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FOREIfi.I.
FKOM THE NEW YORK AMERICAN.
Affair*, of P*rtagnl.
The following communication of X, is from
the pen of a true-hearted and clear-headed
American, and as such, readily finds a ( late
inuur columns, though and life ring in its vu ms
of the Portuguese quarrel, iron, iliose we have
taken:
Mr. Editor : —I have read wi h great re
gret, notwithstanding my admiration lor toe
brilliant acluo incuts ol Nupn r, the account
in yesterday’s paper of tiie capture of Don
Miguel’s fleet, by that of Don Pedro, and ol
the still mere uii;sjri.iiit successes in the- Al
gar res. As Auiciicaus, wc have much r. a
son to u plorc ev i.is tci.dni. to increase Don
Pe fro’s chance <>t sutci.ss. ror the n.onii ni
that lie shad find Inn.s. it s..feiy csi.ibiisueil
in the palace ol i.ragai.za, ami ioi.i ol Forte
gal in tiie name of les tiuu-iil r, llie full mea
sure of ms wruiu Hill be- turned towards tin
Only nation winch has acted vvitn perfect
neutrality throughout the struggle; and
Which, following her invariable rule, ulrion
lias Us ioumiattoii in respect for the para
mount law of the popular will, was the first
to recognize Don .Miguel as the law ful King
of Portugal—as the man whom the Portu
guese trait almost with unanimity const nted to
obey. According to miriest, (me will of the
People,) Miguel is m fact almost the only le
gitimate sovereign id Europe, lnsleud of
the favor which Americans now find in Por
tugal, as tlie only foreigners who have avoid
ed any interference in her political affairs,
we shall be received with distrust; our incr
chants will be hampered in their bu mess,
and obstacles of all sorts thrown m tiicir way
—and instead of that »oinmercial treaty,
which would speedily have placed us on the
footing of the most favored nations, the flag of
our Union will, with difficulty hod entrance
into the Tagus, The British ensign, on the
contrary, will float there in undisturbed pro
eminence, and Portugal return again to that
colonial state in wlircn she has languished
for so many years.
I cannot help wondering, Mr. Editor, at the
strange delusion which prevails m this coun
try, on the subject of the great struggle by
which Portugal is now convulsed. We arc in
general a clear-sighted People in whatever
concerns our own interest; and yet in tins
matter wc have been completely led astray.
We have had our heads turned by the cry of
liberty and constitution, which the followers
of J)on Pedro have sent forth, and been mys
tified by the liritish Press into the belief that
England was standing forth as the champion
of freedom throughout the world. W’e have
lent credence to the thousand falsehoods and
calumnies invented by the most polluted
press that ever existed, and given unqualified
faith to w hatever has been told us, of ihc des
potism and cruelty of Don Miguel, and the
heroic devotion ot Don Pedro to the emanci
pation ol Ins country. In short, we have been
brought to consider the question as simply ol
liberty on the one side, and despotism on the
other.
Nothing can be more fallacious than the
notion that England is actuated in this mat
ter by any love of freedom. W ith France it
may be otherwise. In all her excesses of en
thusiarn in the cause of liberty,she has shown
a disposition to make proselytes, and propa
gate her doclrincs in other countries. At
the present moment, too, the throne which
finds its II on so and unsteady a
foundation, is w illing enough to divert the
public attention from domestic nflairs, and
tickle the fancies of Frenchman with the idea
of extending liberty abroad. W ith England,
i speak of coutse of the Government, and noi
ol the subjects, whose gullibility is so su
perior to our own, the case is wholly different.
The sole actuating cause of liritish interfe
rence in the afiaiis of Portugal is to place a
puppet of her own on the throne, by iicansof
liritish arms and liritish money, and thus re
cover that ascendancy there, which she for
merly possessed, without participation, and
so selfishly rxercised.
It is a question of pounds and shillings.
To add a few more to the national store, she
has not hesitated twice to int.oduce anarchy
arid revolution into Portugal. By means ol
her emissaries and tier told, she has excited
the factious to conspire against the Govern
ment, which tho mass ol the people wished
for ami obeyed; exhausted the wealth and
productive in iusiry of the country in arma
ments anil preparations for nut mu* and ex
ternal doi'e.lCd i driven thousands Into exd ,
and caus. and ire; best ol mat once g.ori
oiis bill i.i.i, mm to flow freely o . lire seal
foid. England is answerable to outraged hu
niaqity and to Heaven, for tee civil war which
she 13 now introducing into the noart ot that
devoted country.
But what is tone the result of lliia/toi.flict ?
It is difficult for a nation so inconsiderable in
numbers, and of such impoverished it sources,
to struggle against llto combined efforts ol
England and France, aided by the lew tac
tions spirits, traitors to the national cause,
Whom she may have cherished within her
bosom. It is possible that the cause of Pe
dro will prevail, and Portugal, drenched with
blood and exhausted, fall anotir r victi n to
foreign interference. But the strangle will
no sooner be finish and than it will commence
anew. The clergy, exercising undisputed
sway over the people, will stir taem up to
shake oil'the intrusive government, forced up
on them from interested views by strangers
to their usages and their religion. The con
stitution ami the liberty presented to them
from the points of British bayonets, they will
hurl back with disdain. And Portugal, if o
vercome, which wc sail do not believe slit
will be, will return to her presciptivc right ol
being governed as she lists.
The follow ing sketcli of the relative posi
tions, population, and resources, of the cities
and coun'ry lately taken fom Don Miguel,
by the Ibices of Donna Maria may be interest
ing at this moment:—
'iuC little province of Algarve, which for
merly cn.isti'uleil a part of the Moorish king
dom of that jnttnc, extended nearly over the
whole of tb* soulhern coast of Spain, and in
eluded a part of Africa, t.mu .h still denom
inated a kingdom, is vciy much curtailed. Ii
is separated on the north from A lent* jo by
the mountain* of MoU‘'he*|'»c !,| *d Csnllc-ro,
and from Spain by tho G uadi ana } the mmiili
<rn part i» bounded by the Atlantic Ocean.
Its situation is p' culiarl) favorable for coin
in' rc«*, posH l .ring a gr< at< r number of good
Harlmrs than any oilier equal portmn of the
country, Its great* -* length ts 7*l miles from
• art to west, sod limit |7 to -> * broad, from
Mufi <o •uutlt. It rout ..ns four cit s*, Id
towns, til villages, and about 94,000 inhabi
tants. The country, however, wants corn,
from neglect of tillage, for the I dis good,
and produces wine, off, r ia-, i.;;ii man;, j
ot li. r fruits of which s v.-r and cargo's are year
ly exported: there is also a good fishery on
i the coast. Lagos, formerly the capita! ot tins
kingdom, is an ancient city, seated on the bay
of the same name, imigu.de by the larges
ships; it is 1!8 miles distant, soutlfcJty fas
of Lisbon, and contains nearly 3000 inhabt
tants. It is irregnlariv fortified, and tw o fur.
defend the harbour. Tavira, the pres- nt c
pitalof Algarve, is a rather considerable city
lit stands in a I rtile and pleasant neighboi
ood, Ido miles southeast ot Lisbon, and -V
from I algos; it has an excellent harbor, an
is divided by a river into the east and wn -
towns There are some vary 010 fortifies
:.ons and a castle, hesu!' - two forts that dt
fend the harbor. Ii contains 1100 houses
and above 3000 inhabitants. Faro is a city
with modern fortifications and a castle. 1
is situated in a level country, on a leiy 2'
miles south by west of Tavira, ami has a goo*
but difficult harbor for ships not cxcecdinj
200 tons burden. It is the sec of a Ilishoj
and contains nearly 3000 inhabitants, win
carry on a considerable trade in wine, sail,
fruits, Ac. Its low situation renders it ra
ther unhealthy. It suffered much in th
great earthquake in 1733, by which ciftir
streets were converted into ruins. The juris
diction of this district and city belongs to tin
Queen of Portugal, whose ouvidir reside.-
here, to collect her revenues, administer th
laws, Ac. All these cities have a sufficient
number of churches, convents, &c.
From the Heston Daily Advertiser , August 16.
E.vglvnd.—The late accounts from England
render it probable, that a crisis is approach
ing, the result is not easily forseen. It isob
vious, that the present ministry may rely with
confidence on the support of the llouso oi
Commons, and that the House itself express
es more clearly than at any former period, tin
popular will : hut it is almost equally plain,
that whenever the strength of parties shall In
tested in the House of Lords, a majority will
hi; found against them. This state of tilings
affords abundant room for speculation, and tin
French and English journals accordingly a
boun iin comments and predictions. Should
the House of lairds consent to yield, as it Ini
done hitherto, to the wishes of the people, the
only difTDulty is, that they effectually losi
their influence, as an independent branch of
tiic Government: hut, on t#e other hand, i
they venture to assert their constitutional
rights, tiro consequences of such a step ur
likely to be pretty serious. There is rio prob
ability, that a Tory mim-try could sustain it
self for any length offline: if Earl Grey is
opposed by the House of Peers, the Duke of
Wellington would meet with still more an
fhoritativo opposition fro.n Commons and the
people. The influence of the Lords may !>
paralyzed by the creation of new Peers . hut
this measure, under existing circumstances,
though within the limits of the royal preroga
tive, is evidently hosiiie to the spirit of the
Constitution, an tone upon which the King
has thus far betrayed no haste to venture. Il
would appear, that the first step is about to be
taken bv the Peers, by making a decisive
stand against the bill introduced by ministers
for the Reform of the Irish Church; which,
at the last dates, had been sent to them by the
House of Commons. Should this prove to he
the case, onr next accounts from England
will possess more than usual interest.
Maelzel . —This ingenious man ha? made a
fortune by bis exhibitions in tho United
States, and so may any other ingenious man.
There is no country in tiie world which pays
so well for its amusements, or its curiosity,
as ours.
His Automaton Chess Flavor, after aston
ishing the two continents, is now about to
visit tiie West Indies. The secret oft is move
nmnt is yet undiscovered. We are surprised
•it the readiness with which tile GVmpilt rs of
Magazines, arid the Editors o! E-e;. cinpedias
have given into the imt'oii, that a dwarf is
concealed in the box attached to the figure.
I'ne London Encyclopedia contains some
well executed plates, showing how a figure
,-ould ho concealed. But in our liumhk
judgment, and in tins we have the concurrent
-ipinu) iof the Editor of the Boston Journal,
Mr. Mac.z I is ttic dir. sting power,and ‘here
,s no other. The dwarf must be a long suf
fering cr. ature to consent to sit doubled up
for so many years, in order to oblige the pro
,‘rietor, a.id ruin his own health, or else tne
hvarf race must be very accomodating to
tuve had a member of their family ready at a
noment's wanting to g > all over the world,
uni play cheas for Vo.i Keinpeien and Mac I
zcl, during tile Ust 50 years! Who ever
heard tho little mail sneeze or cough ? Be
the '• xhibitio i ever sn crowded, or the room
■verso hot or cold, no noise is heard front the
naumkin !! “ All around is silent!”
I’her are some circumstances connected
•vith the A itomatoil Chess Player confirming
is in the opinion iiiat Mr. Muelzcl directs its
movement.
First. Machinery has boon constructed
to do things as difficult a- to play chess. Mr.
Babbage’s calculating machine is far more
astonishing.
Second. All the movements of the Auto
maton inav be referred to two simple ones,
one forward to any given line of squares, and
the other at right angles to the fbrmet ex
tending to any given square. If the arm
w' Ic.'i is set in motion and opens its thumb
mechanically can bo stopped at pleasure in
these two directions, ttie great difficulty is
overcome.
Third. B cause the figure never played
without Mr. Maelzel’s first touching the chess
board,and carefully handling the piece cor
r spending with that played by its adversary.
His pauses were often very great even in
placing this piece, which would have been
done instantly, if the dwarf played the game.
The figure always moved immediate after
Mr. Maelzel stepped back.
Fourth. B came the American Automa
ton unquestionably contained no dwarf, Imt
was mov'd by machinery, and it imitated Mr.
! Mai Izel'sclo««ly. It played null its left
inn, that the person managing the machine
could it, ! his right arm, evident y shewing
that Ins convenience was consulted In fore
that of any poison inside. Fur the person I
i .side would neetl obliged to use his left arm
n pitying.
Fifth, Because llu American machine j
was at fust very often beaten. A* aoon, how. I
ever, a* the pro pm u,r iicrfs.il hi* stock ofl
books <>n tie vilij' it ofr'.iiss, and improved !
GEORGIA TIMES AND STATE RIGHTS’ ADVOCATE.
in Ins own playing, the machine improved
and not before.
bixih. Because the American proprietor
t b . .pounced that he bail some idea ol
discovering the secreet to the public upo;
setting a certain sum of money subscribed <>.
nade up to hitn, Mr. Maelzel bought the ma
chine !
The American proprietor would never
lave dared the risk upon the money's be in:
•o raised, to nave told the public “ tliero t.*
lolhitig curious about it—after all a dwarl
lavs the game T’ He was too shrewd am
•enslble a person for that.
Our reasons arc notail given, but wc think
uere is enough iu them to coil vine a our rea
rs, that the Automaton is a machine of ad
.nrablc yet simple construction, and that i
.ireeled hy Mr. Maelzel. The doubts that
l ive arisen, Mr. Maelzel no doubt w ishes to
lontiimc. Take away the mv sterv. mid tin
Vutomiton would not have made its master’s
ortune.
POLITICAL.
3 bite basis project—l
tion.
We regret tiiat wo had not sooner seen the
ssays of Baldwin. It would have saved us
lunsidcruhle time an ! labor, for we were go
ng upon the same train of investigation hi
ias pursued. But on seeing bis unanswera
ole demonstrations, we have thrown aside
what we had written, and refer the reader to
his elearc-r amt better written articles in this
lay’s paper. All we shall now do is to am
plify a little, and place out rather more dis
tinctly to i*s> If, the find result that oiircs!-
lululinns had in view, and which Ballwin
has alluded to among several other important
truths he has presented.
It relates to the white basis only.
As the constitution now stands, wc ail
know that tin; white population is unequally
represented. The fact now demonstrated is,
that if tiie proposed amendments of the cou
stitufion should be ratified, THE WHI TE
POPULATION WILL BE MORE INF,
QU ALLY REPRESENTED THAN THEY
NOW ARE.
If this can be proved, we claim the vote of
.■very white basis man in the State agams.
ratification ; for no =u h person can with any
consistency, vote to place the white popula
tion on a worse footing titan t iat on which it
now stands , for lie would Have to ackowledge
that to improve the condition of the white
population is not his object.
We think Baldwin has made a mistake of
an unit, hy allowing 34 nu mbers to the 27
counties having the highest white population:
•ve ran make but 83. The error however ii
it he one, is ton srn II to effect materially the
final result; and whether more or less, it is
against himself.
We proceed to the proof that the proposed
amendments would make the inequality o!
representation even amengthe whites greater
than it now is.
The white people, of tho 27
most populous counties, being
I'M,OH in number, and electing
83 members, gives (besides the
fraction of a person) one mi tuber
for every 2,183 persons.
And the rest of the white peo
ple of the State, say 133,614,
elect 94 members—This gives
one member for every 1,421 persons.
The present difference therefore is 767
Thus stands the matter at present. It now
requires seven hundred and sixty-seven more
white persons in certain parts of the State for
a representative, than it dots in other parts.
W ill the iiinposct -It..—ni .t ino»
equal among the whites than it now is 1
By the plan proposed, the
18i,681 whites of the most
populous counties will elect
69 members, or one member
ibr 2,633 persons.
And the remaining 133,614
of th white population, w ill
ct 73 members—4 his
gives one member for every 1,781 persons.
Proposed difference, 832
Leaving there loro the black population en
tirely out of view ; leaving all questions of
property out of view; taking no notice of the
greater amount of taxes pai . in some parts ot
the country, for the benefit of other parts;
but taking tiie Convention on its own ground,
thn white basis, the situation of this white
population would hy the proposed change be
ren lered worse than it now is in the exact
proportion that 832 is greater than 7G7. The
white people of Georgia are now 707 belotv
equal. Il is proposed to make thorn 852 be
low equal. Subtract the smaller number
from the greater ; tiie difference is **3. So
that the juggling of the Convention would
disfranchise—would actually sink arid anni
luiatc the cq ml rights and privileges of the
free white people of Georgia to the extent ot
3.7 white persona to every representative.—
Need any more be said to consign the project
to the lasting reprobation of nil intelligent
people ?—Georgia Journal.
From the U. S. Telegraph.
Facts vs. Theory.
Not only has the price of coffee advanced
since the repeal of tfle duty; the price of tea
has also advanced—and wc find the following
in the Philadelphia U. B. Gazette.
“ It is a fact well worthy the attention of
tbs) honest oppesefs of protection to American
; industry, that the principal articles of British
manufacture which arc admitted at a reduced
duty under tho altered tariff hare, advanced in
price in England, so as to cost the consumer
here more than when they paid a higher rate.
Stuff' goods of every description, of which tin
consumption in this country is immense an
increasing, hate advanced full 15 per cent,
and coarse woll ns generally from 10 to I2j
per cent.”
Ilia our Mr. Anti-TariflT any calculations
to make in explanation of these facts ? Il'hr
has, we should be gl.ul to he made acquainted
with them. By the way, does the inci msc.
prices tve pay for British alutfs and eoarsi
wolli ns profit the laborers or tho capitalists o
England ?
Os th..s rise in the prico of wollous th.
manufacturers of rhts country have no occa
sion to complain. They, too, will increaw
their price* accordingly. Good resuit* ti
• he, sheep grower, tor wool lias advanced in
price. Dut wherein is the consumer profit
fd ? What becom *of the forty bale theory ?
W’e hope Mr. Anti-Tariff - will apeak to these
matter*. —ti run n mi ti (In ».
Yu VVliai purpose arc the above r. marks
made ! Is it to convey the idea that a diminu
tion of duty on an imported articles does not
diminish in its price; or that un increase ot
duty is not followed by an increase of price;
and that tins may be considered as a general
proposition, on the truth of which the tuinois
of the above named G.iZcltc arc willing to
Make their characters as political economists?
Or do they mention them as anomalous, ex
traordinary cases, out of the usual run of busi
ness, and which they can neither untb rstuu :
nor explain ! Il would seem to lie the former
.Mill the Philadelphia Journal, and tiie hitter
witn the Cinciunatl Gazette.
Had not tiie Philadelphia Gazette intended
that its readers should draw such a conclu
sion, it would scarcely have recommended
die facts stated, to the consideration of the
“noucst opposers of protection.” V. c may
therefore presume, that the Gazette wishes to
in numbered among the “11001*1.” friends ol
protection. W e shall consider it as such,
and will ask the Gazette, that if duties can
be laid upon imported commodities without
increasing their price, how conns it that
iberc has ever been found, by any nation, any
difficulty in raising any amount of revenue
by duties on importations, w hich the necessi
ties of the State may require ! and, also, how
it conics that all the civilized nations of the
earth have been desirous of a diminution of
the duties upon imported articles ? Tins, os
a general proposition, is true, altito’ there are
portions of all nations who wish a continua
tion of duty on the commodities which may
come-into competition with the commodities
w hich they themselves produce.
For example ; tiie wooden inanlifactnrcr of
the United Slates will be very willing to see
the duty on wool taken olf, as ho knows and
confesses, that by admitting that the wool
ouiy free, he gets it at u less price than if he
had to pay 10 coins a pound duty for it. The
same with the indigo. Neither will he have
any ot.jc ctio to get his sugar from Cuba,
without the additional 2j cents. 8o it is with
the sugar planter of Louisiana, lie would
he very wiliin.. t« get his woollen from Eu
rope, but the woollen manufacturer tells him,
we cannot consent to that, uuless you will
allow us to get oursugar from Cuba, without
paying the g£ cents duty on them. The su
g.r planters and the woilen manufacturer
make their calculations, and they find, the
one, that he will get more by the increase
on the duty, titan he pays on his woollens;
and the oluer, that he makes a similar gain on
ins woilens. They, therefore, conic to the
very natural conclusion, that low duties are
are very good things, in themselves, but high
duties are the best for them.
Tats opinion of the increased price produ
ced by duties on importations, although indi
rectly denied, as in the instance above, by
(lie two Gazettes, is yet as indirectly, if not
directly, acknowledged, by tiie wuole coutse
of the two Gazettes,and of their party gener
ally. Why <io they wish the duties continu
ed, if those duties will riot keep up the price;
and why do they dr ad their diminution, if
they do not feel that diminishing tiie duties
will diminish lit* price ?
There is also one other fact which, being
universally received ;isa fact, will not be de
rited by the Gazettes. High duties produce
and increase smuggling. How could tins
pussibly he unless the high duties increased
the price? It is only by selling the commo
dity at an increased price, that the smuggler
can carry on his business. Lower the duty,
and smuggling ceases. The li-k of .let- ctiou
containing tiie same, and the price of the
commodity diminishing he cannot any longer
run the risk for the sake of the moderate prof
it of the dnninshed price. Licrriisfc the duty
—the price rises., ami it*» rs ngatn
m ms triuiu.
We put it to the two Gazettes. If the in
crease of price which lias occurred in the cof
fee and woolens contemporaneously with the
modification of the tariff is to be consider! and
ns a permanent rise, as produced by that mod*
ificat.on—and as the usu-,1 result of a dimin
ution of duty? Why should a manufacturer
be averse to a diminution of duty ? There
is rio mode of getting over the difficulty. One
of three things must he the case. The in
crease of price has nothing to do with the duty
or it is the resuit of an anticipated increased
demand arising from the conUinitJateu reduc
tion, and will therefore, not be permanent,or
the manufacturer are opposing a measure
which is to their advantage, and all their out
cries about th ; ruin tint w ill result to th- in
from dimnishing tho duties, arc false and de
cs ptious. W'o leave them to take their choice
of their horn of the dilemma.
A3 the Cincinnati Gazette asks an cxpla
ilXtion of the facts, we will gWc it, and almost
an answer to its questions. As to the coffee,
the increased price tnay arise from several
causes. There may lie an increased demand
iu other countries. There nftv have been a
dimtnsilied supply. There may have been &11
expectation of an increased demand conse
quent upon the modification of tiro tariff'- Any
one of thus may li .vc been tiie cause of tiie
rise, and all may have concurred to produce
it. 'These Inst being only connected with the
modification of the tariff', so far as the rise is
produced by that, it will be temporary. So far
as the rise is produced by thg other causes,
it will he effected according to the general
principles of supply and demand. A rise in
the foreign article was to have been < xpecled i
as a matter of course. An increased demand
woul I be anticipated in proportion to the di
minution of the duty. If the increased price
produced by tho anticipation, which we tnm
call the speculative rise, should exceed or
equal the diminution of duty, the demand will
not increase, it will remain stationary,ordi
inmish,accordingly as the rise increases or di
minishes beyond the amount of duty taken 08.
It the rise should he less, there will he an in
ernas (I demand for the commodity, until the
nriee regulates itself according to the general
ratio us the supply to the demand. 'These
ire the general principles—our readers can
apply them to the particular cases.
From the Tuscaloosa Intelligencer.
TIIE UNIONISTS.
I lie politicians are busy in coining appropri.
ate name * to suit their purposes. Thev are sat
sfied that Shakspeare was mistaken when he
*aid that“a rose by any other name would smell
as sweet and that certain principles will
lie much more acceptable to tho people under
'he name of Unionism than under the name
of Federalism. Oar neighbors, we ti list, will
no! he alarmed at the uso of this last term;
we have reference to tho editor of the Nation
al Gaz ttc, tvl. 1 has never ‘aken offence at be-1
mg called a feth ralist. On the contrary, Iu j
affirm l that repiitilicaunnn may do in times i
of political ttinshinc aivl quint, but when-
storms arise end t e government must act 11
critical emergencies, federalism must com
to its support or it wilt fail to pieces. Wbil
'.ve speak of tins editor therefore, we wouiu
not have any ol our neighbors to l>e hasty 1.
applying our remarks to themselves. W.
made some observations, not long since, i.
regard to a letter of Judge Crawford, to th.
editor o. the Savannah Republican, in w iiici
lie spoke of the manner in which it was at
tempted to inculcate federalism in Georgia.
AV uat does this mean ?’ said some of om
neighbors; ‘for whom was tins cap intend
ed? It looks like it had been made for us.'
And so they tried it on ; ami however well ii
may have fitted them,still they didnot like its
looks ; and therefore began to hml fault with
us lor having made it. Now, as we arc very
much disposed to cultivate peace, it seems
right to us to give this caution to those who
may ho very sensitive ; do not appropriate In
yourselves, with too much greediness, tha'
winch you ate willing to acknowledge as
properly belonging to you. Alter thispro-
ICStunda, ivo may vtiilui* to speak of tilt
use w Inch the editor of ibeNaiional Gazette
desires to make of the term Unionists.
Let him speak for himself.
“ The mam and very seiious di unction ot
American parties/ w ill ere long be that of the / -
uiuiuit*, on one hand, defending the supremacy
und integrity of onr National anil Federal Sys
t m, under the plain text and spirit, and old up
prehension of the Goiistitulien ; and, on the otli
er, the disallecteit Nuiiifiersof the south, ral ying
under all sorts of real and spurious Ntate rights,
antiquated party prejudices, positions, and nick
names, the questions of tne Enforcing Act, the
Abolition ot Slavery, Internal improvement.
Tariff', and so forth. The Unionists (now tin
greui majority ot the people) will have something
more to do for the iiitul triumph of their cause
Ilian to resist the theory and piactice of nullifica
tion : it -will be essential, on their side, iliut tm
nalional defences' and plans of Internal Improve
ment, and rite establishments which set ure an in
dependent judiciary, a sound currency, an abun
dant revenue, and .1 domestic supply of manufac
turers, shoal Jbe preserved. In orut-r to perpetu
ate the Union, the strength and dignity of Hit
j General Government must bo consulted ; aim
J Hus, not only by the means which we have jus.
! indicated, but by the choice of function ini;-.
kuowu to be thoroughly principled and mliexibiy
Is ted fast.”
No one, we think, will deny that this i,-
fedoruiism of the rankest grow th, which it i>
attempted to propagate under the name ol L
tnomstn. A supreme national government i>
to be maintained, operating in all places, in
terfering With our local affairs, restituning
trade, regulating our industry, and in tiled
assuming unlimited power, wtitle all preten
ces as to the rights ot the States are to he op
posed as visionary and absurd, leading to dt>-
affection, turbulence, and ultimately to disu
nion. 'This is t:te line vvhicn tne editor 01
the Gazette says is now being drawn. Ii
you go lor the Union, according to Ins doc
trine, you must give upSta e rights, as incom
patible with n strong central government.
But all tiffs, il may tie said, can have no
application to us. O.; no : we are all goon
republicans here, of course. Still there can
be no harm in taking some cure to remain so,
in these tunes of political cunning and trans
formation. We have been told, even here,
that there are hut two parties; that there i.-
110 middle-ground, that tState rights men art
hut tiuililiers in disguise ; and that the ten
dency of their doctrine is to disunion. If tu
ker pon tn tins way, is there no danger that
tho editor of the National Gazette should ho
able, after a while, to gather us into his foiti
of genuine Unionists? Against all this w.
protest. We cumiot coalesce politically
with those who sneer at State rights ; because,
woollier they design it or not, they are aidmi
nmi arc onsiiy engaged in arraying a
• powerful parly in favor ot the iti/solnlv su
premacy oi the General Government. W 1
call upon the reading community to mark the
course of parties both iu the North and South,
and say whether tiits- views be not just. We
call upon the friends ol State rights, not nr
partiz.ins, but ns patriots, not as men who
have assumed popular names for place or lot
poiv r, I ut ns thesa wtio huve advocated the
rights of the States because they believed
their preset,alien essential 10 the preserva
tion of'liberty, afitl the perpetuation of the U
nieitl ; tve cait upon them to hold fast to the
true- republican faith promulgated in 1798.
Do you not S' the > fforts that arc making 10
tiie Northern States, to array the old federal
party ir. a form * ven inure offensive and dan
gcrons than it originally assumed? Thet
boast that they have already on their side a
large majority of the people of the United
States. Nome opposition they expect, and
they expect from the South ; hut, encouraged
hy our divisions, seeing us divided up into
nullifiers, State rights men, rind Unionists—
we beg pardon, Union meite-tlicy trust that
our opposition will bo feeble. Is there no
necessity for union among ourselves? This
is a propitious time, the election is over and
much bitterness of feeling, we trust, has
passed off with that contest. Let hobbies
now bo laid aside, and let all who arc true re
publicans unite their efforts against the op
posite principle. Federalism, or Unionism,
(names are nothing if we can come at the
m aning) tends to the concentration of al;
political power in the federal government,
and, indirectly, it tends to disunion; b;caus<
our system <• an riot bear this compression : t
wiil fly into “dishonored fragments,” to ns.
the language of Mr. Webster, sooner than it
can be converted into a single governmen
with unlimited power.— Ala. Ini.
AEXEANT TACTICS.
When Gov. Lumpkin pardoned (he iir.pri
sotii'ff missionaries, (Worcester and Butler,)
conjecture and speculation were busy as to
the secret influence w liicli h.t.l brought abou
so unexpected a result just in time to sav
Georgia from being subjected to iho forcc bill
The mystery is developed at last. On our firs
page will be found the ropy of a letter Iron
B; ias W right, Jr. (U. 8. Senator,) Azarinh C
Flagg, (Comptroller of the State of N. Y.) am
Jo in A. Dix, (adjutant general;) andanotiie
k ih r signed by Elipbalet Nott (the presiden
of the Union college,) Win. L. Marry (now
governor, then U. S. senator.) R. 11. W'ol.
worth (chancellor of New York,) G. C. Bron
son (attorney-general,) Simeon Ik wilt, (snr
veynr-grneral.) John Savage, (chief-justice,
Mr. Sutherland, (supreme mutt judge ;) al
•f them members of the Albany regency
with the exception of the venerable Dr. Noll
and that he should wander from his classic In
on the banks of the .Mohawk to take part i
1 political iutrigue, i* a matter of surpris
and regret. These letters arc aildn ssed i<
Gov. I.utnnkin—they justify the course 0
Georgia—they aclcnotrledgr. the equity am
I'irtioo of the imprisonment—and thev orgi
the release of Messrs. Worcester and rTT
i,.on political reasons. “We new su-ah
politicians," sav they. Yes, Georgia Ua. “
no trouble with the U. S. govermnemtfi!
us get her out ol the scrape; but for
South Carolina, let her go to th e __|* ur
1. r own way. Let tins matter be underst!*
it is not the state of New York stepp,„.,T'
.vurd as a mediator, through her cons,,,'" l
luthonties, as Virginia properly ffm
South Carolina affair—but a handful of j T*
going partisans, without any authority f
,ne state, director indirect, audaciously , n I° B
•bring with the internal policy of a .iu
state, and virtually telling Georgia tha, q
,us not bruins enough to manage | itr Me
easiness! Had governor Lumpkin treat!!!
these meddlers as they deserved, he *„ It
uave returned their letters in a blank env!
jpe. If they are encouraged in this moll,
course, we shall see them ere lonw vt r ;.-
letters to the executive of Virginia tell
mm what to do with the slaves,°u hat cr j IDR
,ia!s he must pardon. Perhaps they winky
•y settle our vexed boundary question «ith
Maryland. We should like to see them mak
;he experiment on John Floyd—-they , V 0
tmd him a different sort of a man from Win™,
Lumpkin. 011
This attempt by the Van Buren regency
New York to control the internal ,fi air ' sos
Georgia, cannot but arouse strong and g ene "
ff indignation within her borders, if there be
my spirit find independence amongst the
, »coplc. It must be very faltering to Ult| .
state pride to see their slate police d,rrri„l
by Martin \ an Buren’s Albany cabal.
L Winchester Republiean.
From the United States Telegraph.
Some of the Union party in South Carolina
arc openly raising the standard of federal,
i hev are xmv—since the appearance of the
proclamation—throwing oil the inask aril
showing that they are realty federalists, and
that then opposition to nullification is found,
ed upon the same'principles that produced the
opposition to Jefferson, Madison and Gilt*
n ’93. ’
The line is ns distinctly drawn as it baser,
er been drawn by ns, or by any nulhfii r. Jet',
b rsoii, Madison, and Calhoun, on one side.
Tins is now acknowledged. '1 he identity of
their views and principles is so plain that
some oi the Unionists no longer pr tend to
deny it. They did to be sure deny it for a
'voile, but they have ever become ashamed of
(tie denial as shewing cowardice, they arc
flattered by the hope that tinder the name of
Jackson they cun resuscitate the federalism
nf ’9B.
Wu arc struck with the art and duplicity
with w nicli they have acted. Ilowcomal tc.
iv dtd they conceal their real sen ti meats!—
>V hen suspected and charged with it—bo-y
indignantly did they deny it? And tbrir
opposition to nullification. It proceeded,
tiny Raul, from Us clhcacy ! It would not
answer the purpose contemplated I ohuo!—
1 hey wanted a southern convention, and ii
they could not su coed by means of a coorto
uon, in ioicing a repeal of the tariff, lacy
would then succede from the Union.
This was tiietr avowed plan* Were they
sincere ? Did they rtaliv intend what tact
prole.-* it ? To these questions there caa e
tiut 010 answer. They utd not intend what
tnev prottased, if they then entertained tu<
principles winch they profess now. ih ca .se
it is morally impossible that men could
honestly have advocated the course lltey did,
entertaining the seninnii.t* ilnyp.ew j.ic.ltss.
Ii «-.« •• ««s sure an artful and itcep laid
scheme, on the part of those whose object
was ;o threw obstacles in thu way 01 ar.|m-al
ol the tariff, inis we believe to bate been
tne case with some, although we believe tint
the great body ol tbe Union party were really
desirous oi repua.itig the tariff, and that liny
.iul not see tho abyss into winch they were
throwing themselves. And we also believe
'-hat there are many who, at the commence*
mentoi the contest, had not the slightest tuea
vvuitiier they wo . Iff be led through their local
excitement, for it is evident that local puli
tics had the principal share at frrt in tho
opposition givut to nullification. They,now,
hovvi ver, tn .el themselves driven hy the force
ol circumstances and party spmt aail smu*
worship, into tha defence of principles wiiic.t
tliey once abhorred. But this is the natural
result when men forget princplcs ami look to
men.
'1 he candid avowal that is daily makingby
the opponents of our principles, of their iden
tity wtt.i those of the republicans of'oß, con
not but have its effects. Anil it is an ac
knowledgement for which we give them
credit, for it must he somewhat unwillingly
made. But the tiling is so plain, so mainfes | i
that many of them cannot deny it, however
willingly they might be disposed to do so, if
they could do so without too great a sacrtltce
of conscience.
We must, however, object to the arranging
of Washington on the side of Adainsand Jacx
son, in regard to the rights of the States.-"
The question was not brought forward until
tho alien and sedition law, giving birth to the
Kentucky and Virginia resolutions, tho f'lU 1
of a State to decide upon the uucoustitulioa.
ality of an act ot Congress, came up for dw
decision of the people and of the Slates. * '
know not that Washington took part in any
disctisyoii upon that subject, or that he pro
mulgated tus opinion in n lation to it. ,;
have therefore Jackson auii om
side, and Jefferson, Madison, and Calhoun, I
upon the other, and the opinion of the l» tler
confirmed hy that of the whole rep'jh' cJII
party, down to the promulgation ol *h c ac
ttrsed proclamation.
111 our paper of Friday, when alluding
the history of .Mr. Randolph, we made the tt
mark, “ lie appears never to have fU la l,ro
if aff'.ictiorr fur any other woman 'h nn , '.
mother,” and attributed it to the "an
some gentle ministering spirit to 6^! n _
oysarn! sorrows. A correspondent (a ! rn
an we think) writes in reference to this
nark : “ There is a true story of an *• ,c ,
nont betwi en Randolph and a lady who'
: few years ago in Richmond —a 'l 1 * -/rj.
'dutiful worn rt, who was at one timo t n F
ed to him, hut afterwards married » nsra .
ike. Tis hitter enough to pm* *
in* world’s drcHiiness without M** ? 1
'ltd beloved spirit to hi guile the (, " e 1,1 0
ml difficulties of tho path; hut s *' .
isheartcnmg, still more destructive c ,
ind'v h r ling, to have exprr cnceu ***!'.,
fan intercourse, ami to find *• 1 lr ,Mn " ' »
•r cause, broken up and destroyed •'*< ’ I
phil />7 l,r fl