iiis management will be promptly ud f.tilhftilly
attended to. Miliedgeville, March 22. ISSS.
IDAtTii IIDMItV.
rjxHK undersigned having entered into -o-par ersbip in
* the above line of business, at the stand recently occu
pied by JONHS Hi MH’KI.KJOIIN, on Wayne Street, ip
posite the Masonic Hall, will conduct the game under the
name and style of
Cook s feickiejohn.
They will keep constantly on hand a general assortment of
snch articles as are usually found in establishments of this
kind, and they use every exertion in procuring the best. At
tached to this establishment, is a spacious billiard room and
s good Table, which will be kept open every day and night
(Sundays excepted,) lor the aociT.mudaii nos those whir
may please to cali. THOS. M. HOOK,
ROBT. MICKIjRJOHN.
Milledgevillc, March 27. I”—7w
•Macon Hook Minitcrfj,
tnllß subscribers haying pmeured a patent Hiding Mcbirte,
and supply of a'l articles necessary f>-r carrying on their
business extensively, are able to execute blank bn k work
for any pattern of Ruling or binding. Also, the binding f
I'rinteA books, in any style, with neatness and despatch.
The patronage ofthe citizens of Macon and the surrounding
country, is respectfully solicited.
March 20 JOHN CLARK tfc CO.
.V. •IBeUIIHIIEPS
LOTTERY AMD EXCHANGE OFFICE,
MILLEDGE VILLE, GEO.
THE foMowintr are the drawn numbers of the NEW
VOItM CONSOLIDATED LOTTERY, Class No. 4
for 1533-
y 0—6—41—57-4—432 —42—31—61.
Whole ticket. No. 4 —42—43, being the sth, bth nnd Ktb
numbers, drawn from tho wheel, a prize of FIFE HUN
DRED DOLL-IDS The fortunate holder of the ticket can
get the cash hy applying for it.
Great .Veir- Scheme.
$40,000 FOR SHI.
NEW-YORK CONSOLIDATED LOTTERY, Class No.
5 for 1H33. The Drawing is expected at McGchee’s Office
on the 11th or 12th of April.
40,000
GREAT SCHEME
CO Number Lottery--1© Drawn Ralloti.
1 Prize of 40,000 Dolls.
1 “ 10.000 Dolls.
1 « “ 5,100 Dolls.
J “ “ 3,000 Dolls.
20 OF 1000 20,000
20 “ “ 500 is 10,000
40 “ “ 360 is 12,000
36 « “ 200 is 7,200
56 « “ 100 is 5,600
5(5 “ “ 80 is 4,480
112 “ “ 50 is 5,600
112 “ “ 40 is 4,480
224 “ “ 30 is 6,720
1960 “ “ 24 is 47,040
15400 “ “ 12 is 184,800
18,040 prizes, amount]rfg to $306,080
1 RICE OF TICKETS.
Wi«ole- Diii-HaimliMlr.arlere *2 50.
i'lizcs cashed, and prompt aiteriti m p id lo orders, at
N. MiGLHEK’S
Lottery iV Exchange Office.
MilledgeviUe Mireho7, IWJ. ’