Newspaper Page Text
§7 Joseph Clisby
L,iK0i:(ilA TpGRira
MACON, SEPTEMBER 27, 1859.
Volume XJXJl 1 V.—No.
Ll »
rnii.isnr.n kvlky
SI» AY MOJi N IN O.
I di)i .I.aS'iN ADVANCE,
r *' ,V ftwr «*° l!l ° nubeqjptior
wt tftUo Office.
IIV
KS^ions on Senator Douglas’
|P I Vf* V.,' Sovereignly, «* Expressed
j yUi^r.int for Stfttmber, 1SB0.
‘ , 1k mvs that Mr. Douglas, the Sen
t! ins written and printed an
fimipHsincthirty-eiglit eolninns
*Tui«ijinc, in which ho has under-
die "dividing line between
authority." Very many prr-
over its |<aragraphs to catch
r'i-Vca- without loss of time, and sonic
read it with rare.
' 1 to ilissent from the doetrinw of this
' ., its author, if not to his arguments,
i-tful answer. Mr. Dough s is not
?kf treated with a disdainful silence,
i i.alm'i unquestioned; bis public
-.1,. f. lV of many disadvantages, has
’..'aionlv successful; and he has been
, o jr- a working, struggling candidate
• r .. fV . lie is, moreover, the Co-
/hs political sect—the founder of a
jVjndbis disciples naturally believe
’•iiBUdr verity <>f iiis words as a part of
Cl Vof the article is, in some respect
'ccurii'lable. It is entirely (tee from
, Iwtnqt of the stump; has no va : n a
”7| l f classical scholarship; it shows nr
JV. eloquent Senator; it is even with
,y 0 of the great debater. Many por-
:rr vrrv oliseure. It seems to be an
^!u! effort at legal precision; like the
r/i judge, who is trying in vain to give
a > for a wrong decision on a ones-
, ^ which he lias not quite mastered.
r;A the help of Messrs. Sownrdand Lincoln,
[Jdrfntd accurately enough the platform
l waited Republuwn party; and lie does
ut-ont to conceal his conviction that their
ras Winthe last degree, dangerous.—
'■'lx most assuredly, full of evil and satu-
1 with mischief. The "irrepressible con-
ihkh they speak of with so much ploas-
liowfii the "opposing and enduring forces'
* Northern and Southern States will bofa-
■! merely to the peace of llie Country, lint
»existence of the t iovemuent itself. Mr.
bu knows this and ho knows, also, that
[•nocratic party is the only power which
“iibe, organized to resist the Republican
w oppose their hostile march upon the
Lj i\ c wild divides and weakens the
. oftfce .wintry at such a crisis in her
i very grave responsibility.
Houghs separates (lie I temocratic party
fasts, ami describes them as follows:
|f. M This.- who believe that the Const!*
U.e I'nitol States neither establishes
it,its daveiy in the Slates or Territories
■til* power of the people legally to con-
lut ffcavi s the |teople thereof perfectly
m »n l regulate their domestic institu-
their own way, subject only to the Con-
• ofUw l uited States.'
■d Those who believe that the Con-
ftaalJislies slavery in the Territories,
IME from Congress and the Tcrrito-
jJatutv the power to control it, and
gthat. in the evert the Territorial Leg-
ail- to enact the requisite laws for its
a, it becomes the imperative duty of
i to interpose its authority and furnish
iai Those who, while professing to bc-
t&at the Constitution establishes slavery
sT.ct-.i.tIcs Iwyoml tlicpower oft’ongress
oTcrtorul Legislature to control it, at the
i’.at protest against the duty of Congress
sr'— for its protection; but insist that it
liar eftbe Judiciary to protect and main-
nviirin tiie Territories without any law
ietsfaet"
r r - Mr. Doughs the fill! bcnclit of his
«<ment. This is his mode of expressing
lifctnces, which, he says, disturb the
hr. and threaten the integrity, of the A
l Democracy. These passages should,
' s'. W mo-t carefully considered.
< fast class is the one to which ho himself
5S said to both the others lie is equally op-
' U>‘ ius no light to come between the
JmJ lliir.l ila-s. If the difference which
**> of does exist among his opponents if
i business, not his to settle it or tight it
it e shall, therefore, confine ourselves to
i' l'e between Mr. Douglas ami his fol
ios the one hand, and the rest of the
oatio party on the other, presuming that
.e willing to observe the principle of
pwreation in all matters with which lie
i owetm.
'bn invert the order in which he ha
H the subject, and endeavor to show—
he has not correctly stated the doc
il by his op|ionents; and,
at his own opinions, as given by him*
ztofether unsound.
*avs tliat a certain portion of the Don*
jvtr believe, or profess to believe, that
*->tm tstablishes slavery in the Ter-
ll ' I insist that it is the duty of the Ju-
s ■ maintain it there without any lair on
,«t U e do not eliarge him with any
■ unfair; hut we assert that he
one wrong to, probably, nineteen-
• 'he party, by attempting to put
cn U which they never chose for
"•lim
iition certainly does net establish
Territories nor anywhere else.
‘ country ever thought or said so.
■ lution regards as sacred and in*
’ rights which a citizen may le-
™ * State. If a man acquires
" 1 ' ui in a State, and goes witli
lie is not for tliat reason to
yV" ;l 1 >ur simple and plain prop-
/; 41 the legal owner of a slave or oth-
^~*- T W with it into a Federal Terri-
7^1 "doting his title.
trutli of this, nnd upon what
_ ;I it he controverted ? The reasons
tv vt it are very obvious and very con-
' * jun-i ami a statesman, Mr. Doug-
jefimiliar with them, and there
~ * ,cn be was supposed toumferstnnd
i r "’e will briefly give him a
waxiutuaijc principle of public law
I’Toi'crty, a private relation, con-
^7**, awfully existing in one State
y. L ' n '" changed by the mere reino-
^i«tk> to anotlicr country, unless the
( “ wr country Ik- in direct conflict
, '»ir.'Uuce: ,\ marriage legally sol-
rt'-ic** ** ,l ' n ’l‘ 11 K in America; cliil-
’ennany are legitimate here if they
.. •' there; and a merchant who buys
r iork according to the laws of
’ lw lunil
side of any State jurisdicUon, ami in a Territo
ry where no regulation has yet been made on
the subject. There the Constitution is equally
miparltn!. It neither frees the slave nor en
slaves the freeman. 11 requires both to remain
in statu quo until the status already impressed
"J* 0 !? t ' ,e,n *>y lit® law of their previous domicil
shall bo changed by some competent local au-
tbority. \\ lint is com|ietcnt local authority in
a i erritory will be elsewhere considered.
"• The Federal Conststution carefully guards
the rights of private property against the Fed
eral Government itscll, bydeclaring that it shall
not be taken for public use without compensa
tion, nor without due process of law. Slaves
are private property, and every man who has
taken an oath of fidelity to the Constitution is
religiously, morally, ami politically liouml to
regard them as such. Does anybody suppose
that a Constitution which acknowledges the sa
credness of private property so fully would wan
tonly destroy that right, not liy any words that
are found in it, but by mere implication from
its general principles ? It might as well be as-
sorjed that the general principles of the Consti
tution gave Lane and Montgomery a license to
steal horses in the valley of the Osage.
J. The Supreme Court of the United State.,
has decided the question. After solemn argu
ment nnd careful consideration, that august tri
bunal lias announced its opinion to bo that a
slaveholder, by going into a Federal Territory,
does not lose the title he had to his negro in the
State from whirh he came. In former times,
a question of constitutional law once decided by
the Supreme Court waR regarded as settled by
all, except that little hand of ribald infidels, who
meet principally al Itoston to blaspheme the
religion and plot rebellion against the laws of
the country. The leaders of the so-called Re
publican party have lately been treading close
on the heels of their abolition brethren; but it
>s devoutly to be hoped that Mr. Douglas has
no intention to follow their example. In case
he is elected President, lie must see the laws
faithfully executed. Does he think he can keep
that oath by fighting the judiciarv?
o. The legislative history of the country shows
that all the great statesmen of former times en
tertained the same opinion, and held it so firm
ly, that they did not even think of any oilier.
It was universally taken for granted that a slavo
remained ft slave, and a freeman a freeman, in
the new Territories, until a change was made
in their condition by some positive enactment.
Nobody believed that a slave might not have
been taken to, and kept in the Northwest Ter
ritory, if the ordinance of 17S7. or somo other
regulation had not been made to prohibit it.—
The Missouri restriction of 1820 was imposed
solely because it was understood (probably by
every member of that Congress,) that, in tire
absence of a restriction, slave property would
be os lawful in the eye of the Constitution a-
bove 30 deg. 30 min. as below; and all agreed
that the mere absence of a restriction did, in
fact, make it lawful below the compromise line.
0. It is right to learn wisdom from our cne-
etnies. The Republicans do not point to any ex
press provision of the Constitution, nor to any
general principle embraced in it, nor to any es
tablished rule of law, which sustains their views.
The ablest men among them are driven by stress*
of necessity to hunt for argument in a c'odo un-
rcvcalcd, unwritten, and undefined, which they
put above the Constitution or the Bible, and
call it "higher law,” The ultra Abolitionists
of New England do not deny that the Constitu
tion is rightly interpreted by the Democrats
as not interferring against slavery in the Terri
tories; but they disdain to obey what they pro
nounce to be "an agreement with death, and a
covenant with hell."
7. TVliat did Mr. Douglas mean when lie pro-
IHiscd and voted for the Kansas-Xcbraska bill
repealing the Missouri restriction ? Did lie in
tend to tell Southern men that, notwithstanding
the repeal of the prohibition, they were exclu
ded from those Territories as much as ever ?—
Or did he not regard the right of a master to
his slave perfectly good whenever he got rid of
the prohibition ? Did lie, or anybody else at
that time, dream that it xva» necessary to make
a positive law in lavor of the slave holder be
fore he could go there with safety ? To ask
these questions is to answer them. The Kan-
-Ncbr
would throw the country open to everything
which the Constitution recognized as property.
We have tliun given wlmt we believe to be the
opinion* .'held by the great body of the deinocratio
party—namely, that the Federal Constitution does
not establish slavery anywhero in the Union: that
it permits a black man to bo either held in servi
tude or made free as the local law shall decide; and
that in a Territory where no' local law on the sub
ject lias been enacted it keens botli the slave and
'the freo negro in the status already impreased upon
them, until it shall bo changed by competent local
authority. VVe have seen that this is sustained by
the reason of the thing, by a groat principle of pub
lie law, by the words of the Constitution, by a sol
emn decision of the Supreme Court, by the whole
course of our legislation,by the concession of our
political opponents and. finally, by the most impor
tant art in the public life of Hr. lJouglas himself.
Mr. Douglas imputes another absurdity to his op
ponents when ho charges them with insisting "that
it is llie duty of the jaUieiary to protect and main
tain slavery in the Territories iritkoul any lair upon
the subject*' Thejudge who acts without law acts
against law; and surely no sentiment so atrocious
as tills was ever entertained by any portion of the
Democratic party. The right of a master to the ser
vices ot his slave in a Territory ia not aga.nst law.
nor without law. but in full accordance with law.
If the law bo against it we are all against it. Has
not the emigrant to Nebraska a legal right to the
ox team, which be bonght in Ohio, to haul him over
the plains 1 Ia hot his title as good to it in the Ter
ritory ns it was in the State where he got it I^ And
wliat should be said of a judge
is not protected, or that he is m ...
session of his property "without any law gpon the
subject^ # . t to exJfect f ro m Mr. Douglas at
least * clear and intelligible definition of his own
doctrine. We are disappointed. It is hardly possi
ble to conceive anything more dtfiicult to compre
hend. We will transcribe it again, and do wliat
can be douo to analyze it. , .
‘•Those who believe that the Constitution of the
United Statea neither establishes nor prohibits slave
ry in the States or Territories beyond the power or
the people legally to control it, but deaves the peo
ple thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their
domestic institutions in tlieirown way, subject only
to the Constitution of the United States.
The ConstitutionCnc,thrr establishes uor prohibits
tlarrry in tie States cr Territories. If it be meant
by Ibis that the Conatitution does notproprio ngore,
either emancipate any man’* slave or create me
condition of slavery and impose It ■on ITree negroes,
but leave® the question of every blaclM man * *' <,, **»
in the Territories as well as in the State*, to be de
termined by the local law, then wo admlUt. for it is
the very same proposition which " e ii ^* v ?, b T. 0 " tr ^
jug to prove, lint if, on the contrary. It is to be
understood ns an assertion that the Constitutiondoes
not permit a matter to keep Ins slave, or a freeie-
gro to have bis liberty, !u all Pjrtai of
where the local Uw does not interfere *» prevent
it. then tho error is not only * very grave one, bnt
It Is alto absurd and self-contradictory.
The Constitution neither establishes nor m
sUreru in the States or Territories beyond dg
( the topic legally to control it. This *•
’rtint No-Point again; Of course a subject uhich
il legally controlled cannot be beyond the power
IhM controls it- Hutth. question Is. "bat consti
tutes le-at control,-and when the people of a -Tate
or Territory are in a condition toexerciett T , .
The Constitution of the Lu’led Slates
them to Illinois and hold leaves‘bepeoplUperlecuyfree. ^ stales.
•• i r ins contract. It is precisely -Thi/can-iesna round n foil circle.^n'I^P 4 "*!'™,;
. ' of a negTo carried from one cisely at the place of beginning. Tbat the C _
Mates to another; the ques- I * *““•'*
•'fi or servitude depends on the
>*licreho came from, and de- :aeve l
if there be no conflicting
to which he goes or is taken.
,i "“titutioii, therefore, recognizes
<< ?*1 condition whoever the local
1^ chosen to let it stand una-
'lik . i ' *' as ‘"‘‘gal wherever the
4 q,S* tr k'tbidden it. A slave l>e-
sjjj .‘fhia, remains property, and
h: i 81 1 rights of a Virginia man*
i: tliat he go not to
r Ai 1 i . ' ' a ' v comes in conflict
! l "Ml hot ho pretended that
*rtm. ' hiniish(S to the Tcnrito*
«n. ft contains no provision
into any semblance of pro-
■ on the question whether slave*
local or general, is a mere war
k ra ce in tins country Is
virtue of any general
tS (f « "hich is free,is free by
. r'.'g’ilntion, and the slaves
Uvj ar reason. The Consti*
n, mhin i States simply dc-
Prtrr.n . K . . nc * n the premises by
wright, and they shall
•hrJDut tree ne-
. both find themselves put-
member* of Copgreaa, the Whole of the party Month
and a very largo majority North, are jienetrated
with a conviction that no inch power is vested in a
Territorial Legislature, and that those who desire
to confiscateprirate property of any kind most wait
nntilthey get a Constitutional Convention or the
machinery of a State government into their hands.
We venture to give the following reasons tor be
lieving that Mr. Douglas is in error:
The Supreme Conn ha* decided that a Territorial
Legialatnre has not the power which he claims for
it. That alone ooglit to be sufficient. There can
be no law, order, or security for any man'a rights
unless the judicial authority of the country be up
held. Mr. Douglas may do what he pleases with
political Conventions and party platforms, bat we
trust lie will give to the Supreme Coart at least that
decent respect whiqh none but the most ultra Re
publicans have yet withheld.
The right of property is sacred, and the first ob-
G et of all human government ia to make it secure.
fe is always unsafe where property ia not fully
protected.. This is the experience of every people
on earth, ancient and modern. To secure private
property was a principal object of Magna Charta.
Charles 1. afterwards attempted to violate it, but
the people rose n|>onblm, dragged him to tho block,
and severed bis head from his body. At a still later
period another monarch for a kindred offence was
driven out of tho country, and died a fugitive and
trilling
no government in the world, however absolute
which would not be disgraced and endangered by
wantonly sacrificing private property even to a
small extent. For centuries past such outrages
have ceased to be committed in times of peace a-
inong civilized nations.
Slaves are regarded as property in the Southern
States. The people of that section buy and sell,
and carry on all their business, provide for their
families, and make their wills and divide their in
heritances on that assumption. It is manifest to ail
who know them that no jlbubts ever cross their
minds abont the rightfulness of holding snch -prop
erty. They believe they have a direct warrant tor
it, not only in the examples of tbe beat meniiiat
ever lived, but in the precept* of Divine revelation
itself; and they aretliorougluy satisfied that the re
union of master and sUve is tbe only one which
can possibly exist there between the white and the
buck race without ruining both. The people of tbe
North may differ from their fellowqcitizena of the
Sontli on the whole subject, but knowing, as we all
do, that these sentiments are sincerely and honestly
entertained, we cannot wonder that they feel the
most unspeakable indignation when any attempt is
made to interfere with their rights. This sentiment
resnlts naturally and necessarily from their educa
tion and habits of thinking. They cannot help it,
any more than an honeat man in the North can a-
otd abhorring a thief or house-breaker.
The jurists, legislators, and people of the North
ern States, have always sacredly respected the
right of property in slaves held by tffeir own citi-
sens within their own jurisdiction. It is a remarka
ble fact, very well worth noticing, that no Northern
State ever passed any Uw to take a negro from his
master. All Uws for tbo abolition of slavery have
operated only on the unborn descendants of the no-
;ro race, and the vested rights of masters have not
jeen disturbed In the North
diatnrbed In the North more than in the South.
In every nation under Heaven, civilized, aemi-
barliarons, or savage, where slavery baa existed in
any form at all analogous to oars, the rights of tbe
masters to tbo control of their slaves as property
have been respected; and on uo occasion has atiy
Government struck at those rights, except as it
would strike at other property. Even the British
i'ariiament, when it emancipated the West India
slaves, though it was legislating lor a people three
thousand miles awSy and not represented, never de
nied either the legal or the natural right of the slave
owner. Slaves were admitted to be property, and
the Government acknowledged it by paying their
masters one hundred millions of dolUrs for the pri v-
I a of setting them free.
ere, then, U a species of property which is of
transcendent importance to the material interests of
the South—which the people of that region think
it right nnd meritorious in the eyes of God and good
men to hold—which ia sanctioned by tbe general
sense of all minkind among whom it has existed—
which was lent only a short time ago in all the
States of tbe Union, and was then treated as sacred
by every one of them—which is guarantied to tbe
owner as mnch as any other property is guarantied
by the Constitution ; and Mr. Douglas thinks that a
territorial legisUture is competent to take it away.
We say. No; the Supreme legislative power of a, so
vereign State alone can deprive a mau of liis prop
erty.
This proposition is so plain, so well established, and
so universally acknowledged, that any argument in
its Uvor would bo a mere waste of words. Mr.
Douglas does not deny it, audit did not require the
thousandth part of bis sagacity to ace that it was uu-
doniable. lie claims for tbe Territorial governments
the right of confiscating private property on the
ground that those governments ace sovereign—have
an uncontrollable and independent power over all
their internal affairs. That ia the point which he
thinks ia to split the Democracy and impale the na
tion. But it ia so entirely erroneous, tliat it must
vanish.lnto thin air as soon aa it comes to be exam-
ined.
A Territorial government is merely provisional
and temporary. It ia created by Congress for tbo
reservation ot order and the purposes of
in flat rebellion to the fundameutal law of lb# land
Bnt if the Territorial government* hare this
then they have it without any
and in all tho fulness of absolute ■despotism; They
are omnipotent in regard to their interna .‘f'V iX
they are sovereigns, mlhout a
them in chci k. And this omnipotent sovereignty is
to be wielded by a few men suddenly drawn together
Irotu all parts of America and Europe,
with one another, and ignorant of their t® 1 ** 1 *®
rights. Bnt if Mr. Douglas is right, those govern
ments have all the absolute power of the Russian
Autocrat. They may take every kind of Pf»P® r *y
in mere caprice, or for any purpose of lucre or mat-
Ice, without process of law, »ud without providing
for compensation. The legislature of Kansas, sit
ting at Lecompton or Lawrence, may order the mi
ners to give up every ounce of gold that baa been
dug at Pike's Peak. If the authorities of L tali
should license a band of marauders to despoil the
emigrants crossing tbe territory, their sovereign
right to do so cannot be questioned. A new Terri
tory mav be organized, which Southern men think
should be devoted to the culture of cotton, while
the people of the North are equally certain that gra
zing alone is the proper business to be carried on
there If oue party, by accident, by force, or by
fraud, had a majority in the legislature, the negroes
are taken from tbe planters; and if the other set
gains a political victory, it is followed by a statute
to plunder the graziers of their eattio Such things
cannot be done by the Federal Government, nor by
the govc-rmenta of the States: but, if Mr. Douglas is
not mistaken, they can bo done by the territorial
governments. Is it not every way better to wait
until the new inhabitants know themselves and one
another: until the policy of the Territory is settled
by some ezjierience, and above all, until the great
powers of a sovereign State are regularly conferred
upon them and properly limited, so as to prevent
the gross abuses which always accompany nnre-
by the heat of the controversy have dr
different times in opposite directions;
driven him at
.. j. We do not
charge it against him as a crime, but it is true that
these views of his, inconsistent as they are with one
stricted power in human hands ?
There is another consideration which Mr. Dougins
should have been the last man to overlook. The
present Administration of the Federal Government,
and the whole Democratic party throughout the
country, including Mr. Douglas, thought that in the
case of Kansas the question of retaining or abolish
ing slavery should not be determined by any repre
sentative body withot giving to the whole mass of
the people an opportunity of voting on it. Mr. Dou
glas carried it further, aud warmly opposed the Con
stitution, denying even its validity, because other
and undisputed parts of it bad not also been sub
mitted to a popular vote. Now he is willing that
the whole slavery dispute in any Territory, aud all
questions that can arise concerning the right! of the
people to that or other property, shall be decided at
once by a territorial legislatnre, without any sub
mission at all. Popular sovereignty in the last Con
another, always happen to accord with tbe interests
of tho.Opposition, always give to the enemies of the
Constitution a certain amount of "aid and comfort,"
and always add a little to the rancorons and malig.
nant hatred with which tbe Abolitionists regard tbe
Government of their own country.
Yes: the Lecompton issue which Mr. Douglas
made upon.tbe Administration two years ago is done,
and the principles on which we were then opposed
are abandoned. We are no longer required to fight
for tbe lawfulness of a Territorial election held un
der territorial authority. But another issue is thrust
upon ns to “disturb tho harmony and threaten the
integrity” of the party.
A few words more (perhaps of tedious repetition,)
by way of shoring what this new issue is, or proba
bly, will be, and we are done. We insist that an
emigrant going into a federal territory retains bis
title to tbe property which he took with him until
there ia some prohibition enacted by lawful autho-
rity. Mr. Douglas cannot deny this in the face of
his New Orleans speech, and tho overwhelming rea
sons whiclf support it.
It is an agreed point among all Democrats that
Congress cannot interfere with the rights of proper
ty in the Territories.
It is also acknowledged tbit the pooplc of a new
State, either in their Constitution or tit an net of
their Legislature, may make tho negroes within it
free, ot hold them in a State of servitude.
Bat we believe more. We believe—iu submit
ting to the law as decided by the Sapretne Court,
which declares that a Territorial Legislature can
not, any more than Congress, interfere with the
rights of property in a Territory—that the settlers
of a Territory are bound to wait until the sovereign
power is conferred upon them, with proper limita
tions, before they attempt to exercise tbe most dan
gerous of all its functions. Mr. Douglas denies this,
and tbere is tbe new issue.
Why should snch an issno bo made at such a
time 1 What is there now to excuse any Iriend of
peace for attempting to stir up the bitter waters of
strife ? There is no actual difficulty about this sub
ject in any Territory. There is no question upon
it pending before Congress or the Country. Wo are
called upon to make a contest, at once unnecessary
and hopeless, with tbe judicial authority of tbo na
tion. We object to it. We will not obev Mr. Doug
las when be commands ua to assault tbe Supreme
Court of the United States. We believe the Court
to be right, and Mr. Douglas wrong.
Letter from Senator Iverson.
: , • . , „ .1 i Cabroutos, Ga., July27th, 1850.
gress meant the freedom of the people from aU the
restraints of lawnnd order: now it means a govern- j ilos. -XLUtEU lv
msnt which shall rule them with a rod' of iron. It
swings like a pendulum from one side clear over to
the other.
ns-Ncbraaka bill was not meant as a debnuon TESFVSZSSSSZSS**£2iftSSgSS
or a snare. It was well understood that the }”,£<; organiiact which is the charter of its exirt-
repeal alone of the restriction against slavery ence> an g „j,j
.
setts
5? atssr.SES’Tgap?*- »
,„d consequent /IP*9?™*,“ ‘’^Jfahlv'wo can guess
M^^a. or ii2 n J!ii :&Rtz>g£
reconsiderliiosuor '>- ,talus of a ne-
wiMm, ‘!X C of^Uu^
pro, wb*‘b« i, e goe*. and adheres to him in every
part of the Union until he meets some local law
which changes it.
1 that tho people of a State,
“ Wl i? thlfr DffiSatar®- and thepeople of a Terri
rongh their lecijuii Uch ^ m , y f raln8 ore-
them bend o* fme* b „ t which oninlons
«nt we berec"“?‘“, t fltil ,, n can be depriv-
Some lnsui inso « any1 | u ng else, ex-
propertv m slaxca. . n 5 tanUo n or fc
he while others contend
private right* may
{ hat 1,‘v a Territorial
tt^earttest settlements aretoad^ Ur Douglas in
■ ■ ,i.w
tlt'i«‘ n * 'ii of .‘■live.
sholilion or the'«> j, f( .„a,-nt, the Judges
On the other baud, in (fee Democratic
of tbe Supreme Court, DMsny
ence, and which may be changed or repealed artbc
pleasure of Congress. In most of those acts the
power has been expressly reserved to Congress of
revising the Territorial laws, and tbe power to re
peal them exitta without such reservation. Tbi*
was asserted in the case of Kansas by tbe most dis
tinguished Senators in the Congress of 185C. The
President appoints the Governor, Judges, and all
other officers whose appointment is not otherwise
rovided for. directly or indirectly, by Congress.
Sven the expenses of the Territorial government are
paid out of the Federal Treasury. The truth ia, they
■ave no attribute of sovereignty about them. 1 he
essence of sovereignty conus's in having no supe
rior. But a Territorial government has a superior
tbe United States Government, upon whose plea-
re it is dependent for its very existence—in whom
.. lives, and moves, and has iu being—who has
made and can nnmake it with a breath.
Wbcre.does this sovereign authority to deprive
men of their property come from I This transcend
ent power, which even despots are cautions about
using, and which a constitutional monarch never
exercises—bow does it get into a Territorial Legis
lature f Surely it does not drop from the clouds
it will not be contended that it accompanies the set
tlers or exisU in the Territory before iu organisa
tion. Indeed it is not to the people, but to tiro gov
ernment of a Territory that Mr. Douglas amys it be
longs.. Then Congress must give the power at the
sanu* time that it give* the Territorial government
But not a word of tho kind is to k?/" 0 "-!“^ £**
ganic act that over was fronted. It ia thus that Mr.
Douglas’* argument run* iUelf out Into nothing.
But if Congress mould pass a statute expressly to
give this sort of power to the Territorial govern
ments, they still would not have it; for the Federal
Government itself doe* not poasess any control over
men’s projierty in the Territorlea. That snch power
. * . " .a- v.,lbp« rtnvernment needs no
Mr. Douglas's opinions on this subiect of sover
eign Territorial Governments are very singular;
but tbe reasons he has produced to support them
are infinitely more curious still. For instance, he
shows that Jefferson once introduced into the old
Congress of the Confederation a plan for the gov
ernment of tho Territories, calling them by tho
name of “new States,” but not making them any
thing liko sovereign or independent States; and
though this was a mere experimental project, which
was rejected by Congress, and never afterwards re
ferred to by Jefferson himself, yet Ur. Douglas ar
gues upon it as if it had somehow become a part of
our fundamental law.
Again: He says that the States gave to the Fed
eral government the snino powers which as Colo
nics they had been willing to concede to the Britisli
Government, aud kept those which as colonies they
had claimed for themselves. If ho will read a com
mon school history of the Revolution, and then look
at Art. 1, sec. r. of tho Constitution, he will find the
two following facts fully established: 1. That the J
Federal Government has "power to lay and collect;
taxes, duties, imjiosts, and excises;” and, 2. That
the colonies, before the Revolution, utterly refused
to lie taxed by Great Britain; and. so far lrom con
ceding tbe power, fongbt against it lor sevon long
years. . . . i
There is another thing in the article which, if it ■
liad qot come from a distihguished Senator, aud a
very upright gentleman, weald have been open to
somo imputation of unfairness. lie quotes tho
President's message, and begins in the middle of a
sentence. He professos to give the very words, and
makes Mr. Bnchauan say: “That slavery exists in
Kansas by virtue of the Constitution of'tbe United
States.'’ Want Mr. Uuclmuan did say was a very
different tiling. Itwasthia: "it has been solemnly
adjudged by tho highest judicial tribunal known to
our laws, that slavery exists in Kansas by virtue of
the Constitution of tho United butes,” Everybody
knows that by treating tbe Bible in that way, you
can prove the non-cxistcnco of God.
The argumentum ad hommem is not fuir. and we
do not mean to use it. Mr. Douglas has a right to
change liis opinions whenever he pleases. But we
quote him as we would any other authority equally
ebsox;
Dear Sir:—At a recent meeting of the De
mocracy of this County, the undersigned were
appointed a Committee to invite you to select a
day on which you can address your fellow-citi
zens of Carroll, on the political topics of the
day. Please do not consider this a formal in
vitation, but one from tho hearts of the people.
No where in Georgia have you stronger friends
than in this -County, and wo can Bcarccly for
give you, if you fail to heed our call. Iverson
men will be sent to tho Legislature from this
County, and voters of all parties will stand by
you in the battle you arc fighting for Southern
Rights.
Give us sufficient time in which to make
preparation necessary for your reception.
Please believe us, very respectfully,
Your obedient servants,
Heniiv F. Mekeell.
Jesse C. Wootten. •
A. J. Rowe,
AY. F. Johnson,
A. T. Burke.
Congress, by the assent of the Executive, and by
the direct ratification of tlio people »eting in their
primary capacity at the polls. In addition to all
this, the Supreme Court have deliberately adjudged
it to be an unalterable and undeniablo rule of Con-
*^iws acknowledgment that Congressman “®. 1*°""
authority, or jurisdiction over tiro subject, literally
otJitres Mr. Dooglaa to give up his doctrine, or else
to maintain it by asserting that a power Which the
Federal Government does not possess maybe given
,, Camoress to a Territorial government. The right
to abofta?*African slavery In u Territory »a not
granted by the Conatitution to Congress; «ia with-
Held and therefore the same as if expressly pro-
gas
S5Jb, ‘‘am? only such, as Congress,cannot exercise
under the Constitotion!” By turningAo P»ffes 520
„d 521 the reader will aeo that this astounding pro
position is actually made, not in jest, or irony, but
solemnly, aerionaly. and, no doubt, in perfect good
faith. On tbi* principle, as Congress cannot oxer-
oise the power t>> make an expoetjaeto law, or x law
imn.irinp tho obligation of contracts, thcefoet, it
■nthorise such Uw. to be made by the Town
S?MCil tt of Washington City, or tbe LevyConrtof
**?.***_a. executed; but the power to do thif
—~i.il.ttad thing can be constitutionally given by
to a Territorial Legislature.
W^eTwthit‘there are oJrtain powers bestowed
__ • i,~ Aral Government which
’'”tho General Government which are In their
^JindlMalor executive. With them Congress
k?ow£ that ho waa not Utkin* about powert which
log aboi-
Seasagaafttyg
S Gov^im^t. and incapable ot being delegated
■for the simple reason that it does not conatitution-
'any one lay that .uch a power onght, u a
^fiSa*ssSsi!a*B&
rtiealousy. No Republic has over fiaUed to impose
timiUtioos upon it. All freo people know that,
fr^hev would remain free, they must compel the
l L£.™n^nt to keep iu hands off their private pro-
Krttf^Sd this can be done only by tying them up
Sdth^csreful restrictions. Accordingly onr Fedmal
declares that “no person shaU be de-
Consn . .-.Qpgfjy except by duo procooi of
that ?’ ,’S property Shall taken
i aWt Kiwn nafl without lust compensation. it U
for t P r-MbyaRrecd thst this applies only to the ejer
HSjlISrimpmrer by the Government of the United
?. We are also protected against the State
. r .t a l, v a similar provision in the State
a tion»- Legislative robbery is therefore a
,l whii b cannot be committed either by Con-
bv any Suu Legislature, unless it be done
crime
gress or
liigh iu favor of truth. We can prove by himself
that every proposition bo lays down iu Harpers
Magazine is founded in error. Never before lias
any public man in America so completely revolu
tionized liis political opinions in the course of eigh
teon mouths. We do not deny that tbo change is
heartfelt and conscientious. W o only insist that he
formerly stated hia propositions much more clearly,
and sustained them with far greater ability and bet
ter reasons, than he docs now.
When he took a tour to tbe South, at tbe begin
ning of last winter, he made a speech at New Or
leans, In which he announced to the people there
tliat ho aud his friends in Illinois accepted the Dred
Scott decision, regarded stares as properly, and fully
admitted the right of a Southern man to go into any
federal territory with his slave, and to hold him there
as othei property 11 held.
In lSW he voted iu the Senate for what was call
ed Walker's amendment, by which it was proposed
to put all the internal affairs of California and New
Mexico under the domination of the President, giv
ing him almost unlimited power, legislatirejndicial,
and executive, over the internal affairs of those Ter
ritories. (See Ut'th Cong., m, .) Undoubtedly this
was a strauge way of treating sovereignties. IfMr.
Douglas is right now, he was guilty then of most -*i-
trocious usurpation.
Utah is as much a sovereign State as any other
Territory, and as perfectly entitled to enjoy the right
of selt-guverument. On the 12th of June, 1857, Mr.
Douglas made a speech about Utah at Springfield,
Illinois, in which he expressed his opinion strongly
in favor of the absolute ami unconditional repeal of
the organio act, blotting the Territorial Government
out of existence, and putting tire people, under tho
sole and ezclusive jurisdiction of the United States,
like a fort, arsenal, dockyard, or magazine. He does
not seem to have had the least idea then that he
was proposing to extinguish a sovereignty, or to
trample upon tho sacrcjT rights of an independent
people.
The report which he made to the Senate in 1656,
on the Topeka Constitution, enunciates a very differ-
ent'doctrme from that of tbe magazine article. It
is true that the language is a little cloudy, but no
one can understand the following sentences to signi
fy that tho territorial governments have sovereign
power to take away the property of the inhabitants:
“The sovereignty of a Territory remains in abey
ance suspended in tho United States, t'n trust far the
peoo’r until they shall be admitted into the Union as a
State. In the mean time they are admitted to enjoy
and excrciso ail the rights and privileges of self-gov
ernment in subordination to the Constitution of the
United States, and is obedience to the organic
law, passed by Congress in pursuance of that in
strument. These rights and privileges are all de
rived from the Constitution through the act of Con
gress, and must be exercised and enjoyed in subjec
tion to all tbo limitations aud restrictions which that
Constitution imposes.”
Tho letter he addressed to a Philadelphia meeting
iu Februorv, 1658, is more explicit, and, barring
some anomalous ideas concerning the abeyance of
the power and the snspension of it in trust, it is clear
enough;
“Under our territorial system, it requires sove
reign j>ower toordsin and establish constitutions and
governments. While a Territory may and should
enjoy all the rights of solf-governmeut, in obedience
to its organic lair, it is not A sovereign rower.
The sovereignly of a Territory remains in abeyance,
suspended in the United States, in trust for the people
when they become a Slate, aud cannot be srithdnnen
from the hands oj the trustee and rested in the people of
a Territory mlhout the consent of Congress.
The report which be made in the same month from
tbff Senate Committee on Territories, is equally dis
tinct, and rather Inore emphatic against bis new
doctrine:
This committee iu their reports have always held
that a Territory it not a sovereign poreer-, that the
they . . ■
trustees, cannot be divested of tbe sovereignty, nor
the Territory be invested with the right to assume
and exercise it, without the consent of Congress.
If the proposition be true that sovereign power
alone can institute governments, and that the sove
reignty of a Territory is in abeyance, suspended in
tbo United States, in trust for tiro people when they
become a State, and that the sovereignty cannot be
divested from tho bands of tho trustee without tbe
assent of Congress, it follows as an iaevitable,con-
sequence. that the Kansas Legislature did not and
could not confer upon the Lecompton Convention
tbe sovereign (tower of ordaining a Constitution for
^be people of Kansas, in place of the organic act
"passed by Congress ”
Tho days are past and gooe when Mr. Douglas led
the fiery assaults of the Uppoiition In the Lecomp
ton controversy. Then it was nis object to prove
that a territorial legislature, so far from being om
nipotent, was powetleas even to authorise an elec
tion of delegates to consider abont their own affairs.
It was asserted that a convention chosen under a
territorial law could make and ordain no constitu
tion which would be legally binding. Then a terri
torial government was to be despised and spit upon,
even when it invited the people to come forward
and vote on a question of the most vital importance
to tbeir own interests. But now all things have be-
come new. The Lecompton dispute lias “gone glim
mering down tbe dream of things that were,” and
Mr. Douglas produces a new issue, brand-new from
the mint. The old opinions are not worth a rush to
bis present position; it must be sustained by opposite
principles and reasoning totally different. The Le-
gialature of Kansas was not sovereign when it au
thorised a Convention of the peopleto assemble and
decide what sort of a Constitution they would have,
but when it strikes at tbeir rights of property, it
becomes not only a aov. r. i.-n, but a sovereign with
out limitation of power. We have no idea that Mr.
Douglas is not perfectly sincere, as he was also when
he took the other “i .v. The impulses engendered
UoLtnai's, Sept. 5tli, lS.jft.
GcnlUmtn:—I had the honor to receive,
whilst on a late visit to Washington City, your
letter of the 27th July, inviting me, in behalf
of the people of Carroll county, to address them
at a time to be selected by myself, “ upon the
political topics of the day.” My absence from
home, nnd other pressing engagements, have
prevented a reply until now. This invitation,
and the cordial’ mauner in which it has been
presented by you, arc entitled to my gratitude
and thanks,*nnd I assure you, gentiemen, that
both are felt by mo with deep and unfeigned
emotion. I regret to say, however, that 1 can
not, at least at the present time, accept this flat
tering testimonial of the favor and kindness of
my fellow-citizens of Carroll. Other engage
ments will keep me at home for several weeks,
and would prevent tnc from visiting you for the
purpose indicated before the October cicctiou,
after which less interest would be felt, and less
good accomplished, perhaps, by any remarks
which I, might make on such an occasion.—
There is another reason why 1 decline your in
vitation at this time. It is known that I am t
candidate for re-election to the Senate—repeated
public addresses, even in response to invitations
such as yours, would have the appearance, and
be construed as a public canvass for the distin
guished office for which I am a candidate. I
am opposed to canvassing for such an otficc—
my opinion always has been, that high public
offices should be confercd alone for talents,
sound political principles, and eminent public
services. The merits and claims of the candi
date should rest upon his public character,
which ought to be as well known to his con
stituents by his public life as he could possibly
make them known by personal appeals or pop
ular harrangues. I am not willing, therefore,
either to canvass for the office of Senator, or to
do any thing which might be construed into
such a course. • I accepted, it is true, the invi
tation of my fellow-citizens of Spalding county
to a public dinner cn a late occasion, aqd made
them an address, agreeably to their request,
“upon the political condition of the Union.”—
This invitation was, however, given and accep
ted before my determination was formed of
standing again for the Senate, and having ac
cepted it, 1 felt constrained to compljt with the
obligation. I did not, therefore, conflict with
the rule, which I think otight to be observed in
such cases, and which I have prescribed for
myself and 1 trust it will not commit me to its
violation in the future. It is true there ary
many interesting subjects connected with tho
‘political topics of tbe day,’ upon which I should
l>e pleased to speak to you, and to the people of
Georgia, and occasions thay arise when I shall
feel it to be my duty, as well as pleasure to do
so. It cannot bo very important, however, for
me to do so at present The speech which I
delivered at Griffin, on the 14th of July last,
containedjny opinions and views, well consid
ered, on some of those subjects. That speech
has been extensively published and circulated
amongst my constituents. I should be pleased
if it could be read by every man in Georgia, for
I am willing, as a public man and Senator, to
stand or fall, upon what I then and there said.
I wear no mask, and have nothing to conceal or
disguise. I wish the people of Georgia to know
my opinion* upon every subject affecting their
national interests, which, iu part, they have en
trusted to my lands. I wish them to judge me,
and to approve or condemn tnc, upon the sound
ness of those opinions, aud the fidelity with
which they arc enforced.
The great objects of my Griffin speech, were
to warn the Southern people of the steadily ap
proaching danger to the safety of their consti
tutional rights, and tliat “peculiar Institution,”
which is of such vast importance to them, and
to unite them in a common and determined re
sistance to Northern aggression, aud in failure
of such successful resistance in the Union, to
prepare for its safety and preservation out of
the Union. I trust gentlemen, that I may bo
pardoned for repeating here, what I expressed
there, that whatever others may say or think
of the present security of that “Institution,” in
tiro Union, I am clearly of the opinion that it
never was in greater danger It is an evident
and undeniable iact, that the Black Republican
or Abolition party of the Free States is seeking
its overthrow and destruction. If that party
succeeds in obtaining possession and control of
the Federal Government, it must and will be
upon its avowed hostility to Southern slavery,
and its settled determination to circumscribe
its area—diminish its power—limit its numbers,
and finally to eradicate it altogether. If these
are not the great objects and final, end and ami
wm | '* '*** “*
which that party will be lead to its final sue-1 Democrats under the lead of Judge, Douglas,
cess and to our ruin. How is that process to and npon tho platform which he has put forth
be checked ? How is that ruthless march of I as the only one upon which he and they are
abolition phrensy to be stayed ? It can only I willing to act with their Southern brethren ? r
be done by a united and detenmned South— know not'what others may do, but for myself
by a firm and bold resolve to drive back this am unwilling to sacrifice the sacred rights of
Northern avalanche even at the hozzard of the I the south for the sake of union, and the hope
Union. The South must make up its mind to of success with any political party either North
dissolve the Union whenever the North makes I or South. I am for standing by the rights
an unequivocal demonstration of its hostility to the Southern States as I understand them.
Southern slavery, and manifests a determina- the Northatn Democracy will recognize and aid
tion to destroy it—Such a resolution, deliber- to enforco them, I will stand by that party, and
atcly formed and distinctly enunciated, may I exert whatever powever I may have in promo-
zare the Union. If the Northern people could ting tho success of the organization. If it de-
be made to believe that the election of AY. H. I nies, rejects, or abandons them, then I am for
Seward, or any other man to the Presidency, cutting loose from it, and would-rally the South-
upon a sectional anti-slavery issue, would pro-1 cm people in a Southern party, upon a plat-
duco a dissolution of the Union, he would not form of Southern rights, and present sound, re-
irobably obtain a majority in a single free I liable men for candidates, and abide the result
itate—nis defeat would he certain, if not over- If I had the control of the public sentiment'
whelming. Our safety in the Union lies in our and action of the Southern Democracy, I would
own moral strength—the strength of united take them into the Charleston Convention with
opinion and united resolve to stand by our “In-1 the firm resolution to demand the recognition
stitution” at all hazards. The only bulwark a- of the right of the Southern people to go into
gainst the progressive aggression of the North- the Territories with their property, and to have
em abolitionists, aside from Southern resistance, that property protected by law, up to the time
has heretofore been the Northern Democracy; of the admission of the Territories as States in-
and whilst that party maintained its principles to the Union. If the Convention should rc-
and its ascendency in the Northern States, our I cognize these rights, and nominate reliable can-
rights were, in the main, supported and pro-1 didates, I would support the nominees, wheth-
tected. A majority of tlio Northern Democrats er from the North or South, the East or the
in Congress, have for many years voted with I West Ii) on the other hand, the Convention
the Southern members upon all questions af- should ignore or deny these rights, or nominate
footing tho “Institution” of slavery and the I candidates who ignored or denied them, I would
rights of the Southern States, all honor to their withdraw from tho Convention and issue an ad-
justice, consistency and courage. If that party dress to the Southern people, arid all others who
had received the just and proper sympathy and agreed with us in principle, calling upon them
support of the whole South, it might 'have to hold a Convention, and nominate candidates
maintained its soundness and supremacy—but upon our platform, and about whose political
what is the condition of the Democratic party opinions and firmness there should not be a
of the North at this day ? It has lost its major- doubt. In this way tho whole South could be
ity in nearly every free State of the Union.— united, and being united, could, sooner or later.
Even Mr. Buchanan did not carry a majority in Iforce our rights from a reluctant North, or if
any of them except the small State of Califor- beaten and overwhelmed by tho power ofnurn-
nia on the Pacific. Ho carried the States of hers, wo should be ready for any action which
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Illinois nnd Indi- our interests, our honor, or our safety should
ana, only by plurality votes, and was thus elec-1 demand. I am satisfied, gentlemen, that if the
ted. No man can doubt that if Mr. Fillmore Charleston Convention shall adopt or acquiesce
had been out of the way, tho Republican can- in tlio “squatter sovereignty” doctrine of Sena-
didates would have succeeded in all the free tor Douglas, and shall nominate him or any
States cast of the Rocky Mountains, and would other man agreeing with him in opinion, the
liavc been elected—and the elections since 1850 Democratic party would bo overwhelmed in ev-
havc exhibited the Democratic party in those I cry Southern State, as it lias already been over
states growing still weaker in numbers, and come in nearly every freo State in the Union,
less sound in principle. In the late elections. Let the Democratic party of our own State,
for members of Congress it succeeded only in I therefore, look well to the action of that Con-
Illinois in electing a majority of the delegation, I vention, and sec to it, that so far as tho State
and there only by tlio skin of its teeth, and up- I of Georgia is concerned, the rights of the South
on the personal" popularity, superhuman of-1 shall not be sacrificed by it.
forts, and rotten “squatter sovereignty” doc T Lr " ”
MACON &AVESTEU.AI HA1LUOAB,
BMhaH
O N an! after Thursday, 15th July, the Trains will
be run as follows i
Leave Macon at 12 night Arrive aUAtlanta 7.15
A. M.
Leave Macon at 10 A. M. Arrive at Atlanta 4.00
P. M.
Leave Atlanta at 12 night Arrive at Macon 7.IS
A. M.
Leave Atlanta at 11 A. 31. Arrive at Macon 5.00
P. M.
The night train will not be run on Sundava. The
12 night train from Macon connects with the Geor
gia R. Road for Angnata, at 10 A. U., and Atlanta
West Point R. B. at 12.15 A. M.
The 10 day train from Macon, connects with the
AVestern and Atlantic Rail Road for Chattanooga,
Dalton, Knoxville, Nashville, and Memphis, at 5.00
A. H„ with Georgia R. R. at 12.00 night and at AU
lanta A West Point R. R. at 12.15 A. 31.
The completion of the Virginia and Tennessee
Raff Road, makes this the most pleasant and direct
route to the
Virginia Springs,
Through Tickets to which may be had at Macon,
for *23 00, and to New York for *35 25.
Farther information in regard to this route can be
had at the General Ticket Office, Macon.
ALFRED L. TYLER,
iulyl2 Superintendent.
trine and policy of Judge Douglas. Every
Democrat elected in that State was opposed to
the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton
Constitution, and is the avowed advocate of
“squatter sovereignty” in its most obnoxious
form. Nor can wo shut our eyes to tho deplo
rable fact, that the numerical strength of the
I am very respectfully, gentlemen,
Your friend and oh't servant,
ALFRED lA'ERSON.
Messers. H. F. Merrell, and others, Com.
of tho anti-slavciy agitation at tho North, what
are they? No sensible and impartial man can
come to any other conclusion. If that party
shall ever succeed in obtaining the possession
and control of tho Government, will it stty its
hand ? AA’ill it stop short in the midst of tri
umph and lay down the arms with which it has
conquered, and which alone can maintain its
power * No.sane man can believe it To keep
its ranks unbroken it must agitate still further
—to preserve its power it must continue to stir
up the waters of bitterness against slavery and
tiro South—one step made—one point gained,
must lead to another, and another, until tho
final one is taken of universal emancipation.—
This is the natural and necessary process thro
250,000 Acres of Eailroad
LANDS FOR SALE.
Democratic party in the free States, whether in I rpHESE lands are composed of the alternate 8 ec-
. .. r .. . .. ..II tions on either side of the Pensacola dc Geor
a majority or minority, rests upon the “squatter £ Railroad, granted by the United States and State
sovereignty doctrine of Judge Douglas.” No ofFlorida to aid in building this Road. Those now
candidate who wquld take any other ground offered are located on that part of tbe line extend-
could carry a corporal’s guard in any election in S front TaUahass6e to Alligator, a distance of 105
t„ mtles. Most of them are in the vicinity of, and east
in any of those States, and jet I li;*c been de- of the guwannee River. They embrace every va-
nounccd for having expressed the opinion, in 1 -j e ty of soil from lands suitable merely for timber
my Griffin speech, that we cannot rely at the I and naval stores, to tho. most valuable description
present day upon the Northern Democracy for for the production of Sea Island aud 8hort Cotton,
the maintenance of our Constitutional rights in ^fe^orid. AT^r^^f^fptoe
the Territories of the U nited States. >\ hat are i an d3 t based on clay t with dense and l&ree forest
our rights ? The right to move into and settle I growth, resembling much the best pine lands in Ba-
upon the common Territory—the right to take ker county, Georgia, with the iiiffereueain thoir fa-
with us all amlcvery specio.ofproporty which ^
u o and " hich is recognized as property j 8 i au ^ Cotton and Sugar. The beat recommenda-
by the Constitution of the United States, and tion of these lands will be found in thecrops of corn,
by the Constitution and laws of the State from I sugar cane, long and short staple cotton now grow-
which we remove—the right to be protected in jj;£ on
tho peaceful enjoyment ofthat property by law, wm^ itT^b^
during tho existence of the Territorial Govern- the Gulf and Atlantic ports ofFlorida, to which our
ment—the right to have that property protec- roads are now built and being extended, and on the
ted by the Federal Government, the Trustee of completion of the coniiectionof the Pensacola &
,t in „ *i „ * .1 „ - •, Georgia Road with the Mam Trank Road of Geor
ue common soiLand possessing the solo juris- - a ^ the p r * mc iple part of these lands will be in ten
diction over the lemtones. These are rights hours travel of Savannah. Tney are at present in
which I am yet to hear the first Southern man I about 24 hours travel of both Charleston and Sa-
successfully controvert or deny. Now, does yannah by steamer to Fernandiua, and thence by
iat, PAmliiinn _r Railroad, Ac, to Al.igator. ihese lands were grant-
any man, lookin 0 at...the present condition of for g a 5j roa( j purposes, and the proceeds of the
public sentiment ot the JNorih, believe that the I nules are to be applied to the purchase of iron for the
Democratic party of tlio Northern States, as a I Road already graded, or the grading of which is in
party, is prepared to recognize these rights and I rapid progress of completion. To effect this object,
enforee tUby Congressional legislation? The 1oTnut^,
northern man who would so ^te in Congress wishing such property, and particularly to mdivid-
would be denounced all-over the Northern I uals and companies desirous of purchasing in large
States, and probably burnt in effigy. It is in I quantities.
vain, gentlemen, and wrong for the Southern I TERMS One-thira cash, and the balance in one
people to blinDthc question, xnd shut their “nnurily m^dvTnce?
eyes to the naked truth. AYc c»n only secure My address is at Tallahassee, Fia.
the co-operation of the Northern Democracy, as 1
a party, by surrendering those rights and adop
ting the Northern construction of the Kansas
Bill and the Cincinnati Platform. That con
struction is, that Congress lias no power or
right, to pass laws for the regulation or protec
tion of slave property in the Territories—that I FOR COTTON BALES,
tho people of the Territories from tho verj" be- Price G cents per pound, Soper cent, less than
WALTER GWYNN,
Agent Pen. A Ga. K. R.Co.
FASSHIAN’S
IRON HOOPS AND TIES,
ginning of the Territorial Governments, and
throughout their continuance, have the right,
and Shall ho allowed to establish or reject slave
Hope.
Anyone considering tlio advantages of Iron over
Rope as a material for binding cotton bales, will be
Change of Schedule*
SAVANNAH AND CHARLESTON
STEAMPACKETLJNE
IN CONN’XECTION with the CENTRAL and
North Eastern Rail Roads.
fJIIIE splendid and Fast Running
GORDON, F. Barden, Commander,leavcsSavao-
nab for Charleston every Sunday and Wednesday
afternoons at 3 o'clock and connects at Charleston
with the train- of the North Eastern Pail Road going
North; returning, leaves Charleston every Monday
and Friday night at SI o’clock (after the arrival
of the cars of the North Eastern R. Road.) and ar
rives at Savannah early the following mornings:
By this route Passengers can obtain through tick
ets to and from Savannah, Ga., and AVilmiugton, N.
Carolina.
Having a through freight arrangement with the
the Central Rail Road and its ccDneations, all freights
between Charleston and the interior of Georgia con
signed to the agents of this line will be forwarded
with dispatch and FREE of CHARGE.
J. P. BROOKS, Ag't, Savannah.
E. LAF1TTE A CO., Ag’ts, Charleston.
jan 19
CHANGE OF
SCHEDULE ON THE
South-Western H. H.
OVER AVHICH PASSES TIIE
GREAT NEW YORK AND NEW ORLEANS MAILS.
Two Daily Trains between HI aeon ff ColumbusJ
Leave Macon at 11.45 p. m. and 9.45 a. m. Arrive
at Colnmbns 5.35 a. m. and 3.45 p. m. •
Leave Columbus 4.00 a. m. and 3.45 p. m: Arrive at
Macon 9.50V m. and 9.18 p. m.
On and after Sunday. September 4th, the Passen
ger and Mail Train for Albany and Cuthbert will run
as follows:
Leave Macon, at 10.40 a. m., arrive at Albany, at 5.41
p. m.
Leave Albany, at 1.40 p. m., “ “ Macon at 8.44
n. m.
The Mail and Passenger Train from Cuthbert will
connect with the Albany Mail Train at Smithville,
No. 10, Sooth Western R. R.
Leave Cnthbert, at 12.45 p.m., arrive at Smithville,
at 3 18p.m.
Leave Smithville, at 4.05 p. m., arrive at Cnthbert,
at 6.39 p. m.
Making the connection with the np and down Al
bany Mail TVain.
Trans to Coiambus form a through connection
to Montgomery, Alabama and Augusta, Kingsville
Wilmington Savannah, MiUedgeville and Eatonton.
Post Coaches run from Albany to Tallahassee
Bainbridge. Thomasville, Ao., daily; also, tri-week
ly from Dawson to Cutbbeit, Fort Gaines, Ac.
Hacks ran six times a week from Fcrt Valley to -
Perry, Haynesville and Hawkinaville, and tri-week
' ’ to Knoxville, Ga.
Passengers for points below Fort Valley, should
take the Day Trains lrom Augusta and Savannah to
avoid detention in Macon. For other points take ei
ther Train.
First class steamships leave Savannah for New
York, on Wednesdays and Saturdays. Passage in
the Cabin *15, Steerage *6.
Through Tickets can be procured from Rail Road
Agents at Montgomery, Columbus and Albany via
Savannah to New York, by Steamship!, in Cabin, as
follows: Montgomery *26; Colnmbns *23 ; Albany
*24 25. VIRGIL POWERS, Eng'r A Sup’t.
Macon, Sep. 6. '59.
MACON
TDJEITJG- MARKET
For 1859,
W ILL be kept constantly supplied with all the
most desirable article* in the line of
MEDICINES, CHEMICALS,
PHARMACUTICAL PREPARATIONS,
SADDLE BAGS, INSTRUMENTS,
SPICES, MEDICINE CHESTS,
PERFUMERY, Ac., Ac.,
from the Store of ZEILIX X- HUNT,
Opposite Telegraph Building, Macon, Qa.
<eh t
ry as thejr choose—-that they may discard, shut I jn^llcurU^aga^nst^rolfherels^lmoverwhSming
it out, or abolish it by unfriendly legislation, by reas on for its adoption.
positive enactment, or by refusing to give it tho The presses in the seaport cities have been the
protection of law. The recent manifesto of main cause of its not being generally adopted: but
Judge Douglas goes even farther. anj asserts ort^^^Pres.^helir^T'i^Nevr Orleans, g^ves it
that the first squatters upon Territorial soil, if I the preference over rope. TheFassman Iron iloop
authority from Congress^ to establish govern-, „ “ Ucity and fac mty of application of any ore yet
ment nnu abolish or exclude sla> cry nt pleas- I tnpHp it is so prepared as to require uo change loi
ure, and that neither Congress, the Supreme I re-compressing. Thus obviating the only remain
Court, or any other tribunal, has the power to4‘ D tt difficulty at the seaboard cities,
overrule their action. He claims in broad and| The hoops arn eent ofany lengtli. from eight ot
, , ~ , , .. . ten feet, and a full guarantee given that neither the
round terms, for the people of the Territories, I unr Hoops shall brefik. And further, that all
the same sovereign powers which appertain to cotton bound in them shall be received onthesame
the States under the Constitution, if tiie tna- I terms, at the Orleans Press, as rope bound cotton —
jority of the Southern people are willing to act | Tl, ° l ,er b *'f ia about ‘hesame as rope,not
with the Northern Democracy upon this basis|, °To P showti.T“opinion shipmasters have of it, we
wo may keep up a national organization, which (give tho following, among numerous commend®-
possibly might succeed in controlling the Fed-1 tions we have:
oral Government. I do not myself, however, The undersigned masters of vessels, having had
believe that a party, formed even upon this ba- Sftj
siSy could carrj a suihcicnt number of the free being well compressed, and the buttons or hoops,
States to control tho Federal power, even with never breaking when thrown down in the ship’s
every Southern State acting with it; such is, in hold, or when stowed.
my judgment and opinion, tho decided prepon-1 ^ J^. ond ®y» Captain of ship Moses Davenport,
deranee of the abolition party at the North— |j a m« Thoms,. - Mldra8 ’
The question then is presented, and we cannot A. Talbot,
escape from it, shall the Southern people, and John Dean
especially tho Southern Democracy, surrender I ^. oh ” c - 'V 1, , n l ® r '
the right to Congressional protection, adopt the L . p. Merill? ’
doctrine of “squatter sovereignty,” as defined The price’of Hoops and Ties at New Orleans is 6
and claimed by Judge Douglas, and array them- I cents per pound, and all orders will receive pfompt
selves under that flag in the campaign of 1860 ? nU«>;t>on. Liberal deductions made to merchants
I am free to say that for one, l a^not wifiing '^
to do so. The Democratic party of tho South- 1
“ Henry,
“ Hareaseeket,
•' James Flint,
“ Mulhouse.
“ Ella A. Clark.
Bark Kimball.
THE
IGRE ATFEYER AND AGUE
jELIESlUDESID'^Sr.
ern States, and the whole Southern people,
ought, in mj* opinion, to plant themselves firm
ly upon the platform of Southern rights, and
sink or swim with it I know that there are
sound men in the Democratic party of the North, IthE GREAT ELIXIR
and that there are none to be found in any oth- I THE GREAT ELIXIR
cr partj-, but we cannot close our eyes to the S S^ii!RAtJT?n to turf
fact, that according tooeit notions of soundness, p EVEK AND AKKAn 1 u ^ “
at least upon this Territorial question, the North- fever and AGUE.
cm Democrats who may bo relied on, “like an-1 THE GRENADA. ELIXIR
gels’ visits, few and far between.” I cheerfully warranted TO T ruRF EENADA ELIXIE
admit that the great majority of the Northern Jf wARBANTED TO CURE
Democracy liavc, in time past, stood manfully CHILLS AND FEVER,
by our rights, but the question now is, do they CHILLS AND FEVER
stand thereat this time, at ieast so far as our THE GRENADA ELIXIR
Territorial rights are concerned t And if they THE GRENADA ElhIXIR
do, have they sufficient strength to render us | jjj WARRANTED TO CONT \IN
efficient aid ? Every mau who looks impartial- no MERCURY OR ARSENIC.
Ij- at current events, is compelled to answer in I NO MERCURY OR ARSENIC,
tiie negative. Judge Dpuglas, who is now the T! * e Grenada Eliair is warranted to cure in every
acknowledged leader of the majority of the BS£tf£SS*3f
Northern Democracy, and doubtless embodies I tain nothing the least iiffurioas to tho system, and
their sentiments, has openly declared that ho can be given in all cases and under aU cireumstan-
will not identify himself as a Presidential can-1 c ?» with perfect safety. Try a bottle and bo mu-
„„„ „t.»r„-,„ ,i,_ _• i. f I vineed thatit lanot only the Best but theCHEAP-
dtdate, upon anj- ether platform than the right EST remedy befor8 th e public. A 61 bottle ha*
and privilege of the people of the Territories to cn red from 5 to 6 cases,
establish or exclude slavery at their will, and at Prepared and sold wholesale and retail by
.. . .. • .* . I * DPUUrDTAV ft, r» A 1VJV
any time from the commencement to the end
of the Territorial existence. Tho Democratic
State Conventions of Ohio, Now Jersey, Wis
consin, and other Northern States, have de
nounced Congressional protection and its advo
cates, and openly declared that thej' will not
affiliate with any party that claims it, and every
convention or primaiy meeting lately held at
tho North’has reiterated the same sentiment in
unequivocal terms. It cannot now be doubted
that it is tho settled and determined policy of
the majority of the Northern Democracy, to fol
low Judge Douglas in his claim and demand
for “squatter sovereigntj’” in its most unlimited
form. Shall the Southern Democracy yield
their own opinions of the just rights^ of tlio
Southern people, and unite with the Northern
PEMBERTON * CARTER,
Coiambus, Georgia.;
Also, sold by ail Druggists in the city aud through
out the country. For sale by
july 12—4m Pit E L. STROnECKER
Book Binding.
OLANK ACCOUNT ROOKS made toordcrof
jI) Courts and Counting House, and the numbers
printed on the pages without extra charge.
MAGAZINES, MUSIC AND LAW BOOKS,
bound in neat and aheap styles.
DAVID ROSS,
Cor. 3d and Cherry Streets,
feb 1 Over George T. Rogers St Son.
TTlHE subscriber has purchased tiroRlghtto Kow-
JL and’a Patent Carriages and Springs for Blank
Account Books, which he will put on work when
instructed. DAVID ROSS,
febi
NEW BOOKS, NEW BOOKS
UST received at Boardman’s, Mitcheiet on Love ;
Memoirs of Empress Catherine tbe Second—
written by herself; Triumphs of Paol Morpkg; Tho
Age—by the Author of Feitns; The New and the
Old; Sixty Year* Gleanings: Popular Tales from
the Norse; Diary of Lady Morgan; Tent and the
Harem; The Jealous Husband; Life of Jas. Watt;
The Avenger, Ac.—a new volume, by DeQuincy .
Horses and Honnds; Law and Lawyers; Eric, or
Little by Little; Tbe Roman Question, by About;
Episodes ot French History, by Pardoe; The Cava
lier, by-G. P. R James; To Cuds and Rack ; Popu
lar Oeology, by Hugh Miller, edited by bis wife;
The Tin Trumpet; Science and Art of Chess; Hand
Book of Draughts, Cesar Borgia.
Also, a new supply of Prince of the Honae of Da
vid ,- The Pillar of Fire; Anecdotes of Love, by Lo
la Monte?.; The Autocrat of the Breakfast Table
German Literature in 12 volumes ; The Land and
the Book, by Thompson -, Curiosities of Literature,
Ac., by D’Israeli; Matrimonial brokerage in the
Metropolis ; The Adventures of Kit Carson ; Em
pire of Austria, by Abbott; “What will he do with
St T” by Bulwer; Comptea Positive Philosophy: the
cheap Waverly Novels, 25cts. each; Harper, uodey,
and Peterson for August. A fine lot of Engravings,
Ac., Ac. aug 9
Grums, Rifles, «SziC.,
Manufactured by
MARKWALTER & MORSE,
TVC^COTST, Q--A--
mllE subscribers having formed a co-partnership
J. for the purpose of Manufacturing
Rides, JDoublc-Bnrrellcd Guns nnd
fF> X S-T O L S,
They are now prepared to make the Best Rifles
manufactured In the United States, upon Mr. Morse's
entirety new plan.
Guns Re-Stocked and Repaired on the moat rea-
aouable terms, at short notice.
Tbe undersigned being Practical Workmen, guar
antee all Work entrusted to their care, and invite the
public to gave them a trial, at the Floyd House, op
posite DrTThomson'sDrng Store.
WM. MARKWALTER,
Late of Augusta, Ga.
T. MORSE,
Late of Hodgkins A Son, Macon, Ga-
aug 30—ly
BOOTS AND SHOES.
A T THE SIGN OF THE BIO BOOT, No. 3, Ig
Cotton Avenue, opposite Washington m
HaU Lot, Macon, Georgia.—Tho subscribers
would return their thanks for the very liberal and
long continued patronage extended to them, and
would most respectfuUy solicit a continuance of th
same. Wehave now in store a large assortment ofe
BOOTS AND SHOES*
mostly of our own manufacture, to which weekly
additions will bo made, of all the different styles
and patterns usually called for in a :shoe store, and
would invito those wishinsr to purchase, to call and
examine our stock, as we are prepared to sell as low
as any house in the city or State.
Sepf. 28. MIX & KIRTLANP.
TX UOTS.—A full assortment of Gents’ fine
.L> French Calf Boots, pump sole, welted and M
water proof, of various kinds and qualities both
soled and pegged. , T ost received and for sale lo
Sept. 29.
P LANTATIONBROGANS.-Nowinstore
the best assortment of Negro Shoes,
have ever offered in this market. Men’s double
soled peg and nailed black and russetts; do. heavy
single soled black and russetts; do. boys and youths
blaek and russetts, all of which we »X6 selling very
low. Sept. 23. MIX A K.IK FLAND.
I >< . .
JD Youth’s tine calf and kip peg'd Joofs;
Men's stout kip hunting nnd mud Bocts; ^ents Hu *
ing Gaiters, Monterey, opera and ties, and tine ca
Brogans; Gents, boys’ and youths’ patent ana e *
elled Brogans; Men’s, boys’ and youths Us 1 »-
a large aSSOrtD ‘Jnx tc K JUTLAND.
of Gents and boys Rubbers.
dies slipper and sandal rubber Sho« ’. ^
celebrated patent. Just KIRTLAND. 7
ie month or > ear, a ne-
good bonne serv»ut aud
W anted to hire b
gro woman that >- «* . .
a good Washer and BO\VDRE P A y ANDER90»-
sep’,6—3t