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THU iHOSIiOU DI.WEK.
Our distinguished guest, the linn. John McPher
ton Rtrrien. Called by the public confidence and
admiration to many high trusts in the service of
hiscountry, be has ever adorned them all by bis
talents and virtues.- Monroe county will ever be
proud of the assomation of bis name and services
with her struggles in the great cause of constitu
tional liberty.
After the annunciation of tlie above senti
ment, at the late Monroe festival, the Hon.
John McPherson Berrien rose and addressed
the assembly as follows
Mr. Prksidot and Fellow-Citizens ;
In lisuig to address von on this occasion,
it is not my purpose to pronounce an elabo
rate harangue, or to speak to you, in words
of set form, arranged to harmonious cadence,
by the labors of the close. To my fellow
citizens of Monroe—to each and every indi
vidual around this festive board, I prefer to
say, in language better fitted to express the
singleness and sincerity of the feeling which
vour kindness has awakened, 1 thank you —
from my heart, I thank you!
1 am sensible—no one can he more so,
how little I can lav claim to the very flatter
ing eulogiuin expressed in the sentiment,
which has just been honored by your appro
bation. 1 accept however in the spirit, in
which it is tendered, your kind and friendly
greeting ; and with the more gratification,
because it renews for the moment, that rela
tion to the people of Monroe, which on one
occasion of deep and absorbing interest, it
lias been my fortune, and my pride to occupy
—the relation of constituent and Representa
tive. I accept it moreover, permit me to
add, in consciousness of having endeavored
throughout that short, hut animated struggle,
faithfully and zealously, to vindicate the
rights of this gallant ami patriotic people.—
A stranger, and unknown to you gentlemen,
I was honoured to by your confidence. It
was given by nounsharing hand, and cheered
as I am, by this flattering testimony of your
approbation, 1 can even now very imperfectly
express to you, the grateful emotions which I
feel—l will trespass upon your time thrcforc
only to add, that proud of the confidence of j
the people of Monroe—and grateful for the j
manner in which they have received and ap- j
prcciated my honest but humble eli'urls ini
their service, 1 shall cherish the remembrance J
of my relation to that people, of their kind
ness and confidence, among the most inter
est i njg recollections of iny life.
Os that Convention, in whose deliberations,
I had the honor to participate as your Repre
sentative, permit me for a moment to speak.
The magnitude, importance, and the decisive
character of the events, which succeeded its
temporary adjournment and the rapidity with
which they were developed, rendered its re
assembling unnecessary. South-Curolinu,
driven to despair of relief from the, justice
of the Federal Government, or from the
sympathy of her sister States of the south,
threw herself into an attitude which gave
anew character to the contest for Southern
lights. Then catnc the Presidential anathe
ma to alarm the best hopes of patriotism.de- J
flouncing evety principle of Constitutional j
liberty, which as Georgians we had hitherto
held sacred—and after a moment of deep and I
anxious solicitude, the adjustment of the mi-j
happy question which had distracted the Uii- !
ion, by the modification of the Tarifl’, of
course dispensed with our further resistance
to this oppression. This brief reference to 1
events of recent occurrence, and familiar to
you all, will serve to prove beyond controver- ‘
sy the propriety of assembling in Convention. j
They demonstrate that we had arrived at a
crisis, which demanded the best eflbrts of in
telligence and patriotism, which required |
that the voice of the people of Georgia
should he heard. It was heard hi that Con
vention—and they did not speak in vain. Al
though the influence of that body was weak
ened by the secession of a portion of its ■
members, which had the double eflect of dri- j
'ving-Sontli-Carolina to precipitate action, and j
>of giving confidence to the advocates of the |
tarifl", by representing us as a divided people, |
still there is no one, who has attentively look
ed at passing events, wtio can lie insensible
to the fact, that this c.xpri ssion of the public j
feeling of Georgia, was influential in produc
ing the measure of peace, with which the j
last Congress of the United States terminat
ed its sittings. The attitude which South-
Carolina had assumed, made her of course the ;
chief object of attention—but our brethren '
of the tariff States were awakened by this;
consideration to a more auctions scrutiny of j
t he feeling of the other Southern States of the
Union; and the proceedings of that Convcn
vention, its despite of every effort to weaken
their force, furnished an evidence not to be j
resisted of the tone of public sentiment in
Georgia. For myself therefore I fed, that
those who united in the counsels, w hich pre
v»ri!ed in that body, may recur with honest
pride, to the recollection of tlicii efforts to
<sustain the rights of the people of Georgia,
and derive gratification from the conscious
ness that they were not (bund wanting in the
hour of trial; that thpy have proved their
readiness to vindicate those principles of Con
stitutional liberty, which hate hitherto been
held sacred hy that people.
Fellow-Citizens: The circumstances un
der which we are assembled and the presence
of a body el freemen, so numerous and intel
ligent, as that to which I address myself, seem
to afford a fit occasion for an interchange of
sentiments on subjects of common interest.
You will 1 trust therefore pardon the trespass
upon your time, which will be necessary to
enable me to suggest for your consideration,
some brief reflections connected with the
condition of the Union at large, and of our
own State in particular, as preparatory to the
enquiry, what is the duty, which the crisis
imposes upon the friends of constitutional
and regulated liberty J
The late session of Congress terminated
under circumstances of deep and awakening
interest. The system of injustice, which
under the delusive epithet of “ American”
had been so long persevered in, in despite of)
our remonstrances, was abandoned in princi- 1
pie by tho«o who had been among the most 1
ycaloiruand efficient of it# advocates. Tliej
[ tariff was modified, not indeed to the extent!
which was due to the just claims of the pcc- 1
pie of the South, but so modified, as to in- j
(luce them, in the spirit of peace and concili* j
ation, and of an unaffected attachment to the
■ Union, to receive the adjustment as satisfacto- \
ry. They iiad contended for principle—
When that was yielded to them, they did not
, stop to cavil about minor considerations. I
j am quite sure this is a true representation of
| the feeling of a great portion of the people
|of Georgia. If the spirit which prevailed in
j the enactment of this bill had been suffered
j to have free scope—if the waters of bitter
| ness had not been mingled with it—if it had
| been permitted to go into operation, unac
j compaiiicd hy the force hill,” it would have
| given repose to the country. The moment
which preceded the adoption of this measure
of concilation, was one of deep solicitude, I
would almost say of universal gloom. S. Ca
rolina appealing to the patriotism of her |ieo
ph , had avowed her determination no longer
to submit to unconstitutional taxation. In her
peculiar remedy,she stood alone—otherStatcs
j felt, deeply felt the common grieveances, but
pausing in their course, hesitated as to the
manner of resisting it. In the meantime the
doctrines put (oitli in the proclamation, had
I assailed those principles of constitutional lib*
j erty, which the Southern States, almost as one
| man, had hitherto maintained inviolate. In
j this State, in particular, there was scarcely
ati individual who had enjoyed in any eim
* nent degree, the coufidence of the people,
who had not in various forms avowed those
constitutional doetrincs which that iustuuicnt
denounced. Nevertheless a great majority
of Congress were advancing with rapid and
j determined steps to the consummation of those
j measures, of which the inevitable tendency
■ was a conflict of arms, between the Federal
j Government and one «f the Sovereign States
oftliis Union.—ln this awful crisis when fear
ful apprehension was pourtrnyed in every
countenance —at the moment when we were
thus madly rushing into all the horrors of civil
war, a distinguished senator of Kentucky
arose in the American capitol, bearing aloft
flic olive branch of peace. The patriotic con
ceptiohs of his genius, were enforced by the
power of his eloquence, and nobly sustained
by his intelligence, conciliation, and firmness.
Thus supported, lie advanced in quick time
to the accomplimcnt of his holy purpose, sur
iiionling every obstacle, which was interpos
ed by those, who from whatever motive, would
have jeoparded the safety of twelve millions
of freemen. I speak here of the measure. It;
is the privilege of others to pronounce the {
eulogy of its author, but it was my fortune to
witness the struggle, and to rejoice in the tri
umph, and I do not seek to restrain the ex
pression of the feelings which were awakened
in my bosom.
I repeat to you gentlemen, if this measure
of peace had been suffered to stand upon its!
own merits—ls the cup of reconciliation which
it presented, had not been dashed in pieces at
the moment, when our hands were extended
to receive it—if the milder reflection of the
olive branch had not been lost in the glare of
the flaming sword which accompanied it, this
measure would have given peace to the coun
try. But it did not so seem good in the eyes
of those who sat in our national councils.
They admitted the justice of our complaii
by substantially, though prospectively provi
ding for the removal of the grieveance under
which we labored—Yet almost in the same
moment, they menaced us with tile sword of
vengeance, if under like circumstances, we
should complain again.
Pause fellow-citizens, for a moment to con
sider vvliat necessity existed for the enact
ment of the enforcing bill. Congress had
listened to our complaints, and removed out
grievances. They had given peace to the
country, and knew well tliat such would be
the inevitable tendency of the measure which
they adopted. In the very act of passing this
hill, they were assured by individuals of their
own body, qualified to know and entitled to
their confidence, that the bill for the modifi
cation of the tarifl’, would be received in the
spirit of peace, by the people of the South.
Thus, they km w that the force bill was a
mere idle, empty menace; that it could have
iio practical operation or eflect. Why then
wasitpassed? The answlr is obvious. The
more immediate friends of the President
seized upon the occasion, to obtain a vole <>,
Congress vindicating his departure from tlmse
great constitutional principles on the strength
of which,’ and as the advocate of which, he
cninc into power- The advocates saw in the
affirmance ol the principles of the proclama
tion, hy the enactment of the cnforcioiig bill,
a succession of measure all tending to give
strength so that great central government,
which is tile object of their idolatry. With
out, there was a feeling not too creditable to
those who entertained it, towards the people
of South Carolina, lly their strenuous and
determined efforts, they had mainly contribut
ed to the prospective aholiltion of unconstitu
tional taxation, and those who had chiefly en
joyed its fruits, did not look kindly upon their
success.
To whatever combination, it may owe its
origin, it disgraces our statute book. It stands
there as an evidence of the determination of
the Federal Government, to set at nought the
legitimate sovereignty of the States, winch
created it. If suffered to remain—if the prin
ciples avowed in the proclamation, and sus
tained by the enforcing bill, are permitted to
become part and parcel ofour system of gov
ernment, to infuse their spirit into our insti
tutions, & to have a practical effect and ope
ration upon our people, this confederacy ol
sovereign States, as it canto from the hand of
the (Vainers of our constitutional charter, will
have become converted into one great consoli
dated government, whose’incvitablc tenden
cy will he, to destroy the Union, and with it,
the happineasof the people of these Slates.
Such is theaspect in which the Federal Gov
ernment, is at this moment presented to our j
view. Its power, its patronage, the popular- j
ity of its chief—the efforts of his adherents, i
ofollice holders, and. office seekers, and the
united exertions of the friends of a consolida
ted government, against whom it was hereto
fore his good fortune to contend, arc combin
ed to annililate those doctrines of constitu
tional law, and Slate sovereignty, which the
whole people of Georgia, have heretofore
preserved inviolate. At such a moment,
what is our condition? Always among th;
foremost in her devotion to Constitution:!
Union, Georgia has heretofore been t ie ui
wavering advocate of State sovereignty. In
every variety of form—in the prim, ry assem
blies of hei people, and in tlie limit solemn
councils of her functionaries, in every depait-;
! ment of her government, legislative, cxccu- j
I tive and judicial—in her intercourse with her
; sisters of the confederacy, and with the gov
ernment which they united to create, she al
; ways maintained the limitations of the Fedcr-
I al charter—she lias as solemnly denied the
j right of tliat Government to judge of the ex-!
; tent of its own powers—as dis-ilictly assert
ed her own sovereign right to decide in
j the iast resort, on the terms ts the compact
' into which she has entered. Who docs not
i recollect the arduous and continued strugglel
[of 1825 and 1820? Who does not reineni
! her the glorious and successful efforts, which
! under the auspices of “the mad Governor of
; Georgia” eventuated in the |ieae<ful acquisi
j tion of a large and valuable territory ? The
j principles on which she then ticteil were reit
i erated iri 1828. In tlie solemn protest olhci
i Legislature, which it became my duty topre
| sent to the Senate of the United States, arid
in the observations which accompanied its
presentment, these principles were distinctly
avowed. No Georgian then ventured to de
ride ‘ltem.—All professed to believe that they
were the pure doctrines of the Constitution,
which t especially behoved Southern fnen to
vindicate and defend. Nay, even in the
Covcntion of November last, the objection at
j first suggested, was not that the doctrines
! contained in the report were untrue, but that
they had been too often enunc’ated, to render
[it necessary to repeat them. Yet at this mo
ment, there is not one of those principles, for
j which Georgia has so long, and so earnestly
contended, which is not prostrated by the
| proclamation, the enforcing bill, and the doc
trines avowed during its discussion, if these
are hereafter to be considered as defining the
relations, and settling the powers of the Fed
eral and State Governments.
. .
At such a moment, what is tlie attitude of
i Georgia? Are her people united as at the
periods of w hich I have spoken, in the firm
and manly vindication of her rights? The
citadel is beleaguered, have we forgotten our
private bickerings to hasten in its defence? j
The constitution lias been violated, have we
silenced our local feuds to fly to its rescue?
No fellow-citizens, no!—At no jieriod, since
tlie developement of that memorable fraud,
which stains her earlier annals, has Georgia j
been so distracted by party. Devotion to
men, and to office, have prevailed over the
holier feelings, which binds the patriot to his
country. Ancient political associations have
been severed, and distrust has superseded the
confidence, which heretofore existed between \
those who ever united in a common and ge
nerous effort for the advancement of the pub
lic wear, while there lias not been wanting
the manifestation of a disposition to cower
before federal authority, even under the ac
knowledgment that it transcends the constitu
tion. Nay, the very crisis has been seized
upon to rally a party, on the principle of un
limited submission to federal supremacy—and
the convention lately asembled for the teduc
tion of our State representation, has been re
sorted to as the means bv which thismnlioly
purpose is to lie consummated. A principle
of representation which is indispensable to
our satety, as one of the members<U the con
lederacy—one which concerns, and is depen
dent upon a species of property, and.popula
tion, too vitally connected with our interests,
our happiness, nay, even with our very cxist
| once, to suffer its condition to be changed, has
been gratuitously abandoned by those, in
whom the people had reposed their Confidence.
You will understand that 1 refer to too sub
stitution of the while basis for the fcderal ra.
fio, in our state representation. A single rc.
flection on this subject, would seem to be de
cisive. If it be right that our coloured popu-
Intion should be enumerated in determining
the number of our representatives in the fe
deral legislature, that which is right in itself,
cannot be wrong in its application, to our do
mestic representation. If it be wrong, we i
should cease to claim if, as members of the
; confederacy. Are the people of Georgia pre
pared for this? arc t hey willing to give upone
third of their representation in Congress ?
! And if the proceedings of that convention
arc ratified—if the federal ratio lie abandon
ed, and you thereby declare that this species
of your population, is not to constitute one of 1
the elements of representation, how will you
resist the enforcement of your own doctrines •
jin the national Legislature? You know that
; this principle was reluctantly yielded to you,
l in the Federal Convention—tliat it is still
matter of complaint among the people of toe
J non slave-holding States. With vvhatavjdity
' will they avail tliemvclvesofyonracknowledg-
I incntof tlie error of this provision, in our fe
| deral compact ! You know and feel that your
| own existence and happiness,and that of those !
| who still adhere to you, demand that the'eon- j
dition of this population, should :emqin nn-
J altered'; that it behooves you to guard it with
! more than vestal vigilance, from all andeverv
| species of interference. You cannot be ig
j uorant that the situation of this people, en
gages at this moment the attention of the
I world—that in England, as well as the United
j States, efforts arc making to eflect tlie immi
j diatc and universal abolition of slavery—that
{there arc moonstruck and miscalled nliilan-
I thropists who have influence.of numbers, and ,
j wealth, who would madly rush to the aceoin
j plishraent of their object, careless of the tor
j rents of blood which it would cause to flow,
i And yet it is at this moment, that you ate cal-i
| led upon to abandon in your State legislation j
! a principle of representation, on the proserva
j tion of which, depends your relative strength
in a cor.fedeiacy, of which the majority con
sists of non slave-holding States. It cannot
be, that the people of Georgia can be misled
in a matter so vitally interesting to them ns I
this. It cannot be, but that they will visit ;
with their just indignation, those who have
thus led them to the precipic of ruin.
Fellow citizens ! If this be the situation
of the union, and ot'Georgia, what is it which
the crisis demands from the friends of cousti
ftitionr.l and regulated liberty ? Shall we
despair of the republic? No. Let us rather rise
with the emergency which demands our ex
ertions. The recuperative energies of the |
ncopic will yet rescue us from the dangers'
which surround ns. Our cause is good—lt is i
the cause of LIBERTY, THE CONSTITU
TION, AND CONSTITUTIONAL UNION.
| The intelligence and patriotism of the State!
jare with us, and the smiles of heaven will at
tend our honest efforts for the maintenance of
our rights as freemen. It is our first duty to
look at homo. Let the great and interesting i
questions which now agitate the public mind, j
he fairly presented to the people. Let each
man who feels the importance of the crisis,
devote himself in his immediate neighborhood,
to the advancement of this object. Organize
! a system of communication between
the ftiemls of the legitimate rights of the
{States. Call upon the Troup party to rally
under its ancient banner. Appeal to the
{lioncstand patriotic among our local oppo
nents, to unite with us in the vindication of
: principles alike dear to them and to us, be
cause equally necessary to the preservation
oi their rights and opinions. There are many
among them as much devoted to the princi
ples of liberty as ourselves. Let qs look in
to our own hearts, and banishing thence all
impure and selfish considerations, we may
confidently appeal to such men to unite their
eflorts with ours. Finally, let us confine
ourselves to the maintenance of those princi
ples which arc essential to the preservation of
I the rights of the States, respecting honest dif
ferences of opinion among those who concur
with us in thu general objects of preserving
tlie sovereignty of the States, and the harmo
uv and perpetuity of the Union.
In the discharge of this high duty, we
may not hope to escape the imputation of be
ing agitators, and enemies to the Union. The
charge has been already made and reiterated
by a hundred venal presses. I will not stop
to contrast the character and ’services of
those liv whom it is made, with that of those i
against whom it is urged, but will state brief-1
ly mv own v.iew£, that those who repeat this j
charge hereafter, may not have the plea of ig-|
noraucc to excuse them. 1 have another rea
son. Ilavingbcen grossly misrepresented on
thissubject by my.enemies, 1 do not choose |
hereafter to be misunderstood by my friends, j
The opinions winch I entertain in the relu j
iton to the rights and powers of tlie Federal
government, and of the States which created
it, were expressed in the report to the Stale
Convention. Those views w< rc formed with
deliberation, and in relation to them, my
mind has undergone no change, i believe
that the federal Constitution is a compact i
between equal and sovereign States—retain
ing their sovereignty, but plighting their faith
to abstain from its exercise, over all the sub
jects confided to the control of the agents of
the confederating States—and necessarily re
serving to themselves the rigiit, in default of
a common arbiter, which the nature of the
compact did not permit, to decide in the last
resort, and so far ns their own citizens were
concerned, on the question of the fulfilment
or violation of the compact, by the common
agent of the confederacy. 1 limit this right
of-dccision by the States, to a case in the last
resort, because I believe that the federal Gov
ernment is supreme under the Constitution — 1
that the acts of one department of that Gov
ernment, done in conformity to the forms of
the Constitution, are obligatory upon every j
other department, and upon all the citizens!
{ of the United States, ordinarily and in their
i character us individual citizens. The secu
rity for tlie rightful exercise of potveis thus
comprehensive, is to he found in the ordinary j
: checks which that instrument proves, in the i
{ oath which is taken hy every public function- j
{ ary, in the division of the legislative depart- j
j incut,and tlse diversity of the elements of
which it is composed—in the qualified I
veto which , is giv. n to the Ex ecu-1
tive, in tins Supreme Court as interpreters of
the law, and finally in the ballot box. So
long as t;ie States adhere to the compact, and
thereby submit their citizens to the action cf
the federal Government, it must be supreme
in terms of that compact.—But unless 1 could
suppose it to have been the intention of the
framers of the Constitution, by which 1 mean
the States who created it, in ono breath, to;
have imposed a limitation tipro the powers!
which they had granted, and in tlie next to j
have destroyed tl—-that after having carefully j
| specified the powers, which were granted, and
then solemnly declared that tlie powers noti
granted, were reserved to the people or to the !
States, it was intended to apply a sponge to!
this provision, thus leaving the (government i
without any other limitation than its own dis-1
cretion, I cannot bring myself to believe that
a Government is confessedly limited by tlie i
charter which creates it—which was designed !
lo operate in connection with other and pre
ex sting Governments, by which ;t was crea
ted,can be authorised o; decide in thclast re
sort, upon those very limitations which that!
charter imposes, if lam told, that the ordi- i
nary cheeks of which I have spoken, arel
sufficient to enforce these limitations,
I answer that those who differ from me
admit that this is a confederated, not a consol
idated Government, hut that nothing is gained
by the admission, if these ate the only checks
which the charter imposes, for these belong
equally to the latter species of Government.
I am forced therefore to conclude that it is es- 1
seutial to ihc security of a confederacy, lor \
the enforcement of the limitations imposed!
upon the common agent, that each member !
should possess the power of deciding for it-}
self, and in the last resort, upon the question I
of conformity to the compact which unites it!
with the other members of the confederacy.
I belivc that the acknowledgement of the ex-j
istence ol this power will supersede tlicnej
ccssily for its cxerc.se—l believe that the dp.
nialof it will endanger the peace and linrmo- *
nvofthe l nton. In this I may err, but my i
conviction is sincere, and believing, us Ido, ,
that the perpa tuition of thiv Union is en-l,
tial to the happiness of the American people,!
proud of the recollections with which it is as
sociated, and anticipating the honorable des'i
tiny to which it will conduct us, as a private'
citizen 1 will cheerfully unite with you in giv
ing eflect to those principles which I deem
essential to its preservation. Neither seeking
I office nor desiring it, I cannot be indifferent
j to the decision of questions which are vitally
connected with my own and the happiness of
{those who are dear to me—-nor will 1 shrink
from the performance of any duty, which,
with a just regard to my situation, may be
i required at my hands.
j Mr. Berrien’s toast. The perpetuation of the
I Union and the sovereignty/ of the States of the
Confederacy The one perfect, according to the
i spirit ofthe Constitution the other efficient to
■ esist every violation of it. Save us from alar
; mists, consolidationists and office hunters; and
| the problem which reconciles Federal Union
with State sovereignty, though difficult of sol u
! tion, may yet be solved.
Judge Strong having been called upon by !
the committee, made the following observa-!
i tions in substance:—
In answer to the call of your committee, Ii
need not sav to you fellow-citizens that 1 am '
i unused to addresses like those expected on ;
occasions like the present, for that you full |
well know. Nor, do I flatter myself that as-1
ter the brilliant displays, which we have al-!
ready heard and enjoyed that 1 can interest, !
or enlighten this numerous and intelligent as- i
semhly. You are all apprised that 1 do not i
profess any tiling hut plain homespun useful
-1 ness. Should Ibe enabled to add anything,
the more firmly to establish you in the politi
cal faith which you profess, and induce you
the more zealously to carry it out in good
works. I shall have accomplished all that is
desirable and more than 1 anticipate. To ef
fect any good we should proceed with abiding
principle and prolific, energy.
It cannot be denied but that we have just
passed a painful political crisis, and that an
other is at hand. Tile- detestable and dis
graceful force bill, still stains your statute
book, and places all [lower in tlie hands of its
author, who more than once disregarded the
{ primary principles of your Government, act-
I ing under the influence of his passions ; set
| your tribunals both judicial and military at
I defiance, and trampled both law and justice
| under foot. But whether Poinpcy or Ca;sar
| reigns, remember, “that the price of liberty
iis eternal vigilance.” Yes fellow-citizens,
{ unless this daring act of your rulers is indig
| riantly rebuked and speedily repealed, it will
become an entering wedge which will ere
I long in these heretofore peaceful United
States open tcirific scenes of desolation, car
nage and blood. And yet men can be found,
on whom you have bestowed your suffrages
and honored with your confidence, who admit
the uriconstitutionality, inequality and oppres
sion of the law intended thus to lie enforced,
time-serving and man-serving enough to sup
port that worse than bill of despotism. If
these things can be, and are to continue to
be, the people of these U. States, must and |
will he irredeemably enslaved. Be not de
ceived fellow-citizens, those who tolerate such
; an insult to you as freemen; such a daring
of your rights, are wedded to the old .absurd
theory, that Government is instituted for tliej
benefit of the rulers, instead of tiie interest
of the people. So they can obtain the Ho
nors and share the loaves and fishes, they care
not for the rights, wrongs or oppressions of
the people. But thank God these are facts
i being exploded. Freemen :;re more and
{ more in the habit of reading, enquiring and
j investigating the principles of Government I
and the relative duties of the Governors and !
! l ights of tlie governed, for themselves. And
in this essentially great work, they are great
ly aided by the investigations of disinterested
professors of political economy, and the ar
guments of their own independent and virtu
-1 ous statesmen. As you value your liberty,
{ read, think and understand for yourselves, j
| The Journals of the general convention that;
framed the constitution of the United States
| should at least, be in every neighborhood. |
By these journals you will discover that tin re'
were many views of Government suggested
and considered ; that some were for, if not a
iucnarchi.il government, one as arbitrary,
others for an aristocracy. But there were
other pure spirits who were devoted to liberty
and the interest of the people; who were
willing by compact to grant to Congress cer
tain specified powers, for the support of the j
Federal Government; for the common tie-1
| fence of the Union,'and tlie regulation (not
j destruction) of commerce, and according to i
' these and the ether grants of powers therein
{ mentioned, to promote tlie general welfare.
And by the very first amendment, you will
{ perceive that tlie powers not delegated to tlie
United States by the constitution, nor prohi
{ ted to the States, are reserved to the States
j respectively, or the people. You who have
not read tlie proceedings of th.:t body will he
i equally amazed and appalled when you disco
' ver that many of the most strong and dange
rous grants of power proposed and rrprett'y
rejected or refused have in less than fifty years
been assumed, and several of them exercised
for unequal and oppressive purposes. And
thus you have in the earliest history of your}
Government striking evidence of the prune-j
ness of power to accumulate, and of man toi
usurpation. A Government by all admitted 1
to be peculiarly limited in its powers and char- '
acter, its officers the mere agents of the States I
or representatives ol the people thereof.-
And yet in a few briefyears, jou’bchold those
agents usurping powers not to he found in
the charter of t'reir authority, and which had
been «o recently and solemnly refused to he
delegated to them. If these things are suf-j
sered, even the hope of liberty will speedily !
bid the world farewell, such usurpers act up- j
on the principle that the powers of Govern
ment may be exerefeed for the interest of
those in power, and of a favoured few, and
not lor thu interest of the people generally.
This is a brief, but true of the picture state j
of your constitutional interest. But thank !
God there is a redeeming principle in your
institutions, which, if you, the people, will
seize and act out with energy, will save the
Constitution, save your liberties,and preserve
the Union. Y es, my countryuitu, there were
a hand of liberty lovi, 1£?
tionary sages and patriots in that CmuJ
who in addition to the old checks of
hy balancing the different depart,J?
Government against each other an ,i
were, with holy inspiration, conceived *!
sod, and interposed the more salutary m
lectua! guard against tlie assumption';,!;
cumulation of power, and shield of tK.
of those by whom they were dele*r a i /'
division of powers betwixt the States
Fcdcta! Government, by preserving u "
reignty of the States, aiid stili effectin
ion for the special purposes before nil
[ ed. , hus the sovereignty of the Sin ]
j preserved, and their sovereign powers J
| interposed to judge in tlie final resort'
violations of tlie great original cmnnact’j
{ it ts not expressly otherwise provid •’) 1
adopt their own mode and measure of r* J
; Tl,is * s the sale aml glorioßsState I>i„| lt |
I trine professed bv ourselves, tau.riu 1
jsnn vindicated by Randolph,
| out by our noble selves, with our own'?!
j at our head, and consummated bv CaJ
| All<l before that true God whom we ,3
|to worship, 1 firmly believe that that J
conservative principle is tlie onlv effeX
j means by which encroachment cm, [JJ
| and tlie Constitution,that noblest
i man wisdom, ran he sustaii r(!,andtl H .Jß
preserved. And yet there are amonj
{ pononts, persons so ignorant, or
as to charge n, with being inif r , nif j|,M
pion. ! ca,t hack the false am!foul■
talionm their teeth. If the Union dM
dissolved, it will he effected Iwiy J
trucklintr, submission poller’ |, UW( H
themselves, and these who act* with thS
yielding to one assumption of power J
"other, until the Constitution shall heal
ally aoolishtd; iqnl instead of the frr|
economical government established |
fathers, al! power will rush to the cenli|
one too onerous and 0 | press',ve to |,c !,»|
any hut slaves, will he established in ml
Our system is as beautiful in theory I
sii ein practice*,am! {jus been aptly
to those laws of philosophy which rct|
the solar system; the General (!m J
regulated by the Constitution,
'i' centre, am! the sovereign Stales
wiihiu their respective orbits; and tol
•he laws el tlie centripetal and crnlrfl
forces, each is kept in its proper spline!
general and local gov. rmnents are profl
ami liberty saved. We Lave am I v/illfl
to support the General GovernmentS
energet c exercise of all eonstitutionalfH
we have ami will resist nil usurpationifl
pression. Since Mr. Jefferson, || ( l
aposi!,' of In ■■ institutions, iwrhrß
“ nullification is the rightful r.-tnedy
not ashamed of that name. \„iu
"'hat Mr. .Madison lias said upon
j if niv memory is mu gieatlyat
jip ' ; H did more than simply make
{ t ion of her doctrim s ami appeal to
She did build
I militia, and actual!;.' nullify the alien
, dition laws, so h.r as concerned (he
and Representatives of her own
i and those aliomniaMe laws were ri'ueili^B 1
I fho I iiion saved. Long
own I rou; nullified .'nlm (J.
cation ol the old treaty, and gut
and lilt; I nioti was preserved;
recently, our noble sister Sout.'i
lified tiie tarifl', ” fli.it hill of
it was at ii ice modified and put nnoiu
footing, ami ;fic Union still t
for the conduct of loose
j who aided in the pa.-sage of tliat
| di testable bill to aid the work if
-. a!! now, so I’.-r ras tin e
raaieot, wm id be calm and ipi
ruffled siiimat r’s sea. Indeed, it ertlß
Congress or tiie otin-1
unco itutioa:.i rower.-, or aim
oppression, mt the waters become
i ili'tin lied. G , glorious State n
; an- intended, and I iio|»c ever will,
111 tlieir sale constil lition.’ll louitols. '
A few words, my friends, upon at
► pie, am! I have done. I allude to ll:
and doings of the majority of that
nameless depravity who tjsjetiihhd
to amend the primary principles of)
Government, to reduce and equalize
of your representation; when, instei
eslly and rightly performing die 1
peojdc commissioned them to do, tj
j bout their own dirty wort of party!
zemerit, ‘and with a hardened eftroj
precedented since the infamous ihj
5 zoo, “ broke up the tountanis of t>
deepof iilmaiiiiatioit,” and prostrated)
ciplo and justi' - .; to ctlfCtuatetbeiruj
ed purpose. Tin y were toequalisq
as reduce your representation, uj
j do.ne it? Let those who esnadd
t multiply a'id divide, answer tb#<ll
They pretend to’ be the exclusive ll
ing party, ami yet tiie moment the? I
power, strike at the prnvijinP* in “I
tution of the United Jc.ites vvliich I
its ratification, and thereby furms-iej
versarics of Soutlu ru rights uud ► 0,1 l
forests w it It the arguments and tnc.m j
an alteration of the very instrumej
; hinds tun Union together, and tins l
! moSt delicate and agitating point- I
{ their nefarious scheme plaiisiL’p.
i wibly adopt the free while bests*™
i virtually make sand beds, hills am ij
i tlieir basis of representation: an |
people, they agitate jnviduous V
and hy arguments which " oul j
African, attempt to make i wt ’ r
that their condition and weigh ll * ■
creasetl by their wonderlul
| be not deceived, fellow ij
i vote by the Federal basis, lias <
{ ways will count as much as 1 ® ■
That basis gives the
increased representation i:i C°.i- ■
three fifths ofthe coloured pop l )[ “■
State, and it gives to tlie free " 1 5
respective comities, both P°°[*
Iv die same rate ol represents i B
gislature. And is this " otJ |' s ’“ lll ,| ! |
not the poor man living in 111 J
nv slaves as much or more m
enactment of those laws » lir ■
and regtilale them Awn '^ eiru I
