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rOBEICSI
England.
Tlie bill in relation to the emancipation of
the slaves in the British Colonies having pass
ed the House of Commons, has been carried
up to the House of Lords. It is very doubt
ful, however, whether it will be received
with the same cordiality in the West Indies,
for the resident planters do not simply com
plain of losing the value of their slaves, but
allege that by emancipation they will lose
the working power. Free labor they look
upon as a dream.
Ireland.
Dr bun, June 17.
The emigration from the north of Ireland,
both to the United States and Canada, has ta
ken place this year to a considerable extent
through the port of Londonderry. A large
portion of the emigrants to the Slates, w ere
respectable farmers, and fully three fourths of
the entire are Protestants. They are estima
ted by the Londonderry Sentinel, (who gives
a list of vessels sailing with passengers) as
having emigrated from an adjoining district of
40 miles square, and as having taken on an
average only A) 10 each, with them, (though
some took very considerable stuns.) They
make the total sailed from Londonderry, 50
ships, 12,937 tons registered, having (>,soi
pas engers.
There only remain in port the brig Ann for
Philadelphia, and ships Forth and Ewcretta
for St. John's New Brunswick, sail in the en
suing week- These vessels will, it is expec
ted, have nearly their comp imenf. From
all that can be learned, double the number
arc preparing to leave the country next sea
son, despairing of better times.
Prance.
Chamber of Deputies. — Session, June 18.
TREATY WITH THE UNITED STATES.
M. Benjamin Delcsscrt said that he was
charged by the committee, ami entrusted with
the examination of the bill relative to the
treaty with the United States, so express its
regret that the late period of the session at
which the bill had been presented, and the
numerous important points involved in the ex
amination, rendered it impossible to make the
report tins session ; but the committee was
most anxious that a treaty should be termina
ted which preserved the commercial relations
so highly important to the interests of such
old allies as Franco and the United States.
Gen. Lafayette, agreed with all that had
falluu from the lion Deputy, and expressed
Ins firm conviction that when the Chamber
had examined the question, it would sec that
the interests of France wete involved in the
full execution of the treaty.
The Minister of Foreign Adairs said that
the Government was most anxious for the
immediate discussion and adoption of the
treaty. The delay in presenting the bill to
the Chamber arose from the difficulty in col
lecting all the documents ricccssaty fyr tlie
elucidation of a treaty by which a final ad
justment was made of transactions extending
over a period of more than 20 years. Even
now some, of these documents had not come
over from America, but he hoped before the
next session tho committee would be in pos
session of every information.
Count Jaubcrt considered that it should
not be allowed to go lortli to tho world, and
particularly to the United -States, that tlie
Chamber was prepared to adopt blindly a trea
ty involving tlie payment of so large a sum
of money U3 was to be paid to the United
States. The interests of the country required
that every point connected with tho treaty
should be minutely examined, ami from the
feelings of distrust which the provisions of
the treaty had excited in many members of
the Chambers, he bad no doubt it would be
ao.
M. Manguin ai l nadvcrted on tho absurdi
ty of supposing that the Chamber or the com
mittee could have formed any decided opin
on the subject, when the Minister himself had
just told them that all the necessary docu
ments w ere not collected.
The Minister for Foreign axffuirsobserved
that all the most important documents, were
in the hands of tho committee. Those w hich
were to come would be useful as explanato
ry documents, but were not of primary im
portance.
Other lion. Deputies demanded to be heard,
but the Chamber, which had for some time
shown strong marks of impatience at this epis
odical discussion, called loudly for the order
of the day.
Tlie President said that as no question was
before the Chamber, the discussion could not
be allowed to be carried further; the con
stitutional right of the Chamber was perfect
ly understood; no treaty which required the
assent of tho legislature for tho means of car
rying it into execution could be considered
as even provisionally susceptible of being car
ried into exccction ur.t i that asssent was giv
en. The question was therefore entirely open,
and nothing which had passed could pre
judge the opinion whiefc the Chamber might
hereafter come to on the treaty. (Applause-)
Letters of the 19th June from Paris, say,
that the present session was expected to close
m four or five days. The Ministers of Louis
Plnllippe have expressed their determination
to retain possession of Algiers, although the
Bourbon government which acquired it, de
clared to the then British Administration,
that thoir »tpo.lition was directed by no views
of conquest. Furl Cray w hen questioned on
the subject, evaded expressing his opinion by
alleging that he had received tio official in
formation of auuh a declaration on the part of
the government of Louis Philiippe.
Don Pedro is still at Oporto in a state of
inactivity.
The Belgian Legislature arc still busy in
•discussing tlie answer to be given to the ad
dress ot tho King on opening the session.
if the the account of the retreat of the
Egyptian army, and of the promised with,
drarvalof the Russian forces from Constanti
nople be correct, we may expect tranquility
to be immediate restored to the East of Eu
rope.
A picture—Who knows it ?— Cleric, to
Mr. A. —l\lr. B. says he w ill he much accom
modated it you can pay hiin the amount of
your bill, as he has a payment to make this
afternoon, and stands very much in need of
it.
Mr. -I.—Go and tell Mr. B. to pay his own
debts and not be so worried about other peo
ple paying theirs. This is the fourth time
he has sent to me on this same errand—it's
insulting.
LUrk.— But you promised to pay him, last
GEORGIA TIMES, AM) STATE RIGHT’S ADVOCATE.
week ; and us you have not done it, he pro
bably thought there was no impropriety in
sending for it, now.
Mr. .4.—Suppose I did promise to pay him
last week ; he need not complain about that.
Only last Monday, he kept Mr. C. waiting an
hour or more, while he went and borrowed
the money which be iiad promised to pay him
that morning. He has nothing to brag of in
the way of punctuality.
Clerk. —lt is true he was compelled to bor
row money, to fulfil an engagement which he
had made on the strength of your promise.
Mr. A. —Well, there’s no need ol inul'i
plyiiig words about the matter, 'l’ell Mr. B
ihat when I ran spare tho money without in
convenience to myself, 1 will pay him.
[Erie Observer.
Murder of the mysterious Paris Gambler.
All lovers of the mysterious and marvellous
in Finis have been put on tlie qui vivc, by a
most extraordinary murder lately perpetrated
near the passage Choiscul. The person of
the murdered man was well known in all the
l’arisian gambling houses, but his name no
one ever heard, neither was his abode at any
lime found out. In the public places lie fre
quented lie went by the nickname of the Ad
vocate, for he acknowledged that he had for
merly belonged to the legal profession, and
his conversation and manners were lawver
like. Property to the amount of 900,000
litres has been seen in his possession, and he
seldom had on his person jess than 15,000
francs in notes. At the gambling table he
was noted as cowl, taciturn and pertinacious,
proceeding on a very complicated system,
which demanded great attention and selfcom
tnafid. lie passed away every day sealed at
some ‘lrente-et-un’ table, silently immersed
in bis calculations in tlie combinations of the
game. It was observed that if any one copi
ed his plan of playing, he immediately rose
and quilled the table in great ill humor, and
he was not known to frequent the same house
for many days after. He was found stiff and
cold on the pavement, in a blind obscure
nook, by the Halle Ventadour, close to the
Passage Choiscul. Cries had been heard in
that neighborhood in the dead of night, and it
is supposed that those shrieks scared the as
sassin from his plunder, as notes to a large a
mount were found on the person of the decea
sed ; yet there still is no clue whereby his
identity can be traced, lie is supposed to
have lodged in the most populous quarter of
Paris: but us vast stuns arc doubtless stored
in his place of abode, those who know the
secret of his “ whereabouts” keep it well,
and take silent possession of the .rich spoils
they have thus inherited. His death wound
had been with a poniard stall in the side. It
is conjectured that Ins assassin was one of the
players at the gaining house lie had just quit
ted, who had dogged his steps till lie entered
the darksome alley where his corpse was af
terwards found.
S’OIJTHAb.
bOTERIOn Tlton*.
•• During the whole of the glorious struggle of
1825, that devoted patriot, (Gov. Troup,) never
once sought protection for bis acts under the
wings of tlie constitution.” — Southern Banner.
Tue most malignant enemy of Governor
Troup, never invented a calumny, so unjust
to his character as a patriot and statesman,
as is propagated in the abovo extract from the
Southern Banner, a paper professing to be his
friend and a disciple of bis piinciplcs.
“ iYi'rer once sought protection for his acts
under the Constitution !/" By what authori
ty, then, did he act ! Under what sanction,
as Governor of Georgia, ilared he resist the
laws, and publish defiance to the power of the
General Government ? Was he acting under
a solemn ordinance, by the people in Conven
tion ? No—whence, then, we enquire, did
he derive the authority, to “trample under
foot, the laws and treaties’' of the General
Government ? From that source’, surely, to
which, lie was to look for a development of all
Ins powers and duties, as Governor of Geor
gia, and beyond which lie could not go in any
emergency, the constitution. To say that Go
vernor Troup, placed his resistance, or nulli
fication, of the new treaty, upon the “ high
ground of natural right,” is admitting him
to be the “ madman” or “ Traitor,” which
his enemies and the enemies of his country,
have so often declared him—We say us the
Governor of Georgia, not acting in pursuance
of a formally declared w ill of the people, but
ordinarily in that capacity, he was constrain
ed to “ seek shelter for all his acts under tlie
constitution —and that such acts, whether
expressly commanded or impliedly permitted
by the Constitution, were equally consistent
with that instrument.
It is thus wo have been accustomed, to view
the successful nullification ol the usurpations
of the General Government, by Gov. Troup
in 1825-—Mr. Adams’ new treaty “amoun
ted to a deliberate, palpable and dangerous
violation of tlie reserved rights of the States”
and the liberties of the people. The magni
tude of tlie evil—the imminence of the dan
ger, demanded a prompt, decided and imme
diate remedy—Gov. Troup showed himself,
equal to the crisis. Dreading the efficacy of
redress, through the tardy process of a conven
tion of the people and believing that the con
stitution, not only defined the rights of the
people, but invested their Functionaries, with
the requisite powers, to maintain them, he re
solved, at once, to throw around the State,
whose rights and liberties he guarded, the
shield of her sovereignty and bid defiance to
the assaults of Federal usurpation. Tlie is
sue is known.
la the “ glorious struggle of 1825,” Gov.
Troup, “acted under” and by authority “of
the constitution,” or lie was an insurgent
chief, at the head ol v a rebellious force.
Macon Messenger.
Tlie following is a specimen of the sto
ries that the Federal Union is in the con
stant habit of entertaining its readers. If
there has been a reaction in favor of a trea
ty, it must be found in the fiction of his
own brain, we saw none in the Council.
We have said heretofore no truth can be
fpund in these Georgia papers on tire Chero
kee ease, especially, in one that advocates
the principles of a Robber.
[Chcrolcce Phainix.
“ The CniiROKEEs.-M'e learn from a source
entitled to the highest credit, that the at
tempts to prevent a treaty with the Choro
kees, under the pretence that they would be
henetitted by the act for the collection of the
revenue, have resulted in a powerful reaction
in tavor ol a treaty. The enemies of the
({resident, at Washington, affirmed that this
revenue law would prevent a treaty : a por
tion of our representatives in Congress, op
their return to the State, gave currency to
the same charge against the administration!:
and Ross, the principal Chief, played a cor
responding part among his country men. But
tlie President, with his characteristic frank
ness, and decision of character, lias shewn,
to the Chcrokees, their real situation: and a
large majority of that hitherto deluded peo
ple, are now convinced, that if they remain
within the chartered limits of Georgia, they
must submifito her laws. At the solicitations
of Ross, and his partisans, the other chiefs
have consented to postpone making a treaty,
until the meeting of Congress: and to pre
vent any unnecessary delay after that time,
an exploring party is to visit tLc Arkansas
country during the present summer. \Y e be
lieve that our Indian controversies arc rapid
ly approaching a harmonious aid satisfactory
close : and the people of Georgia will be on
their guard, how they give credit to open ac
cusations, or subtle insinuations against the
President.” —Federal Union.
Speculations on the next Presidency.
“Divide and conquer,” lias ever been the
maxim of the aspirant after office. The les
sons of the past arc forgotten until the subju
gated find that they had slumbered in securi
ty whilst usurpations were silently sapping
tiie foundations of liberty. All usurpations
end in despotism; sometimes temporary re
forms call back rulers to tiicir senses; but
corruption is contagious—offices after a lapse
of years mould the officers; nothing but a
thorough overthrow of principal and subal
terns can change the usual course of corrup
tion in office. There is now' a race in Eng
land,. between the lories and whigs, which
shall be loudest in the denunciations of liber
ty—which shall do most injury to Ireland. A
similar attempt is now made in the U. States
between the Federalists and the “ self-styled”
Union party. They have vied with each oth
er in tiicir shouts for the Union ; they have
struggled for the mastery in zeal against the
liberties of the South ; and have ‘,out-hcrodcd
Herod” in their abuse of the true principles
of the Constitution; and they have industri-
ously sowed divisions amongst us by rewards
and punishments; they have alarmed tlie ti
mid by their attempts to bring about civil
war; they have seized the moment of panic
to pass a Bloody Bill, those in power to re
venge themselves, to gain allies, anil appoint
a #ucccssor—tlie Federalists out of power,
in homage to their principles, and to have
matters to their liking when they should get
111. -Such is the siltmtioii of tho @outh
manacles are forged and fitted to the South
ern States; the opportunity if it docs not
happen will he sought for to bind them for
ever in tlie iron bonds of despotism. The
cry of Disunion has been used to dishearten
the friends of State Rights; the timid but
honest lovers of the Union have been detach
ed by the indiscriminate cry of the pervert
ed watch-word, “ Union.” “The keen-sighted
lovers of place arc always on the look-out for
something to neutralize the exertions of the
real friends of tlie Constitution ; no Govern
ment in the world has .ushed so headlong to
power as ouis, in the last four years! They
have taxed one portion of Freemen, without
recompense, for the benefit of a few favorites!
They have originated treaties; established a
complete system of rewards and punishments,
and by a single dash of the pen, by the dic
tum of one popular man, transformed our Re
publican Government into a consolidated one !
Where are the talented and chivalrous patri
ots of the South ; those who gave brilliancy
and honor to the Administration ?—Driven
from it3 councils, or withdrawn in msgust
from its rank Federal principles ! Not a man
south of the Totomac in the councils of our
country! Our interest and important con
cerns left to chance, or what is worse, to the
will of an irresponsible majority—and those
amongst us warmest for our cause most out of
favor!—For shame ! let us rouse ; let us un
ite ; let us pul forth our energies, chalk out
our principles, and choose our candidate for
the Presidency. The North is in commotion
—Webster ;md Van Huron,Cass fc McLean ;
the West is throwing out is feelers. Weigh
their virtues, talents and patriotism. Have
we none South of the Potomac their equals
in all essentials for the Presidency? Let
those who aim for “ the spoils,” advocate the
pretensions of any of these men. Let all
the friends of Liberty, and of the peculiar in.
stitutions of tlie South, unite upon a Southern
candidate. We need not despair—rally arid
unite our frionds ; and a candidate will readi
ly be selected ; and to the movements of the
good “ Old Dominion” wo should look atten
tively, No State has a deeper stake at ha
zard, and none lias shown a mere constant,
lofty, and chivalrous bearing against Federal
encroachments. Virginia, then, should show
a disposition to unite, ami choose from the
great men of tlie South—she may offer her
own taleuted sons. The people in the whole
south ought to examine the subject and bring
out their candidate. No one should seek to
be nominated—no man should be thrust for
ward : the People, or the Southern States,
should single out the individual. We have
a galaxy of talents that would do credit to any
country, in any age ; then where so many are
worthy,let us unite and cliiai.se one to repre
sent and carry in our principles. It will he
useless to count upon this or that State North
of the Potomac ; it tv ill be a game played by
designing politicians. We must have u
Southern man to unite the South—to prevent
being bought and sold upon the eve of a Presi
dential election. Our greatest enemies will
be those who attempt to divide us. Our sal
vation depends upon united action,
.1 Citizen of the United Slates —because
A Citizen or Ai aba.ua.
We pity the want of principle which could
suffer a man of Mr. Webster’s talents, to
make experiments upon tlie honor and intel
ligence of the west—tT> breathe the political
pestilence of New England upon those pure
waters and beautiful vales which the sun kis
ses as be sinks beneath the horrizon. The
indignant genius of that yet unsullied clime,
might well have rebuked this political
Ncssus, for attempting to east the deadly
mantle of federalism ov< r the free limbs of
the infant giant of the West* —in the hope of
entrapping by guile, a power not to be sub
dued by force—a power that would laugh to
scorn the menaces of atyiiuit, though backed
by the purse and the sword of Government.
Mr. Webster had realty listeners,however, at
Pittsburg, wc have no doubt. Ohio ha* bent
tho knee, and bowed her neck to the yoke,
of Federal power, in hope of that return for
submission, which a wise despot never yet
failed to make —the privilege of being pam
pered at the expense of those who are resolv
ed not to compromise their rights, and who
have no wish to survive the liberties of their
country. West in its location, the spirit of
Ohio is recreant—false to the mighty des
tinies that await the West. Well may Dan
iel Webster appeal to a spirit like hers, against
the free, the proud stand taken by South Ca
rolina in opposition—to federal meanness,
federal malice, federal usurpation, and the in
solence, the atrocity of federal menaces.—
here, too, is an electioneering speech—the
speech of one wiio hopes at no distant day to
occupy that “ pride of place,” whence, if at
tained, lie is prepared to fulminate his edicts
against the first rebellious State which shall
dare question his supremacy. South Caroli
na would be the first object of his Executive
vengeance. It: this speech, the people of
Oiiio are told that the “ Proclamation”—aye
the “ Proclamation”—the forerunner of a
Bill of Illood—that infamous mandate of a
despot, which blots out the very charter of
I our liberties—rescinds the very law of our
i political being, tlie Declaration of "76—out
rages and tramples under foot the sovereign
ty of these States—effaces the emblem and
chills the inspiration—insults the very genius
of this confederacy—this odious and shame
less rescript of a tyrant, is l worthy,' it seems
—ycs“ worthy lobe carried through at every
hazard.” This means that the ‘Union’ is
worthy to be preserved at the rich cost of the
blood of the people of these States! This
is the. ‘ preservation !’ Worthy, indeed, and
wonderful ‘ Union,’ which can bo thus ‘pre
served !’ Accursed be that ‘Union’ which
shall demand for its cement the blood of our
citizens. And are we to be mocked and in
sulted by hosannas to the ‘ Union,’ issuing
from tlie polluted lips of those who while
they thus treacherously cant about its ‘bles
sings,’ would to-morrow hang it like a mill
stone about our necks, and sink us in the
last depths of a consolidated tyranny. We
say, the sooner the attempt is made the better
—confidence is gone—let us look to our
selves.—Char. Post.
DOMESTIC.
Meeting of tlie State Rights 4k Troup
party off Talbot comity--Aug. 51
In pursuance of previous notice, a large
number of the members of tlie Stale Rights
and Troup party of Talbot, met at the Alale
Academy in Centrcville, and organised their
meeting by calling Col. I’etek F. Alahone
to the chair, and appointing Leonard P.
Breedlove their Secretory. After the ob
j-ot for whivti. the meeting, had been called
was discussed, Mr. Thomas C. McKeen of
fered, and in a very able and eloquent man
ner, advocated the following Preamble anil
Resolutions, which were passed without a dis
senting voice.
Preamble and Resolution*.
We, the citizens of Talbot county, mem
bers of the Troup party, and professing State
Right principles as expressed in the Virginia
Resolutions of ’9B, and the Kentucky Reso
lutions of ’99, and acted on by George M-
Troui* in 1827, esteem it our high and un
alienable right to convene and pu dicly ex
press our opinion about men and measures on
all occasions—and after mature deliberation
and patient investigation, do
Resolved, That in the opinion of this meet
ing, the proceedings of tiic late Reduction
Convention, held in Milledgeville on the Ist
Monday in May last, should not be ratified
for the following reasons, to wit:
Jst. It docs not answer the end proposed, in
calling the Convention.
2dx Sa 6 e. .mi removing - existing evils,
the proposed plan will increase them.
3d. In both houses of the Legislature un
der the proposed amendment, a minority of
the people will elect a majority of members.
4th. The taxes will he paid by one portion
of the State, and their proceeds appropriated
by another.
sth. The federal basis ought to have been
retained, in one house at least, and if it be
rejected, a great and permanent injury to the
State, and to the South, will he unavoidable.
Resolved, That wc will never consent to
alter or amend the Constitution of this State,
until vve shall be made sensible that justice,
patriotism, and good government require it.
Resolved, That we reprobate and contemn
the efforts of any portion of the people of this
State, to alter the Constitution of this State,
for purposes of political or party aggrandise
ment —he they our friends or our foes.
Resolved, That we sincerely regret the
manifestation of a feeling among our people
to encourage the friends of emancipation, and
the foes to the Constitution of tho United
States, by tampering with the principles upon
which they are both seeking to undermine
the vital interests of the South.
Resolved, That Joel Crawford is a suit
able individual to succeed the present incum
bent in the duties of the “ Mighty Workshop ”
—that wc have the strongest assurance from
his character arid patriotism, that lie will not
voluntarily pledge, what he docs not mean,
nor in fact comply with; that he will not
knuckle and crouch at the feet of felons, nor
sue for quarter when the conflict comes be
tween the rights of the States and the usur
pation of undelegated authority in the Gene
ral Government.
On motion, Resolved, That tlie proceedings
of this meeting be published in the Recorder
and Georgia Times—the Hickory Nut and
Columbus Enquirer.
PETER F. MAHONE, Chairman.
Leonard I’. Breedlove, Secretary.
COMMENCEMENT.
This literary feast or festival, which is an
nually served up by our University, to the
good people of the State, has once more
passed by undistinguished from those which
have preceded it, only perhaps, by the rich
ness of the repast and the numbers and res
pectability of those who partook of it.
I hire is nothing that so conclusively
proves to our minds the growing importance
and favor of Franklin College with the peo
ple of Georgia, than tho increasing interest
which from veer to year seems to be manifest
ed by them, towards its public exercises on
Commencement occasions.
The crowd which flocked to our Village to
witness them on the late occasion, has been
rarely, if ever surpassed, either as regards
numbers or respectability ; and never we be
lieve, so far as respects good feeling and de
votion to the prosperity of the institution-
From the Mountains and from the Se t Cost
—from tlie East and from the 'Vest, came
the Divine, the Lawyer, the devotee to the
\rh- and Sciciiets, the Planter, the Yeoman
—and last, though not least, m ricti profu
sion, “ Heaven’s last best gift,” unite to
gether in the common cause ol literature,
and by their presence and countenance, to
advance the interest and respectability of
their now favored and flourishing University.
We do not pretend to say however, that this j
was the paramount object of all who attended
the late Commencement ; but do believe
there were few indeed, so exclusively devot
ed to personal or party aggrandizement as;
not to have felt in some degree tlie ail per- j
vading influence which actuated the multi
tude, or who left us without breathing a|
parting benediction for the prosperity and j
success of Franklin College.
Politicians and religious sectarians may
continue to quarrel and squabble on other
subjects, but we believe the day lias now ar
rived when the University of Georgia has
ceased to he influenced or affected by their
bickerings. All parties and all sects, with
cridit to their feelings as men, and to their li
berality as public boil.es, seem to have mutu
ally agreed to place it on its proper footing—
on a middle ground where they can all meet
as citizens of the State,and in a common cause
and on a common altar, offer up their sacrifi
ces unpolluted by that distrust ami jealousy
which so unfortunately eiders into other mat
tors connected with the public interest.
The Commencement Sermon was deliver
ed on the Sabbath, to a large unit respectable
audience of citizens and strangers, by the
Rev. Dr. WaddcJ, formerly President.of the
University.
On Monday there were no exercises of a
public nature. A meeting of tile Board of
Trustees took place for the transact ion of bu
siness; the results o. its deliberations, how
ever, wc have not yet learned.
On Tuesday the Junior Class exhibited be
fore a large, and we believe a gratified and
delighted audience. The following arc the
names of the young gentlemen who engaged
in the exercises, and the subjects upon which
they spoke :
11. 1,. Benning, P. K. S.’—Tlie triumphs
of Reason. *
H. Cobb, P. K. S.—The peculiar motives
to intellectual exertion in America.
11. V. Johnson. I‘. K. S.—Should the clas
sics constitute an essential part of a liberal
education ?
J. Millcdge, I’. K. S.—The noblest mo
tive is the public goo !.
F. J. Walker, P. K. S.—lmprisonment for
Debt.
A. Reese, D. S—Why things are so.
On Wednesday, Commencement day, Ad
dresses were delivered by ilio following gen
tlemen :
J. C. Cozby, D. S. (2d Honor) —Latin Sa
lutatory.
P. Clayton, D. S.—Fame.
W. 11. Harris, D. S.—Powers of man arid
vicissitudes of his existence.
A. P. Powers, P. K. S.— Triumph of Free
Principles.
C. 11. Ketchutn, P. K. S. (&! Honor) —In-
fluence of moral feeling on the Intellect.
A. G. Foster, D. S.—The propriety of an
equal distribution of properly.
J. .S. W. Pinckard, D. S.—“ The true
state of every nation, is the state of common
life.”
J. 11. George, P. K. S.— Manual Labor.
B. E. Habersham, P- K. S. (3d Honor) —
Utility of Metaphysics.
J. J. Gresham, P. K. S. (Ist Honor) —! «-
ledictory.
After tlie delivery of the public addresses,
the degree of A- B. was conferred on the
following young gentlemen composing the
graduating class;
DWil.,. OWtrtvi,— Athens.
James C. Cozby— Abbeville, S. C.
Adam G. Foster— Green.
Bedney Franklin— Athens.
James F. \V. Freeman— Savannah.
James 11. George— Jones.
John T. Grant— Athens.
John J. Gresham— Burke.
B. Elliot Habersham— Savannah.
Edward R. Harden— 4 thens.
Wm. 11. Harris— Abbeville, S. C.
Daniel Ingles— Whitesborovgh, iV< V,
Coldcn 11. Ketchutn— Augusta,
Allen B. Means— Madison.
\V. Pinckard— Monroe.
Abner I’. Powers— Monroe.
Henry Saunders— Crawford.
Degrees of A.M. were conferred on John
•S. Dobbins, John Floyd, Marcus Aurelius
I runklin, James \\ atkins Harris, George L.
Holmes, llcnry Knccland, Felix M’Kinne,
Samuel Rutherford, Ebenczcr Starnes, Wm.
W. Wiggins, George Al’Duffie Vance, and
George F. Pierce, Alumni of this College,
and on Dr. Jacob G. M’Whortcr, a gradu
ate of Princeton College.
With regard to the whole exercises, we
have heard but one sentiment expressed by
those with whom wo have conversed on the
subject, viz : that they reflected unusual cred
it on the Institution, and were well calcula
ted to raise it high in the affections and the
confidence of the public. Wc understand
that 22 have been examined and admitted in
to College ; a much larger number than usu
al.—Southern Banner.
* D. S. and P. K. K. are Initials of the De
mosthoiuan and Phi Kappa Societies.
Convention—No Ratification.
There is an argument, in favor of the pro
ceedings ot the late Convention, that has
been urged with so much constancy and ap
parent earnestness, that it becomes necessa
ty to attempt its immediate refutation. Its
solidity cannot be, defended, and its fallacy
will, we trust, be made apparent to all. Wc
are told, that the amendments proposed by
the Convention, arc little better (hah the pro
visions of the existing Constitution, and that
if they arc rejected, there is no possibility
of obtaining a reduction of the members of
our Legislature for a number of years to come,
lienee the advocates ot ratification,sav, that
tue true question for the consideration of the
people, is, not ‘.‘whether the proposed amend
ments are what we would wish, but whether
they are not better than the Constitution as it
now stands.” But isthissu ? and is it true,
that the rejection of the alterations proposed
by - the Convention, will place it out of our
power, to have another Convention, or be
yond the range of a reasonable probability,
that other amendments more unexceptiona*
bie in their provisions, and less unequal ope'
ration, will be made, and submitted to the
consideration of the people ? The truth is
it the proposed alterations are sanctioned,
and the amended Constitution is- ratified,
toerc will bo no hope ot a future Convention,
no prospect of additional emendations. Tbt
question will then be settled-the Cen«titu
tion will then have been altered, and its pra C .
tical operations must demonstrate its impoli.
cy, its inequality, its injustice, before we can
reasonably anticipate a preparedness on the
part of the public, to entrust to another con
vention.the important business of remodelling
their Constitution. But suppose the proceed,
ings of the Convention are rejected, and the
people, in tlie exercise of their discretion
refuse to ratify the proposed alterations, what
then will be our situation ? We will he
■ thrown on the ground we occupied, anterior
I to the meeting of the Convention—we wffj
| be placed under our existing Constitution
; with a thorough conviction of its defects, and
| of the necessity of its immediate alteration
| and amendment. And will not this amend
| ment be had—this alteration be effected?
j who can doubt it ? What produced the late
| Convention ? What caused the attempted im
provement of our Constitution ? it was t | |( ,
| conviction, that the prosperity of the State
! and the interests of its people, required its
; amendment, 't was, in short, the influence
iof public opinion. And now when the mind
; is enlightened, when the defects of the Con.
stitution are more glaring, and the propriety
of its amendment, is obvious to the dullest
vision, and plain to the most obtuse intellect
are we to be told, that the people will be sat
isfied, —that they will wear chains that gal)
and carry burdens that oppress them) And'
this too, when tlie increase of our population
the extension of our territory, and the mul-'
tiplication of out counties, render every
year the burdens greater, the Opposition more
severe, and the inequality in our representa
tion, more unequal ? Why have we not had
a Convention long before ? Because public
opinion was either not ripe for a change, or
it was not strong enough to force one. But
at last, the people became clamorous—tlie*
spoke in tones of thunder, and demanded,
not only a reduction of the number of our
Legislators, but an equalization of cur re.
presentation. Their voice was heard, but
their expectations were defected—their mur
murs were regarded, but their complaints am
not silenced. Amt will the fact of their
frowning indignantly, upon live puny effort
that is now made, to hood-wink and deceive
them, have a tendency to calm the feelings
of their discontent, or to silence tho voice of
their complaint ? Will they be content to
live under a constitution, that all—even those
who lately in the Legislature, opposed their
wishes ami defeated their will—acknowledge
to he defective, and to require important a
mendincuts ? And what difficulty—permit
us to ask—will there be in the way of having
another Convention? If vve fail once,
througn the influence of party arrangement,
or sectional combinations, arc wc never to
make another effort ! Will wc not be en.
couraged, to demand now anew Convention
—to expect an amendment of the Conatih*.
tion hi the manner that is prescribed bv tbs
instrument itself. Every individual w pre
pared to admit, that the Constitution mus'.bc
reduced—that our expenses must be curtail,
cd—and that our representation must be
equalized. And will these faets be less obvi
ous, and our conviction of their truth less
strong, if the proposed amendments arc re
jected by the people ? And if another Con.
volition is demanded, and other amendments
arc required, will not the one be had and the
other aflectcd ? Who can resist the strength
of rußLic oi'inion ? Who can stint its
voice, or limit its requisitions? It shakes
thrones, overturns dynasties, revolutionizes
Governments, brings Kings down to the hu
mility ot subjects, and exalts subjects to the
dignity of Kings. When once excited, it
walks through the land with a firm step and
a withering glance; now, like the anger of
insulted Omnipotence, it blasts all opposition;
and then with,tho whirlwind’s dmdful sweep
it bears away every obstaclo that intercstew
interpose, and every difficulty that ingtawty
can suggest. A* p'j'olic opinion's now rife
on this subject., wc do not believe that the
people w-fi ac t wisely in prefering the pro
ucscj alterations of our Constitution, to the
I Constitution as it now stands—because the
only object they can possibly gain,is a reduc
tion of the number of their representatives,
and a diminution of their expenses—when to
get these, they render their representation
more unequal—their taxes more dispropor
tionate—and make the distribution of politi
cal power more unjust, and above all, aban
don a principle in our Government, that has
always been regarded, as the sheet-anchor of
our safety. If then, the amendments are ra
tified, the proposed Constitution, objectiona
ble as arc its provisions,, unequal as it makes
our representation, abandoning as it does,one
of the conservative principles of our Govern
ment —will be fixed upon us for years to
come, without tiic probability of its amend
ment. But if the proceedings of the Con
vention are rejected, we will soon have our
Constitution so amended, as to reduce more
largely the number of our representatives—
to diminish more extensively the amount of
our expenses—to equalize more satisfactori
ly our representation, an 1 to preserve more
permanently the fundamental principles of
our Government. With these facts before
tlrero, will the people suffer their minds to he
diverted from tlie contemplation of the true
question! (Fill they act on this imjiortant
subject, under the presumption, that the re
jection of the proposed amendment, precludes
the possibility of having another Convention,
of having another Constitution ? Believing
they will not, wc will, in the conclusion o
our remarks, adopt as our own, the language
of the distinguished and lamented “Orator
of Roanoke”—“lf the people shall assent to
ratify it—well and good— there is an end of
the. mrxflcr-tbeir’s is the power—though uieirs
will not be the glory.” —ll ash. yews.
WV T t 11.11 AKE B>
•asi© asraautffaso
riMIE subscriber rcspectfullyitiforms I* ls
A and the public, that iie has taken a P*
the store occupied by James M. •■reefl ’
where lie will attend to Watsh-repatring
its branches—Also, Engraving of * vcr y
scription. Ladies and Gentleman s v
cards, neatly engraved—door plates, n*w P “
cuts, As. .
N. B.— Jobbing and copper-plate printing'
ly executed—Gold melting—the palrouag
public is respectfullysolicited. -_ K
WM. W. IIOOPEB- grf
Macon, May 12.
HE f WE. V CHE f
WILL attend tho Buperior Uoun*
the Counties of
M tiwagcc, Sumpter,
Stewart, Harlan, a»4
Uarrvtotph, Talbot,
Upvno, ***? ;J-K
El'inlic, Ham. < cunty, Juru I-