Newspaper Page Text
Ml SC EL LA ItOlS.
From the Xcw-York Commercial Advertiser.
“ Well it's time you had. —Mise Sarah Arm
Webster, of Philadelphia, lately communica
ted to the editor of the Philadelphia Gazette,
the fact of her mairiage with Mr. Jonathan
S. Paul, a gentleman oCuhat city. On the
publication of the notice, Mr. Paul, imme
diately made a public statement that no such
marriage had or was likely to take place.
We suppose Miss Webster was actuated by
the same motives as Miss Ursula Wolcott, but
her efforts were not crowned with the same
success. Bet ween the Wolcott and Griswold
families in Connecticut, there existed a remote
relationship. Ursula Wolcott, afterwards the
wife of the first Governor Griswold, was a lady
of superior intellect and accomplishments, and
perhaps unequalled in the State for sagacity
and shrewdness. Notwithstanding the supe
riority of her endowments and the shiningex
cellence of her character, she remained un
married until about the age of 30. Finding
it at length indisncnsibly necessary to turn
her attention to matrimony, or become in fact,
what site already was in name, an old maid,
she remarked to her friends that she had come
to the conclusion of spending a few weeks at
Lyme, sot the purpose of courting her cousin
Matthew.
On her arrival at Lyme, she found her com- '
sin Matthew, who was also considered an old
batoholor, i»or,. disposed to devote his atten
tion to his Coke and Littleton, than to his ,
cousin Ursula ; hut she was determined at all
events to bring him to the point. She occa
sionally would meet hiia in the hall or on the j
stairs, and after carelsssly passing him turn j
round and eagerly inquire, “what’s that von i
said TANARUS” to which he would reply, that he had’nt
said any thing. After several unsuccessful
attempts to make him understand, she met 1
him one day on the stairs, and after making
the usual inquiry, and receiving the usual {
answer, she hastily replied, “well I think it's j
time you had." Matthew could-not avoid
taking the hint, and a shot! time after, they ]
became one of the most happy and respectable !
couples in Connecticut.”—.V. E. Weekly
Ricicw.
For the accuracy of that part of the forego
ing anecdote, which is presented for amuse
ment we do not vouch. That Mrs. Griswold
was a lady of superior intellect, and of great
sagacity is unquestionable—and that talents
and genius are not unfrequently transmissible
from generation to generation, may be infer
red from the fact that she formed a link of
connection between the two families mention
ed, which, between the years 1754 and 1817,
furnished five out of eleven governors of that
State, who bore to her the respective relations
of f.ith a r, husband, brother, son and nephew.
They were all distinguished for unbending
tot gritv and exilternd talents. Her fath r
was the Hon. Roger Wolcott—her husband
is min'd in the anecdote—her brother, the
Hon. Oliver Wolcott, sen—her son, the Hon.
It >g"r Griswold, & her nephew, the Hon. Oli
ver Wolcott, the younger who died in this city
a few days since. One of her uncles, the Hon.
Erastus Wolcott, was Lieutenant Governor of
that State, and the late Alex. Wolcott, Esq.
who was nominated by President Madison to
be a Judge of the Supreme Court of the U. S.
was also her nephews. A great number of
the collateral members of the two families
held honorable and responsible offices, and
were distinguished for superior abilities ami
attainments.
PROM LA BELLE ASSEMBLE.
RUTLAND CAVERN,
Within the Mountain of Abraham's heights,
Matlock Bath, the largest in three kingdoms.
The discovery and opening of this tremen
dous cemetary of nature, has given to this i
country a rich treasure of the most brilliant j
gems, rare fossils, and numerous minerals,)
forming the most splendid natural grotto in j
the world. Philosophers, mineralogists, and
the public, may now avail themselves of a i
visit to this treasure—this grand lesson anti |
lecture on science ; and capacious us a city, j
and extending many miles, with pillars,;
arches, and bridges of every denomination !
and order—Nature the great architect. The j
lakes, fishponds, fountains and rivulets of j
the most delicate rock water. The laby
rinths, arcades, walls, roofs, and floors, em
bellished with the most glittering crystals,
and the ores, of silver, lead, copper, and
zinc, in every combination :
Here, ranging through her vaulted ways,
On nature’s alchymy you gaze:
See how she forms the gem*, the ore,
And all her magazines explore.
The Rutland Cavern, as an object of gene
cral curiosity, and the terrific grandeur of the
immense natural cavities, far exceeds the
wildest pictures of romance, or the fearful
scenes of enchantment, and gives a most in
teresting and perfectly new subject for tin
mind. From the finest terrace, commanding
all the beauties of Matlock, you can enter
the rock by a dry,roomy,and even mountain
ous archway, perfectly safe and pleasant for
the most timid female. The external sur
face of the Heights of Abraham abounds in
rare botanical plants, and from the Serpen
tine and Moon Battery Walks, shaded by
fine and lofty cedars, the most sublime scene
ry is taken, rich and romantic as the imagina
tion can conceive. The pure air of this de
lightful region, and the extraordinary instan
ces and facts of the lengthened periods of ex
istence of its inhabitants, proclaim this to be
really the seat of health and beauty.
A mineralogical survey of this wonder of
nature, and of these kingdoms, has been late
ly made by the first mineralogist and geolo
gist of the age, Mr. Mawc; and his report
confirms the reputation of Rutland Cavern be
ing the most valuable classical mineral dis
coveries known.
The principal object* of general observa
tion within the Cavern, are the rocky moun
tain archway, imbedding marine snells ; the
drusfs, or grottos; fish ponds; Ossian's hall ;
an aicade to the hall of Enchantment, in the
Castle of Otranto, of indescribable grandeur ;
the den of lions ; a grand cave- with tiie ex
traordinary distant glimmering of daylight ; a
f». c awp.de to Jacob's Well and Fountain;
Itlic waters of life ; the ascent by one hun
dred steps to the ancient mine, worked bv the
, Romans ; other fis!i-|>onds, with fish living in
perpetual darkness ; the dark and gloomy
cave of black stone; the enemy of miners;
j the den of wolves and bears ; a romantic
j bridge ; a fine rocky scene. The recesses
j lead to the most fantastic, grotesque, and
whimsical distribution of rocks, imbedding
the most rare and delicate fossils, grottos, and
; druses, that defy al! attempts at description or
i relation.
<AJ>
j .4 Kitchen Scene —Sally tho liou3c-maid,
j paring apples in the corner.
Enter Obadiah, who seats himself in the
j corner opposite to Sally, without saying a
i word for fifteen minutes, but finally, scratch
ing nis head, breaks s.lence with, —
i There’s consiilerale imperdcptible altcrin
j of the weather since last week,
j Sally—Taint so injudicious and so indubi
j table cold as 'twas ; the thcnomicon has iow*
1 red up to four hundred degree higher than
! zenith.
j Obadiah—l think’s likely, for birds of that
I specie fly a great quality higher in warmer
| days than in cold ones,
j Both parties assume a grave and knowing
i look, and a long pauso ensues. Finally O
! badialt gives his pate another harrowing
j scratch and again breaks silence.
Wal, Sally, we chaps are going to raise a
j sleigh ride, it’s sich inimical good sleddin to
; Sally—You are? Our folks arc suspectin
; company all day to-morrow.
Obadiah—[ sposethe’l! have insaitute times
j on’t. I should be uridefinitely happy if you
i would disgrace me with your company; I
; should take it as a deropitary honor; besides,
! we’re calulatiug to troa'. the gala copious well
j with rasoris and bleck-strap.
j Sally—l should be supernatural glad to dis
! grace you, but our folks suspect company;
I I can’t go.
Obadiah sits scratching his head a while,
: and at length starts up as though anew idea
( had come upon him.
VYul, now I know ivhat I’ll do ; I’ll go home
and thrash them aro boons what have been
Ivin there in the barn a datnd while. (Exeunt
Obadiah.)
A none! and interesting political incident
is related in the A*. Y. Daily Advertiser, de
rived from recent papers from New Grenadtf
(Columbia.) We have announced, says that
paper, Mr Joaquin Mosquera’s election to the
We Presidency. On the 15th April,a letter
from him was laid before both houses of Con
gress, dated at San Jose, April 2d, declining
the office, on the ground that ho considers
himself more fitted to discharge the duties of
a more retired station, and that he had dedi
cated the remainder of his life “to tho educa
tion arid instruction of the young and common
people : tho only secure basis of our politi
cal principles and national prosperity.” His
request, although pressed with urgency, and
with that sincerity of character for which he
is conspicuous, was unavailing. “This re
fnsual,”says the government Gazette,being
laid before Congress for their consideration
a long silence ensued; <k when the President,
put the question, “will you receive this refu
ftisal of Mr. Joaquin Mosquera to bo Vice
President of the Republic? ail the members
except five voted in the negative. The meet
ing then adjourned.
THE TWO NAPOLEONS.
One of these men is genius to the other? i
Which is the Natural Man,
And which the Spirit.
Comedy of Errors, act v. sc. Ist. ;
Any traveller who may have been in Italy
in the spring of 1826, must have heard of tlie
celebrated major of the Royal Sardinian Life
Guards, who bore so strong a resemblance to
the great Napoleon as to excite the wonder of
all those who had seen the Emperor. At that j
time I was on a visit to the city of Genoa.
I recollect that one evening I was at the
Case de Grand Cairo with a party ol friends,
when'we opserved an officer in the costume
of the Guards reading at a table. We were
struck with the resemblance w hich he bore
to all the busts and portraits of the Emperor
which wc had scon. In the midst of our
conjectures on the subject, an obi French
officer decorated with the order of the Legion
of Honor’ obs< rvetngthe surprise depicted on
our countenance, very politely joinqd onr par
ly and said, “1 can easily ungine, gentlemen,
the subject of your pressent astonishment.
That officer is one of the greatest wonders in
Europe, and as much like Napoleon as if he
were his twin brother; indeed some persons
here go so far as to assert that both the Empe
ror .and his prototype are from the same parnl
stock, which may be the case, as the major is
a native ofCorisca and about Napoleon's age.
I assure you (continued the French officer)
that 1 was near the Emperor on the'night pro.
vious to the bloody and disastrous battle of
Lcipsic. I obset ved him perusing the bulletins
of the army, his attitude, thoughtful mood,
ami his general demeanor was a perfect coun
terpart to the person before us. See! he is
about taking a pinch of snuff! By heavens!
Napoleon's manner to perfection.” In a word,
the enthusiasm of the French officer rose to
such a pitch that all the visitors of the Case
were staring at us.
The next evening I went to the opeta to
hear the Celehr, ted Madame Catalina, and to
have a peep at Ex-Empress Marta I-ouisa and
her father, whoso visit had been announced.
We had not been long seated before we dis
covered the Major in the adjoining box. He
was standing up, his arms folded in the man
ner of Napoleon, and like Min he wore a green
coat buttoned up close to his neck, and deco
rated with two or three orders, which he had
won in the Italian wars, and above all, the
never to be forgotton little cocked hat. Soon
after tho Empress had entered her box accom
panied by a brilliant suit, but presently the
audience were thrown into amazement bv
some confusion in the'royal box. Maria Lou
isa had caught a glimpse of the “counterfeit
presentment ” of her deceased husband, and
her confusion and astonishment were exhibit
ed in the rno«t palpable manner. Ihe King
of Saidinu was forced to order him on duty,
ten leagues from Genoa, as his person kept
bis soldiers in constant exiteinent, w ho never
failed to present arms in passing him.
I understood previous to my leaveing Ge
noa, that Maria Louisa bad sent for the officer
and presented him with a gold snuff box, with
the Emperor’s likeness set in brilliants. D.
for the Georgia Timet.
AN ORATION
Oelivered iu LaUraiige, by a Stu
dent of ll:- Troup county Acade
my, at its late seuil-atiauai esuiu
i liaison.
“STATE RIGHTS.”
Respcctei* Acditgry:—ln the present
melancholy State of affairs, in which our
countiy is involved, and amidst the gloom
which overshadows its prospers, I shall bo
pardoned for attempting to adaress this en
lightened assembly, upon a subject which
lias employed the best talents «f our country,
and upon which so much has been said and
written, that it is almost impossible to ad
vance any tiling new. Upon? ordinary occa
sions, it is a task Irom which I would shrink,
with the utter consciousness of my want of
capacity to discharge it. But at a time like
this, when the patriot turns with sickening
foreboding from the contemplation of the fu
ture. and the lover of liberty looks with soli
citude and dtoad, upon signs so ominous of
danger, it will not perhaps ho tnought pro
sumption even in an individual so humble
and inexperienced as myself to raise his voice.
And though 1 should tell you no new thiftg, I
speak of that which I trust can never fall
coldly upon the ears of freemen; for when
liberty is assailed, and the ramparts placed
to guard her shrine are tottering beneath the
attacks of the invaders, the tocsin of alarm
cannot be too often or too loudly sounded.
The state of our political relations in 1709,
after the triumph of Jefferson and his princi
ples, nnd their present condition,form a con
trast which tho friend of his country con
templates with deep and painful emotions.—
The history of nations may be searcher in
vain: the annaisof those which have passed
away and of tiiose which now reniain,.ftirnisii
•to parallel to tha mighty change, which,in a
lew short months, iias been wrought in the
principles of pur government. What ages of
argument could not have done,has been effee
; ted by th e “ dictum” of one single titan. A
blind and criminal man-worship lias caused
those who have hitherto professed to be go*
verned by the orthodox principles of rcpubli
eanism. to desert the standard under which
they have been arrayed, and to place them
selves in the ranks of their former inveterate
opponents.
The doctrines of the memorable proclam- I
ation of the President of the United States,!
though subversive of every principle of de
mocracy has enlisted in its defence a great
portion of those who once held to the old Jes- I
fersonian principles,and who still hypocriti
cally profess to be governed by them. If the ;
doctrines of that pernicious document are to
he recognised as the permanent policy of our
government and an inherent principle of the 1
constitution, the requiem of our liberty may
) be sung, its days will have been numbered,
! and we may indeed sav with the ancii nt Poet,
i “ Fuit Ilium !”
I trust I shall he allowed to tax the pa-
I Hence of ray audience, with a brief exami
! nation of the President’s proposition, that,
“Before the declaration es Independence,
leagues were formed for mutual defence, and
we were known not ns distinct provinces, hut
as the United Colonics of America.” Iu or
der to test the grounds of this position it will
be necessary briefly to refer to the ancient
situation of the Slates during their colonial
vassalage to the crown of Great Britain.—
These colonics were planted and settled
by different adventurers, at di fibre nt times'.
These enterprising individuals generally ob
tained patents or grants from tho King of
England to such parcels of country (the
boundaries of which were defined in those
grants) as they might obtain by conquest or
purchase from the original inhabitants.—
These provinces were principally peopled by
emigrants from the mother country, owing
obedience to that country, but having no po
litical relations with one another. They were
seperateand distinct governments, each with
its own peculiar institutions, and in rio way
! politically related to tho rest. When British
| aggressions began, they remonstrated against
! them in their separate capacities. When the
! acts of that Government became so intolera
bly oppressive that they determined to sub
mit to them no longer, knowing that resis-
I tauce would be more efficiently employed by
mutual co-operation with each other, thev ap
pointed delegates from the different provinces
ito meet and confer upon the best meatig of
throwing off the oppressions under which
| tiiey labored. The proceedings of that hotly
j were merely consultative and deliberative,
their acts had no binding or legal influence,
I and so far as they were complied with, that
i compliance, resulted from a sense of mutual
danger and the necessity of acting in concert.
The country at that time being sparsely pop
ulated without the physical strength or the
means necessary to support any thing like
efficient resistance, and hence they were dri
ven to form leagues for their mutual defence-
But was it not u strange perversion of reason
in our chief magistrate to infer from this that
the sovereignty of the States had in the first
instance been yielded up ? Did the legisla
tive councils of those different provinces con
cieve that hy the mere circumstance of their
appointing representatives to confer together
upon their common affairs that they were
binding themselves in bonds from which there
was no escape? Did any individual of that
day believe that his allegiance had been
transferred from the government of his own
State to the colonial assembly which had not
the slightest pretext for claiming it ? It
would fie an insult to your underslaediiigßdnd
a mere affectation of words to employ further
argument to prove that the allegiance of the
people of these United States had not beep
transferred in the first instance from thpjr
own immediate government and that wl were
not United Colonies in the score applied to
the term.
Let us now as briefly examine in what man-;
ner our relations were effected by the adop
tion of tlie articles of confederation after the
declaration of independence. In the first place,
congress Gy whom those articles were adopted
was a pure confederacy of States. The
States acted in. their sovereign capacity as
states, each having one vote. No act of tfat
body carried with it any obligatory influence
unt I it received tho sanction of the legisla
tures of every State, nor were tne citizens of
the several States bound iiy it, until it be
came a law by the legislative enactments of
their own States. Does it appear from this
that their allegiance had been traifeferred to
the General Government ? On the other
hand is it not most clearly evident that they
were exclusively retained by the States. The
Government resulted from a compact of so
vereign nnd independent .States, acting in
their capacity as such, and are we to be told
tha*. they thereby rendered themselves entire
ly subordinate to that compact which they
themselves formed only for certain purposes.
The States of ancient Greece, appointed
delegates to meet at stated periods in what
was called the Amphycttonic council, for the
purpose of consulting with regard to the ge
nera welfare. In fhis federal capacity they
declared war, made pence, contracted allian
ces, and exercised other functions appertain
ing to a Government. Yet I need not inform
this audience that the several members of
that league had full power to withdraw from
it whenever they deemed it necessary, nay
thev were frequently expelled from it. As
well tell me that when the crowned heads of
Europe formed a league to resist the mighty
torrent of Napoleon’s force that they had no
right to withdraw from it. I may be told that
this is quite a different affair. 1 admit it, but
it nevertheless proves the fact, that when in
dependent governments enter into a compact
for certain purposes therein expressed, that
they are bound by their faith and their inter
est only to comply with it while it is directed
[ to the purposes for which it was originally
! designed, but beyond this they are not bound.
It remains now only to decide whether
1 their sovereignty was yielded up by the for
| mat ion of the present constitution. To solve
, this question it will be necessary to enquire
1 whether the government of the Union results
from tho people of the United States at large,
j or from the people of the several States, as
| comprising so many distinct sovereignties.—
[ Tho old Congress which recommended the
i Convention that formed that constitution was
j as I have briefly attempt'd to show, solely a
j confederacy of States. The delegates to
| that convention were elected hy the state 1c-
I gislatures, the people having no voice in the
i matter. When asaemhled—in alltheirdelib
i Iterations with regard to the best form of go
vemnent for the Union, they voted by States ;
! each State having one vote, nor was any mea
' sure agreed upon unless by a majority of all
j the States represented, without regard to the
i aggregate number of deputies present. The
j little State of Rhode Island, scarcely larger
j than some of our counties had a voice as po
} tential as that of Virginia. This fact alone
1 refutes the odious doctrine that this is a go
j vernment of the people and not of the States;
and proves that Rhode Island, though in res
i pect to her geographical dimensions scarcely
\ a segment in the circle, is as independent iri
her sovereignty as the government of all the
the Rttssias. When the form of the new
constitution was agreed upon it was sent to
the several States for ratification. The as
sent of such states as were willing to accede
to the new government was transmitted as
j the acts of .> many distinct sovereignties,
j Therefore it is a government of the States
| and not of the people, a federal compact in
' its conception and in its creation.
I North Carolina and Rhode Island, from a
| jealous regard to their liberties, refused to
j ratify the nctv constitution, and kept them
j selves voluntarily out of the Union; the for
\ mer twe.vc months, and the latter nearly two
| years after it had been formed by the co
) States. No opinion then prevailed that there
. was any power to force them iuto the Union
| against their own consent, so that if they had
chosen to have continued out they would have
remained to this day, separate, independent
anil distinct governments.
Having consumed as much of your time as
i f deem necessary, to establish the fact of the
entire sovereignty of the different parties to
that compact, 1 will proceed to show that
they have the incoritcstible right to withdraw
from it whenever they shall judge that mea
sure nocessary to preserve their unalienable
rights.
It will be found on reference to the jour
nal of the convention which framed the con
| stitution, that a proposition was made to give
| the general government, the right of etnploy
! ing force against a state for refusing obedi
ence to the laws of the union, and that this
proposition was rejected by a large majority.
This alone evinces, beyond dispute, that the
framers of that instrument did not intend
that coercive measures should be used topre
vent a state from withdrawing from the Un
ion. For is it not an absurdity to suppose
that a government intends to prohibit an act
w hen she, not only does not provide the means
of preventing it but absolutely rejects a pro
losition intended to prevent it.
We have heard much about the blessings
of this glorious Union, planned by the win
dona of the sages, and cemented by the blood
of the illustrious heroes of the revolution.—
We have seen depicted in lively colours the
happiness, the glory anti the strength of our
common country, whilst it remains united—
The word “ Union” has been rung in our
ears,as if the magic sound of the name could
charm us imo security, and reconcile us to
the fetters which a cruel policy has been
forging for us. The picture has been turned
and wc have been told of the dangers, the
strifes, the jarring diseords, and the conse
quent weaknesss of a nation thus divided a
gainst itself. But our oppressors might have
spared these warnings. Our attachment to
the Union is perhaps not less than theirs. I
lor one look upon a seperation of these States
as one of the most disastrous evils that can
befal this government; as the most disas
trous indeed with one single exception, which
is that of a government o£ unlimited powers.
Yet,much as I deprecate the almost incalcula
ble evils of a dissolution, I would prefer that
alternative rather than that the rights of the
States and their sovereignty should he merg
ed in consolidation and despotism. In the
former case wo might reasonably calculate
that a sense of mutual danger would re-unite
)them; in the latter, no hope of relief would
remain but through the means of a bloody
and extrrininating war.
He must have very little acquaintance with
the history of government and a less acquain
tance with the principles of the human heart,
who does not know that if you place a man
in power he will exercise it for the promo
i tion of his own interest. If these premises
are correct, which I believe none will deny,
1 the deduction drawn from thorn leads inevi
tably to the conclusion, that if you give a
majority of Congress the power, and make it
their interest to oppress a particular section
of the Union for the benefit of the other,
they will tio it in despite of every principle
of reason, justice or humanity.
Admit the principle that the scve-al States
by becoming members of the federal league
have irrevocably resigned the rig lit of w ith
drawing from it, let it become as partially op
pressive as it may..and you immediately de
prive them of every guarantee of their future
liberties. You take away the last hook upon
which they may hang a hope.
It is in vain to tell us that tho constitution
is a sufficient guarantee for our liberties,that
Congress will be restrained in the exercise of
unlawful power by that instrument : we can
not lay that “ flattering unction to our souls.”
YVhat avails a written constitution if the door
of construction is left open for them to make
it hy implication what they please.
When we look back at the history of the
past, and see what encroachments have alrea
dy been made upon it, who is there, who shall
presume to lift the veil of futurity and say
where those inroads shall stop.
In a country of such vast extent, with such
diversified sectional interests, who can doubt
hut that questions will frequently arise in
which those interests will be involved. De
prive the States of their sovereignty, and vviiat
hope will remain to the weaker party ; coin
pelled to submit to oppression from which
there is no relief? what better will their con
ditionbothan that of the vassal provinces of
Turkey or Persia ? What need we care if
wc are to bo oppressed, whether it be an in
terested and irresponsible majority in Con
gress, or iiv a single crowned Despot ?
If this is the principle ufion which we are
to he governed, then indeed v ill the Union,
instead of a hlrsaing, become a blight and a
curse; instead of -'that happy and glorious un
ion which it was when it catne from the
hands of patriots and sages by whom it was
formed, it will become an engine of despo
tism and Tyranny ; instead of a union for mu
tual benefits and equal rights, it will become
a union for the unequal apportionment of bur
dens, and the unequal distribution of bles
sings. Let not the South sanction such a
principle as this. Never let it be said of us
as Byron said of Greece, that
“ Self abasement paved the way
To villain bonds and despot sway !”
No, 1 would rather say in the language of
that immortal hard,
“ Snatch from the ashes of your sires
The embers of their former fires ;
And lie who in the strife expires,
Shall add to their’sa name of fear.
That tyranny shall quake to hear,
And leave his sons a hope, a fame,
They too will rather die than shame :
For freed on's battle once begun,
Bequeathed hy bleeding sire to son,
Though baffled oft is ever won.”
DOMESTIC.
Wc feel ourselves highly honored with the
following letter from so celebrated a charac
ter ns Major Downing, and shall certainly ex
pect a visit from him on his arrival in this city.
— N. Y. Gazette.
Washington, Tuesday morning, June 6.
Dear Sir—As the President gets me to read
ali the newspapers to him, being considerable
slick at that business, I almost always take up
the New York Gazette first, and I and he
have both come to the conclusion, seeing you
have printed all my Jetters, to write to you
respecting our Eastern tour. Both of us have
been as busy as bees packing up for Down
ingville for a week back.—The President
waked mo up this morning before day light,
and asked me what I thought of the weather.
Says I, General, it is a going to rain. Weil,
says tie, what do you think ? Had we better
start? Y’cs,saysl; wedident mind the weath
er in New Orlcai ■ and a ducking shouldent
never frighten a soldier. Well, says he, if]
you aint afraid I aint-so before vve eat oui t
breakfast, you sit down and write a line to j
old Mr. Lang, and tell him he may expect to j
see us this day week, and ask him to engage i
ns rooms at tho largest house in Now York.!
I want to go to the City Hotel, but the Presi-j
dent thinks Holt’s house the best. However, ]
says he, we won’t quarrel about it—let Mr. j
Lang decide the question. If you engage
Holt’s tell him to get ills blacking machine in j
order, for the President always makes a terri
ble rumpuss about his boots. The President
asked me the other day how I should like to
go up in Mr. Durant’s balloon. Catch a wea
sel a sleep, saysl; General—suppose I should
break my neck, what would become of you, O
says lie, Major, there’s Mr. Van Buren at hand.
That cock wont fight, says I; one Yankee is
worth two of him. Well says he, just as you
please about that; hut Van Buren you know,
is going to Downirigville with us—that was
agreed on long ago. The General got a little
touched at what I said about Mr. Van Buren,
but I stopped his mouth pretty quick. Says
1, General hav’nt I done you more service
than he ? Did’nt I stand by you, thick and
thin, when you got into that scrape with the
Cabinet,and did'n’t Mr. Van Buren throw up
his commission, and leave you in the lurch.
And dirl’n’tl recommend Mr. Livingston, and
Mr. Kendall, and General Cass, and Isaac
Hill, to take the places of those who abused
you like a pick-pocket, as soon as their backs
were turned; And did’n’t I put down the
Ntillifiere? And dui’o’t l write votir Proela-
| mat ion A. Mr. Webster’, Speech ? The
; eral amt any hand at an argument, and |
the weather-gage of him. Well, savs J
jerffiave your own w ay _,hn’res nodoml
thing without. When I found how 2
blew, now smy tim -. General, aa v ,
Mr. \an Buren goes to DowningvilL
: take the shine oil' of both of us, and
as well hangup our fiddles. DovouthlV
s,.ys lie. Yea, l,l„,„„|. i
; without hi in, says the General, for Id ■
low no man to take the rag off of vJ'
So you see Mr. Lang, I, an (lo *J«n
as I please with the President, and J
have the ride to ourselves. As it gr 0 J?
and we are to set off as soon as bread,
cleared away, I must conclude for the n,
! " Ith requesting you to make all n i,’ !
j preparations for us, and I shall calf wig
i President and make you a visit
i ia,i<l at ,he Battery, 'f our time ; g , *
; much taken up, I shall write you farther,
i wc arrive at Philadelphia. '
I have directed Mr. Barry, our Post y
| General, to send this letter by the/og'
Y’our friend, JACK DOWjVm
1 To John La no. Esq. New Y’ork
Black Hawk at Philadelphia fu
Iccption in this city of the Indian PI
BLACK lIAYVK, almost equals that a
1 resident.—He was waited upon this
mgat Congress Hall, by the M«vor am.
ral members of the City Councils; a«
Chesnittand Third streets, near his Jods
at ten o dlock, were crowded with c itit
several spacious rooms in the hotel t
filled to overflowing ; ami the atmospht*
the apartment where he had seated hi®,
with his family, was almost suffocating
sat in the corner of the room, regarding!
calm complacency the tumultuous throi
round him He has a pyramidal fores
like sir YYalter Scott’s; and there sect
slumbering fire in his eye, which bctc
great mental pow< r and decision. I1; S|
pan ions sat near him, with features stra
marked, and wearing on their painted b
expression very like that of scorn,
manner of all these natives of the n
wilds is majestic and serene. The I
characteristic of being surprised at noli
is plainly exhibited in the indifference»]
they manifest at any thing which is pass J
bout them.
Black Hawk's Speech. —“ Black
said the old warrior, “once thought he J
conquer the whites. Ills heart grcwhij
and bis hand strong. He unburied the J
hawk; and lie led his people to fight. 1
fought ll;,—1. He was no coward. Hes>9
much blood. Hut the white nienwercJ
ty. They were as many as the leaves J
forest; and Black Hawk and his people li]
He was sorry that tiie tomahawk had!
raised. He had been a prisoner. It!
strength of the vvite men. They werel
many. The Indians are but few. TlieJ
not cowards—they are brave—hut tlierl
few. He was sorry that they had gonl
war. While the Great Spirit above (;J
pointed on high) kept his heart as it I
was, he would be the friend of the«
man. He would remain in peace. Hcil
go to his people and speak good of th«
man. He would tell them they tin*
leaves of the forest—very inanv—verstß
■ —and L; would fight no more. »
Hawk is the white man’s friend.”
PitiLLADELFiiiA, June 11.— Yestcnli
| nine o’clock, A. M. the Mayor, the met
) of the Select and Common Councils, tk
j derrnen and other City Officers, asst mb
i Independence Hall, together with st|
1 members of foreign legations. Thecw
j of Councils, appointed for the purpose,]
i proceeded to the City Hotel, to iiilii
j President that the City Authorities vvcr»n
j to receive him. He shortly afterwardsM
| attended by a delegation from “a conn
|of sixty” When the President, accomp
i by the Secretary of State, the Hon. Lm
| Lane, tho Secretary of YVar, the Hon. 1
1 Cass, and Mr. Donclson, his private Sect
! entered the Ilail of Independence, hei
Iceived hy the Mayor, who introduced:
| each individual present, it hud been:
| that the citizens generally would beaiii
to the Hall in the morning—arrang'd
were then hastily made to allow of the
and egress of as many as possible, in the
ed time remaining. The doors wen
opened, and many thousands of people,
ages and both sexes, entered, powedi
President, and passed out. In the cwj
the morning, the Faculty of Arts.
! Students of the University of I’ennM
j paid their respects t- tho President; ail
I young men of the City and districts ol Sj
1 wark, Moyaniensing and Passeyunk,nnl
i into the Hall, with their banners, and jj
! the other visiters in salutations. Phel]
dent continued standing and bowing 1
stream of citizens as they passed him, foil
than two hours ; meantime, the dense ml
front of tiie Statu House seemed nol
thinned hy tho hosts that had e° roe J
—A few minutes before noon, the d«J
men t to escort the President to the I'j
military, arrived in front of the Hall—“jj
scs prepared for him and his suite we|
up to tho door. I
The President then took leave of thi
tlemen around him, and left the “ a j
door he mounted a bcawtiftrl white elj
and left the side walks, with the SecreJ
State on the right hand and theSecir*
W’ar on the left, while loud and ■
cheering were sent after him from , J
innumerable host assembled in the neig|
hood of the State House. I
Between 12 and 1 o’clock the m
formed in line along Arch street cJtfJ
an immense distance, and the Prcsi
ed them in review aud received
ary saiutQs —but the loud shouts ani ) J
of the people who completely lined tBC I
and blocked up ail approaches—'" 11 ' 1 " 1
noise of the military music. lh c j
was attended by Major General • j
commanding, and suite, with ‘l* 6 |
suite. , U J
YVe cannot omit to notice *» !1
could scarcely have escaped the J “1
every one of the many thousando se ( ]
ease—wc ought perhaps to say • I