Newspaper Page Text
THE COUNTRYMAN-
91
Hon. Linton Stephens and Two Ideas.
In Hon. Linton Stephens’s 2nd speech on
the Conscription Act before the Georgia
legislature, occur 2 ideas upon which I pro
pose to offer a few comments.
The 1st is touching his resignation of
his commission in the army on account of
feeble health, and the 2nd is touching the
danger of our losing our liberties, not by
means of the yank.ee, but by means of the
Confederate government.
It is too much the habit of our people,
just now, to indulge in unjust, unkind, un
generous, and censorious remarks concern
ing those whose physical debility keeps
them out of military service. No one has
any business in the army who is not a strong,
able-bodied man. This is in accordance,
not only with military practice throughout
the world, but it is in accordance with the
letter of our military laws. A feeble, un
healthy man riot only does no good in the
army, but does harm, by clogging its move
ments, and by requiring an able-bodied sol
dier to take care of him. Nobody ought to
feel called upon to sacrifice his life, unless,
by making the sacrifice, he can benefit, the
country, particularly when his life might
he of great service to his country outside of
the army. Had I a commission in the
army, and was satisfied that by remaining
in the service I would certainly sacrifice my
life to disease, without any possibility of
serving my country, I would certainly do
like Judge Stephens—resign : and not only
so, but would hurl defiance in the teeth of
all my maligners and detractors. And as
an act of simple justice, and being indignant
at the slanders that are heaped upon some
of our bravest and best men, I now hurl back
for them, the detraction which it seems be
sets men in the condition of Judge Stephens.
So far, ttie Judge and I are in accord: but
with referei ce to the other idea alluded to
in the beginning of this article, lie and I
are in total, fundamental, major discord—in
fact, as diverse as the poles.
Judge Stephens says :—“ I want no sur
render of our cause : but I still have fears,
as I had from the beginning, that in our ef
forts to establish a new government, we
may fail in establishing a free government.
I have read histoiy enough to know that in
wars and revolutions, ambitious and design
ing men have always found their occasion
to aggrandize themselves at the expense of
their country.”—All this is spoken in con
nection with the Hon. speaker’s opposition
to the Conscription Act.
I think the Judge’s fears entirely ground
less. Who are the “ ambitious men” upon
whom he has his mind’s eye in out present
struggle? I am unable to see them. I
think that a more devoted and self-sacrifi
cing band of patriots never breathed, than
those who are conducting this revolution,
and fighting our battles. Not even the
taint of a suspicion, that I am aware of, has
been upon the garment of any man in this
revolution, that he intended to usurp, or at
tempt to usurp the reins of government in
his own hands. And so far as Conscription
is concerned, that has the sanction of both
law and judicial decision.
If we are in any danger at all of losing
our liberties here in Georgia, the danger is
not from the Confederate government, but
comes from an altogether different source.
It comes fioin the opposition to Confederate
law, and state decision : It comes from the
high-handed usurpations of the Georgia leg
islature and Gov. Brown in their outrageous
robbery of the people of their property, to
secure which, and to protect a man’s person,
is the obji ct of all government : It comes
from the total disregard of constitutional
guarantees by the General Assembly of the
state pi Geoigia, and of the incumbent of
the executive chair of Georgia. These are
the sources from which come all our dan
gers, outside of the yankees themselves..
Against the views of Judge Stephens
about the manner of losing our liberties, if
we lose them by our own act, I put the
following extract from a report of Gov.
Johnson’s late speech :
“ A great deal has been said in reference
to the danger of a military despotism. He
had regretted to see tho press giving cur
rency, here ana there, to such apprehen
sions. He was proud to believe that there
is no man in the government, or in the
army, who has any aspirations fora crown.
Revolutions are dangerous to liberty, but
their tendency is rather to anarchy, than
centralism, or usurpation. Our safeguard
is in unity among ourselves, and an inflexi
ble adherence to our organic law, in all its
purity and integrity. The great struggle is
for a good government, and so long as we
keep that idea in view, there is no danger.
Military despotisms usually spring up in
the midst of anarchy, or the corruptions of
unbridled power. With harmony, and con
fidence in the army and government, there
is no danger of military despotism.”
I must be allowed to speak a word in de
fence of the press. When has it given cur
rency to the apprehension that there is dan
ger of a military despotism ? There has
been much more currency given to this idea
by such speeches as Judge Stephens has
made in the legislature, than by all the
press of Georgia combined. There has
been mucli more talk, or much more inti
mation of military despotism, by G’eorgia
legislators than by Georgia editors. It was
hardly fair for Gov. Johnson to whip the
former over the shoulders of the latter. He
should have directly scourged the shoul
ders of the real offeudeis.
But this may be pardoned in our new
senator for the sake of what he says in fa
vor of “ inflexible adherence to our organic
law in all its purity and integrity.”
How did the sinners of the Georgia leg
islature feel under this ministration of polit
ical gospel, when, in defiance of organic
law, they had sent robbers all over the
land to rob the people under the name of
seizure ?
Departing from tlie Law.
The resolution of the Georgia legislature
assuming to authorize the governor to rob
the people, authorizes him to do so only in
the event be cannot make “satisfactory ar
rangements otherwise.” Now, Gov. Brown
did not wait to see if he coaid make “sat
isfactory arrangements otherwise,” but
went to robbing rightaway. The Georgia
legislature paid no regard whatever to the
constitution, and the Governor paid no at
tention to their resolution. It is to be
hoped that the Georgia legislature will not
complain.
“Censorious as the world is, it oftener
does favor to false merit, than injustice to
true.”
“Were we perfectly acquainted with the
< i.ject, we should never passionately desire
Have We a Government?
We have a state government to oppress
us, but none Jo protect us. The seizure
lesolution of the Georgia legislature is pul
ling out the keystone of the arch, and if it
is not replaced soon, free government is
gone. The constitution suspended and dis
regarded in its plain, palpable letter, in one
thing, will be thus disregarded in all. It
cannot be disguised that there is a feeling
of restless insecurity among our people.
They feel that the aegis of the constitution
and laws is gone. A panic is seizing them.
Men regard each other, now, with suspicion
and distrust. We are at sea, without chart,
rudder, or compass. When the Georgia
legislature threw the constitution overboard,
tho old ship of state creaked and groaned
from stem to stern. Unless the charter of
our liberties is restored, the old ship will
soon go down amid the blackness of the
storm, and ail on board will perish. Wo
be to the pirate hands that scuttled the
hold.