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TJRyWQLD, GA., MARCH 14, 1865.
Onr Next Governor.
It is very evident lhat Gov. Brown
is “fixing" to run for governor, again.
Every time he has run, heretofore,
he has been fortunate in having some
side issue, upon which he has been
elected. He has always avoided
making a direct issue with the admin
istration. Emboldened by snccess,
however, he now seems about to come
•ut, ar.d make a direct issue with Pr.
Davis. This is just as we would have
it. We wish the issue made distinct*
ly, and plainly, so that there may be
no mistake.
Pr. Davis stands tor the confedera
cy. and Gov. Brown, by his conduct,
stands against it. Let our people say
by their votes, in the coming election,
h hetlier they go for the confederacy,
or against it.
We wish to utter a word of caution
to the people against the politicians,
and to the politicians themselves.
Gov. Brown can be beaten, if the
right man is brought out to oppose
him. Let a man and patriot, of full
stature, be brought out against him.
Don't bring out a man because be be
longs to some particular clique, or
family, or faction. If you do this,
Brown will not want any easier task
than to walk right over him. This
we say to the politicians. And we
say to the people, watch the politi
cians, and indicate your preference,
before they get the start of you. No
man ought to be run for governor
who has been beaten for any office,
heretofore, on any unpopular issue,
and no party hack ought to be put
upon the turf.
“The Tenuessee Convention pass
ed, by nearly a unanimous vote, a res
olution that, no person should be con
sidered as qualified to vote, until he
shall take a stringent oath, declaring
himself unreservedly in favor of the
union, aud all laws, and proclamations
issued by President Lincoln, or con
gress, since the war began.”
“Dick Taylor is praised, by officers who
have served under him, as perhaps the
host military administrator in the service.
Some go so iar a* to rank him next to
iee,"
T H E C O U N T It Y it
—ilW „
The London Tuvies oft the: Wa#.
-—The intelligence received by the
Africa, is mote interesting by what if
indicates, than what it announces.
The failure of the attack on Wilming
ton, which the federal government
published so hastily, and contradicted
after a few hours’ deliberation, is ful
ly confirmed. Indeed, Admiral Por
ter’s dispatch left little to be added,
as to the result of the action, but the
contradictory reports appear to have
created so much doubt, and confusion
in the public mind, that the roturn of
the fleet to Fort Monroe could be an
nounced at New York as a rumor, on
ly so late as the 5th of January. On
that day, Admiral Porter’s official dis
patch was far on its way to Europe.
# * * # •
The recent gleams cf success do
not, however, console the southern
ers for the loss of Savannah. like
New Orleans, it was allowed to sbp
through their fingers, like a knotless
thread. New Orleans was taken by
a sudden rush, which was rather a
surprise, than an attack; but Savan
nah was undefended, and almost de
fenceless—at least against such an ar
my as Sherman succeeded in bring
ing before it. The city was a weak
point, which was considered secure
on account of its distance from any
northern army. The confederates do
not exaggerate the effeet of the blow,
but no explanations, in such a case,
can be satisfactory, and the latest tel
egrams indicate a current of southern
thought, or opinion that deserves con
sideration. Some interposition by
France, or England, or both, is still
thought possible in the soutb, as in
the north it is still used as a bugbear.
Some southern journals express, or
echo a belief that slavery is the only
existing obstacle to the recognition of
the independence of the confedera
cy, by the European powers. Can
that recognition be got, or purchased
bj sacaificing the institution ? That
sacrifice is contemplated, as possible,
and proposed as a political measure.
The southerners have carried a long
step forward the idea which the em
ployment of negroes, in their armies,
seems to have originated.
The plan of arming negroes, as a
measure of defence, has made it still
more familiar. The arguments for,
and against, such a measure, the ne
cessity for it, and the value the ne
gro would attach to freedom, as the
reward of military service, must be
perfectly well known to the white
population of the southern states. On
these points, they cannot be easily
deceived, but, «» tc the effect of an
Ait.
offer f6‘ abandon slavery, in its" pres
ent form, in propitiating the govern*
mer.ts of Europe, the Confederate
States may easily deceive themselves.
To any scheme of ematieipation, ef*
fected by the south itself, England*
as a nation, would certair ly offer no
word of opposition ; on the contrary,
we should reioice in the change, and
wish it every success. But we know,
well, that slavery is not the only cause
of the secession of the southern states ;
nor is emancipation the real object of
the north, in carrying on this war so
persistently. The negro, and his con
dition, were only one among many
causes of the rupture. The tendon*
cy of the republic to separate, existed
from the day it was constituted—was
seen, heeded, and under certain condi
tions, predicted by its first founders.
These conditions have been brought
about, and a fierce civil war is the
consequence. The negro was intro*
duced into the quarrel by an after
thought. Let southerners offer to
emancipate their slaves, immediately,
and propose it to the north, as the
sacrifice by which they are ready to
purchase its recognition of southern
independence.
The offer would be rejected as val
ueless, and submission, and return to
the union, would be insisted on, as the
only conditions of peace. Every
state of Europe acknowledged the
republic, when it was governed by a
constitution permitting slavery, as
fully as the southern states permit it
now ? Why should its abandonment
by the confederacy, buy a recognition
that is withheld for many other rea
sons ?
Dwelling on this theme, the sonth*
erners have indulged in speculations
which induce a doubt whether they
do not dream dreams, and see visions.
That, they would prefer, in case of the
woigt, to submit to any government
than that of the north, we can well
understand ; but a ‘protectorate’
England, France, or Spain can be
only’ a strong way, or mode of ex
pressing a hatred of the ‘yankees.’
We know of no European power
likely to accept such an improbable
offer. England would certainly re
fuse the gift. France, with its recent
Mexican experience, would, we think,
‘decline with thanks.’ And the idea
of propitiating Spain, the most obsti
nate slaveiy supporting government
in the world, by a proposal to abolish
the system, is so eccentric as to threw
doubt on the reality of the whole dis*
cussion.—London Times, Jan. 16.
'God’* gitt* pat n*n’« be*t dr**m* t<* sfesm* '