Newspaper Page Text
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„ pfBUSnEP KVEBT
mounino.
MACON, NOVEMBER 15, 1859.
Volume XXXIV.—No. 8.
UKS£ji£
-- teh**:
i] j,AHSi IN ADVANCE,
i) 1111 ' ". (mo where the siffisiriptior
L of the Oflh’c.
is. I** «*pty to Judge
is f “ black.
. yiajozinc for .September l pub-
«F®,‘ C 0 „ the dividing lino between
p rS authority in the Territories of
***, Mv sole object was to vin-
^■ ftilVw which L Jju'I been ronimit-
P ,l!l ' ''(^rs—and in connexion with
- 1 *? vHiUy been assailed with great
t^diraustice-by* lair and impar-
"Zi cf the subject, without assailing
r rhu'in- an . v one in a “n 8C posit*
Vvlfc' aib’r'vards an anonymous
** article made its appearance—first
• K eeton "Constitution,” and subse*
■ maiphht form—under the following
"Nervations on Senator Douglas’
fur sovereignty, .os expressed in
'lii-idne for September, lsO'J.”
icfKpiving to tiie well-known propo-
j t,i,l -o often announced anddo-
tbc Si»n- and before the country,
. , f a years, «»</ which were embod-
l ". Hi U,i in Harpers Magazine J'or
r tlie reviewer deemed it consistent
ji.; .’ to ignore my real views as cx-
i iht article to which lie professed to
attribute to me opinions which I had
Vinod or expressed on any occasion.
| imuphlet containing tills perversion
La w as lirst placed in my hands I
u usl out some of the most obvious
of those misrepresentations and
1 theta in emphatic and indignant Ian
's ew-rcli at Wooster, Ohio.
content to let the matter rest, and
., u yi c to form an impartial and un-
v, lion upon the real positions which 1
fr-Ci in Harpers’ Magazine, witlioutany
me to the legal argument which the
rafthc anonymous pamphlet had made in
; to mv alleged views upon apolitical
a,. (,tli of this month, however, the same
•wr contained an appendix to this pam-
i-, reply lo so much of my speech at
nr as poioU-tl out and denounced the mts-
LnUtions of my views as expressed in
r and announced Judge Black, the Attor-
o'neral of the Inited Slates as the author
tiiamjJdet ami appendix. Since the At-
V tkn'nl of the United Shite* has thus
Uthe authorship of these assaults upon
»] deeded the country with them with the
ioblless, of giving all a>j d rants, expee-
pj incuuilients of otlicc lo understand
hi spndu “by authority’’ of those whoso
aliscr be island that they are all expec-
S ue his rsampleaml join in the cru-
!u-,.-concluded to reply to soi much of
h nations'’ as are calculated to obscure
alpsiuon by persistingly attributing to
L-yai which" I have never expressed, nor
La,r.t n.Icrtained.
I •ls.HTisi. tiii: Jinn ianv.”
v. the lirst aet of injustice which
[iiuui Wooster, and proved to ho un-
ndfciable tacts, was his representa-
"fighting the judiciary conunan-
Ktcamtic party to “assault the Su-
ir afthe 1 idled {states;" not trea£
set with "decent respectand much
tttamc tenor. All of which was cal
ls .-roreY n. those who might not liap-
o:i the* contrary, the idea that, “in
'.Vi.-uiuc h>r September, 1859,” I had
ittaJuceiL and indecently treated the
ri otof the United States on account
Iccidoo in the I (red Scott case! It
•a ia my speech at Wooster that all
kwcuatiuiis were pure inventions;—
>i cot written nor spoken one word in
rtbewhcrc in disparagement of the
. : that every reference or
atlic court and its decision was in
i! terms of unqualified approbation;
rri-ral places in the Harper article I not
krstd, hut largely quoted from the
Mt decision in continuation of mv own
dial V had made more speeches in dc-
t the court in connexion with the Dred
»c than any living man; Uiat in the II-
fnvass Lsi year, when assailed by the
i’d forces of the black republicans and
ral office holders, under the advice of
assailants, 1 defended the court in more
v hundred speeches against their enc-
Imine; and, in conclusion, I defied the
* iliis pamphlet, and all others who are
trough to endorse its statements, to
i ooe word ever spoken or written by
w; ytfiil of the court or in condemna-
t- decision! \\ ell, J udgo I'-lnck, for
leti as Attorney General funny <x>nf<xl
sjilants, has replied to my Wooster
bis. appendix; and what lias lie said
«at ? What reply' has he made to
re denial of the trutli of his allegations,
raawi for the production of the proof?
ValUiccharge and.produce theev-
untain its truth ; or does he retract
' ind apologize for the injustice he has
1 had supposed that there was no
c for a man of honor but to do the one
k . Scr - Judge Black has done neither!
conduct less exceptionable in respect
T'gitioa that 1 advocate tie cor.fisca-
IK.utc pro[sTty by the territorial legis-
l-unt lime alternately atlinnod and
► ■ i. the Territories arc soveieign politi-
or States, or that tlie Jctferso-
■ 1 i•. goremment for tlio Territories,
to'have been adopted, was in
81 by Congress,” or that. 1 was at-
> * s *b\»h a new school of politics
. Jhidts into the creed, and new
“ l,7u hull, in' violation ofthoCin-
aml ought to be admitted, thattho colonies did
claim, possess, and cxcrciso legislative power in
their respective provincial legislatures over all
rightful subject* of legislation in respect to their
domestic concerns and internal polity. They
enacted laws for the protection of life, liberty,
and property; and in pursuance of those laws^
deprived men oflife, liberty, and property, when
the same became forfeited by their crimes. They
exercised These high attributes of sovereign
power during tiie wholo period of their colonial
dependency; and were willing to remain de
pendent upon the crown and obedient to the
supremacy of Parliament in all matters which
affected the general welfhrc of the empire with
out interfering with the internal polity of the
colonics. So with our Territories, They pos-
logislativc power, which is only another
form of expression for sovereign power, over all
rightful subjects oflegislation in respect to their
internal polity, subject, of course; to the Con
stitution of the United States.
THE SOURCE OF THE POWER OF SEl*F-GOVEHSI-
MEST.
But the Attorney General does not perceive
tiie analogy between the colonies and the
Territories in this respect; nor does he recog-
nfxe the propriety of tracing the principles of
our government back tbrongh the revolution
for the purpose of instituting an inquiry into
the grounds upon which the colonies separa
ted from the parent country, and the funda
mental principles established by the revolu
tion as the basis upon which oar entire politi
cal system rAts. Such an enquiry is deemed
mischievous, because it is calculated to disturb
the repose of those who hold that the Territo
ries ** have no attribute of. sovereignty about
them ; n jthat a “Territory has a superior in
the United States government upon whose
pleasure it is dependent for its very existence,
in whom it lives and moves and has its being
who has made and can unmake it with i
breath;” that it is only “ a public corporation
established by Congress to manage the local
affairs of the inhabitants, like the government
of a city established by a State Legislature;”
and that " there is probably no city in the
United States whose powers are not larger
than those of a federal Territory 1” The learn
ed Attorney General, having convinced him
self by the study of that “primer of political
scienoe,” which he claims to have “mastered,”
and kindly.commcnds to my perusal, that Con'
gress possesses the samesovereign power over
the people and governments of the Territories
that a sovereign State has over the municipal
corporations of all the cities within its limits,
or that the British Parliament claimed over
the American colonies wheu it asserted its
right to bind them in all cases whatsoever, de
precatse all inquiry into the foundation of this
right, and especially into the mode in which
the claim was met by ths colonics when it was
attempted to be enforced by George III and
bis royal cabinet.
The authority of the King’s Attorney Gen
eral, and the terror which his anathemas were
calculated to inspire, when supported by'the
.included in.the crast or legislative I than violating a territorial law ? The prop
erty of the citizen is also seized and soO by
order of court, and the proceeds pauliuto the
public treasury as a penalty for violating the
laws of the Territory. If it be true that the
Territories “have no attribute of sovereignty
about them,” the people of the United States
have a right to know from their Attorney
General why he, as the highest law officer of
the government, permits, and does not take
the requisite steps to pat a stop to the exer
cise of these sovereign powers of depriving
rowBB.
The fact is undeniable that it was the obvir
ous intention of Congress, as manifested by
the terms of these several organic acts, to re
cognize the right ef the territorial legislature
to exeicise those: legislative power* which the
courts and jurists sayappertain to sovereignty,
over all rightful subjects of legislation so far
as the Constitution. will permit; and that
slavery was not expected,” for the plain and
unerring reason that the fonrtcenth section of
"illicit all political discus-
r,iiu, tal upon those elevated
and honor winch require
> sute his antagonist’s posit-
y. and correct any mistake
E-' ; *,:umcl inadvertently the mo
ll ' ' 0,11 to him.
J* ? 'Jtr have been ill favor of the
... * Private property by the action of
■ ■-"'•aturo, or by any other power
‘' otswy untrue and absurd. Nor is
-aistion »r excuse for the allcga-
.hc ever assigned as a rcasbn for
- 'ii that tlig'Tcrritorics were sov-
communities.
Ol\ »1TH0CT BEING SOVEREIGN COH-
*tvi CERTOIX ATTRIBUTES OF 80V8R-
:, -r sr.nl or thought that our Tcrri-
I ' on -ii political communities, or
'overrigniies like the States of the
■’’ 'P 1 States have the right to make
‘•ablutions and establish their own
j, 11,11 tdter and change the same at
tiever claimed theso powers
nAr have I ever failed to rs-
"hen set up by others, as was
of a State organization in
... 1 tali some years ago, and
> the supporters of the Topeka
■ ’i movements in Kansas, where
‘J : s uhvert the authority of the
, - n,' "" t> osbddislied by Congress,
"' i ntof Congress.
V v ‘ have always denied that
1 j h i ' rc d'dipemlent sovereign com-
Jics | f 111 '- however, that during tho
Ian-- 1Vc °ft l 'n said, and now repeat
it l * al the people of thoTer-
■ ‘ . all the rights, privileges,
f^Vrui '‘' sell-government, in respect
\f . SllllJCCt rw'l” l'<m.
nit «l Slates.
King and his cabinet, were not sufficient to
''stifle the inquiry in those days. So long as
this right of- local self-government was not
wantonly outraged, and its actual enjoyment
practically obstructed by the action of the
imperial government, the colonies were content
with the possession and enjoyment of this sov
ereign power, without inquiry into its origiu
or source. But the instant that the British
government attempted, both as a matter of
right and in fact, to deprive them of the “ free
and exclusive power- of legislation in their
several provincial legislatures in ail cases of
taxation and internal polity,” a serious and
anxious inquiry was instituted into the origin
and source of all legitimate political power.
The result of the investigation was the dis
closure of a fundamental and irreconcilable
difference of opinion between the colonies and
the British government in respect to the ori
gin and source of all rightful political autbori
ty, which laid the foundation of our_ American
Theory of government in antagonism to the
European Theory. The colonies contended,
on the one band, that the power of self-gov
ernment was inherent in the people of the sev
eral eolonies, and could be exercised only by
their authority and consent; while the British
ministry insisted that the King of England
and his government were the fountain and
source ot all political power and rightful au
thority in the colonies, which could be delega
ted to the people or withheld from them at the
pleasure of the sovereign^. Here we find the
first practical assertion on mis continent of the
American theory that the power of self-gov
ernment is inherent in and emanates from the
people in each State, Territory, or colony, in
opposition lo the European theory that the
Kfcg or Monarch is the fountain of justice and
the source of all legitimate power. It is to
be hoped that the Attorney General will be
able to comprehend the distinction between
these two antagonistic theories, since our cn-
tiro republican system rest# upon it, and the
conduct of our revoiutionay fathers can be
vindicated and justified onl “by assuming tli^t
the European theory is wrong and the Ameri
can theory right- So long, I repeat, as the
British government did not, in fact, deprive
the colonies of the power of sclf-goyernujeut
in respect to their internal affairs, differences
of opinion could be tolerated upon the theo
retical question in regard to the source of the
power; for the colonies were at liberty to
claim, as they did claim, that they exercised it
of their own iuberent rightein conformity with
the royal charters, which only prescribed the
form of government under which they were to
exercise exclusive legislation in all cases affec
ting their internal polity. While, on the other
hand, the British government could contend,
as they did contend, that the colonies posses
sed the power, not in their own right, but as
a favor graciously bestowed by the crown.—
Practically it made'no difference, therefore,
to tho colonies whether the power was inherent
or delegated—whether they possessed it in
their own right, or as a gracious boon from
the crown, so long at they were not disturbed
in its exclusive possession and unrestricted
enjoyment So it is with the people of the
Territories. It mokes no practical difference
with them whether the power of self-govern
ment, subject only to the Constitution, is in
herent in themselves, and -recognized by Con
gress in the organic act; or whether Congress
possesses sovereign power over the Territories
for their government, and has delegated it to
them. Whichever bethe source of tho power,
the result is the same as long ns their right of
local self-government is not invaded.
All. LEGISLATIVE POWERS ABl'KRTAIN OT SOVER-
EIUNTV.
By the terms of the Kansas-Nebraska act,
and, indeed, of all the territorial governments
now in existence, “ the legislative power of the
Teiritory extends to all rightful subjects of
'legislation consistent with the Constitution of
tho United States’’and the provisions of the
organic acts.
In tho face of this general grant or .fz 0 ?*'
nition of “legislative power’’ ovcr“:il 1 right
ful subjects oflegislation,” the Attorney Gen
eral tolls us that tho Territories “have no at
tribute of sovereignty about them. Whai
docs he mean by attribute of sovereignty.
All leaitlaHtc power* appertain to sovereign-
fv," says Chief Justice Marshall. Every leg
islative enactment involves an exercise o
sovereign power; and every legislative body
possesses all the attributes of sovereign } to
the extent and within the sphere of ns legis
lative authority. Theso propositions are ro-
co-nized by the elementary writers as axiom-
atic principles which lay at the foundanon of
.. \ - ond are affirmed in the dc-
judicial tribunals known
.... The Attorney
“^prehend how the pco-
ntaic J tnlony or Territory, can have
,‘ bo4t
c v j rnat *° comprehend a
• ie , 0cs iwt understand, by
‘ ! V tu'a *** “wnplo whioh ia fa-
-““j-Tican colonies, prior to
The' l ^* hirt ®«n samples pre-
. 'Mk* rno y General must be
• Itfciuili •* ,us toty of tho colo-
these examples.—
successfully ■ controverted
cisions of the highest
to our Constitution.
What, then, docs the ^““^Yrics "have
-an'when he says that th them I"
.attribute ot sovereignty about them
the Organic act of every other J er ntoty ...
toiR-e! declurc.i that ”:bo legislative power
nf ihe Territory . hall extend to all ilghtfnl
subjects of legislation.” ^ hc ®v“«Ucte
understood as asserting that thcr ■ , ,
are all unconstitutional and'old'
Territories certainly have epis-
Hiivcs power. ;" and the courts ho(d that a
legislative powers appertain to sovereignty.
the same act provides that it is “true intent
and meaning of this act not to legislate via eery
into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it
therefrom, but lo leave the people thereof per
fectly free to form and regulate their domestic
institution* in their own way, subject only to
the Constitution of the United 8tates.”
“Slavery,” then, was not intended to be ex
empted from those “ rightful subjects of legis
lation,” but was the eubject which was especial
ly left to the people of the Territory to decide
for themselves. The people of the Territory
were not only to “regulate ” the institution of
slavery to suit themselves, but were to be left
“perfectly free to form and regulate their own
way.” The people were to be left free “to
legislate slavery into any Territory.” while
they remained in a territorial condition, “or to
excjnde it thereform,” and “to legislate slave
ry into auy State,” after their admission into
the Union, “or to exclude it thorefrom” just
as they pleased, without any interference by,
Congress, and subject to.no other limitation
or restriction than such as the Constitution of
the United States might impose.
The right of legislating upon the subject of
slavery in the Territories being thus vested
exclusively in the legislature thereof, in the
.same manner, and subject to the same restric
tions, as all other municipal regulations, Con
gress, out of an ahnndanceof caution, imposed
a condition which would have existed even if
the organic law had been silent in relation to
it, to wit: that the territorial legislature
should make no law upon the subject of legis
lation, which wa* net consistent with the Consti
tution of the United States. This is the only
limitation or restriction imposed upon the pow
er of the territorial legislature upon the sub
ject of slavery; and this limitation would hare
existed in its full force if the organic act bad
been silent upon tho subject, for the reason
that the Constitution being the paramount law,
no local law conld he made in conflict with it.
Whether any enactment which the territorial
legislature may pass, in respect to slavery or
any other subject, is or is not consistent with
the ConstitBtion,” is a judicial question which
the Supreme Court of the United States alone
can authoritatively determine.
In order to facilitate the decision of all ques
tions arising under the Territorial enactments
upon the subject of slavery especially, a pre
vision was inserted in the 10th section of ihe
Kansas-Nebraska bill, that “ writs of error
and appeals from the final decisions of the said
supreme court [of the Territory] shall be al
lowed, and may be taken to the Supreme
Court of the United States,” without reference
to the usual limitations in respect to the value
of the property, “ Its all eases involving title to
slaves,” and “upon any writ of habeas corpus,
invoicing the question of personal freedom.”—
The peculiar provision was incorporated into
that bill for the avowed and only purpose of
enabling every person who might foel aggriev
ed- by toe territorial legislation, or the decis
ions of tho territorial courts in respect to slave
ry, to take an appeal or prosecute a writ of
error directly to the supreme Court of the
United States, and th«o hare the validity of
the territorial law, under which the case arose,
and the respective rights of the parties affec
ted by it, finally deternined. Every man who
voted for the Kansas-Nebraska bill 8grccd to
abide, as we were all previously bound, bv the
Constitution, to respect and obey all such de
cisions when made. In this form the Kansas-
Nebraska bill became a law. In pursuance of
its provisions, the legislature of Kansas Terri
tory have at different times enacted various
laws upon the subject of slavery. They have
made laws for the protection of slave property
and repealed them. They have provided judi
cial remedies and abolished them. They have
afforded ample*bpportumtics to any man who
felt aggrieved by their legislation to present
his case to the tribunals, and obtain a decision
from the Supreme Court of the United States
upon the validity of any part or the whole of
this legislation upon the subject of slavery in
that Territory. No man has seen proper to
present his case to the coart. No territorial
enactment upon this subject has been brought
to the notice of the court. No case has arisen
in which the validity of these or any other tcr-
ritorialenactments wereinvolvcd even inciden
tally. There was no one point or fact in the
Dred Scott case upon which the validity of a
territorial enactment or the npwer of a terri
torial legislature upon the subject of slavery
could possibly havo arisen. In that case, so
far as the Territories were concerned, the only
question involved was the constitutionality and
,validity of an act of Congress prohibiting
"slavery on the public domain where there »p
no territorial government; and the court in
their decision very properly and emphatically
repudiated and exploded the doctrine that Con
gress possesses sovereign power over the sub
ject of slavery in the Territories, as claimed
jy Mr. Buchanan in his letter lo Mr. Sanford,
and by the republicans in their Philadelphia
fiat form. The Dred Scott case, therefore,
oaves the question open andundecided in res
pect to the validity and constitutionality of
tho various legislative enactments in Kansas
andNew Mexico, andtheotherTerritories upon
thosubject of slavery. Whenever a case shall
ariso under those or any other territorial en
actments, affecting slave property or personal
freedom in the Territories, and the Supreme
Court of the United States shall deride the
question, I shall feel myself bound, in honor
and doty, to respect anfl obey the decision,
and assist in carrying it into effect in good
faith. But the Attorney General still persists
in bis objection that the Territories cannot leg
islate upon the subject of slavery for the rea
son that such legislation involves the exorcise
of sovereign power. The Territory of New
Mexico cxerdsed sovereign power last year in
passing an efficient code for the protection of
slave property. Does the Attorney General
still insist that it is unconstitutional 7 When
he shall institnte judicial proceedings to teat
that question. I doubt not his friend Mr. Lin
coln wUl volunteer hi* services to assist him in
the argument, in return for the valuable ser
vices rendered him in the Illinois canvass last
year which involved this identical issue.—
Sinco I havo had some experience id defending
the right of the Territories to decide the slave
ry question for themselves, in opposition to
the joint efforts of these distinguished oppo
nents of popular sovereignty, 1 am not sure
that I would not volunteer to maintain m argu
ment before the Supreme Court the constitu
tionality of the slave code of New Mexico,
even against ituch fearful odds.
But let us sc® upon wbat subjects the tern-
torial legislatures are in the constant habit of
making laws without objection from the Attor
ney General or anybody else- .
raoTECTiox of life, libkrtt, and raor-
F.RTT.
The Territories are in tho habit of enacting
. ..VS for the protection of the life, liberty, and
property ofthe citizen, and, in pursuance of
those laws, they are also ip tho habit of depri
vin'- tho citizen of life, liberty, and property,
whenever the same may become forfeited by
ue. 'The ifjgnt and propriety of exercising
power by tiie territorial governments
ro ue v L T been questioned. What higher
of soveregn power can any government on
,l, neffizm than to deprive a citia n of life
in oh' lienee to a law of lU making llfffc-
Jecmed more sacred twin me. it is
crs.-iry to remark that the Territories
■■ manner, deprive u citizen ot liber-
i of life, liberty, and property in Kansas,
Nebraska. New Mexico, and the other Terri
tories, under no other authority than the assum
ed sovereignty of a territorial government ? It
is no answer to this inquiry to say that the
sufferers in all these cases bad forfeited their
rights by their crimes. My point is that it
requires sovereign power to determine by law
what acts are criminal—wbat shall he the pun
ishment—the conditions upon which life may
be taken, liberty restrained, and property for
feited. This sovereign power in the Territo
ries" is vested exclusively in the territorial leg
islatures—Congress never having assumed
the right to enact a criminal code for any or
ganize! Territory of the United States.
POWER OF TAXATION FOB TERRITORIAL PURPO
SES.
The territorial governments are also in the
habit ol imposing and collecting taxes on all
private property, real and personal, within
their limits, to pay the expenses incident to
the administration of justice and to raise reve
nue for county, town, and city purposes, and
to defray such portion of the expenses of the
territorial government as are not paid by the
United States; and in the event that the own
er refuses or fails to pay the assessment, the
territorull authorities proceed to sell property
therefor, and transfer the title ancPpossession
to the purchaser. The only limitation on the
power of the territory in this respect is the
proviso in the organic law, that “no tax shall
be imposed upon the property of the United
States; nor shall the lands or other property
of non-residents be taxed higher than the lands
or other property of residents." This excep
tion and qualification in respect to the prop
erty of the United States and of non residents
is conclusive evidence that Congress intended
to recognize the right of the territorial gov
ernment to exercise the sovereign power of
taxation in all other cases. Will the Attor
ney General inform us whether the taxing’
power is not an attribute of sovereignty l
And whether he intends by construction to
nullify so much of the organic acts of the sev
end Territories as recognize their right toei'
ercise the power of raising revenue for terri
torial purposes. It is important that the citi
zens of the United States—non-residents as
well as residents of the Territories—should
know whether all of theinproperty ia the Ter
ritories is. exempt from taxation or not. In
the classical language of the Attorney Gene'
ral, this “legislative robbery,” which can a-
lone pjocecd from sovereign power, should
not be permitted to go on, if it be true that the
Territories “have no attribute of sovereignty
aliont them."
bv
qirirainine fitni tor n I
ut hard labor or in »
mice with the
1 itaiy connne-
tcrritorial law
rthme short ol
of Cohgre
If not. tl
lativ
ut. m
judicial sentence, t an i
J r power lawfully deprive a citizen ol
. ■ uhrrry. load his limbs with chains, ami
,,,’el trim to labor upon the public highways
IlllH'I Mil* 1 1X7 * , *
within the prison walls tor no other otience
1*0WEB OF CREATING CORPORATIONS
The territorial legislatures are also iu the
habit of creating corporations—municipal, pub
lic and private—for counties, cities, and towns,
railroads and insnrauce offices, academies,
schools, and bridges. Is not the power to cre
ate a corporation an “attribute of sovereign
ty 1” Upon this point Chief Justice Marshall,
in delivering the unanimous opinion of the
court, once said: “On wbat foundation does
this argument rest ? On this sdone; that the
power of creating a corporation is one apper
taining to sovereignty, and is not expressly
conferred on Congress. This is true. But all
legislative powers appertain to sovereignty.
ONE or TWO CONCLUSIONS FOLLOWS.
Since it can no longer be denied, with any
show of reason or authority, that all legisla
tive powers appertain to sovereignty, the At
torney General will be obliged to take shelter
behind one of two positions—
Either fhat the Territories have no legisla
tive powers, and, consequently, no right to
make laws upon any subject whatever;
. Or, that they have sovereign power over all
rightful subjects of legislation consistent with
the Constitution of the United States, as de
fined in the organic acts, without accepting
slavery.
With all due respect, the first proposition is
simply absurd. It contradicts our entire his
tory. It nullifies the most essential provi
sions of the organic acts of all our Territories.
It blots out the legislative department in all
our territorial governments. It leaves the
people of the Territories without any law, or
the power of making any, for the protection of
life, liberty, or property, or of any valuable
right or privilege pertaining to'cither; and
dnves the country, by the necessity of the
cue, to aooept the Philadelphia republican
platform of 1856,'“that Congress possesses
sovereign power .over the Territories of the
United States for their government.”
The second propotition, however, is in har
mony with the genius of our entire political
system. It rests upon the fundamental prin
ciple of local self-government as laid down by
the continental Congress in 1774, and ratified
by the people of each of the thirteen colonies
in their several provincial legislatures as the
basis upon which the revolutionary struggle
was conducted.
It preserves the ideas and principles of the
revolution as affirmed in the Jeffersonian plan
of government ibr the Territories in 1784, and
confirmed by the Constitution of the United
States in 1787. .
It conforms to the letter and spirit of the
compromise measures of 1850, and of the Kan
sas-Nebraska act of 1854, and of all our ter
ritorial governments now in existence.
- “It is founded,” a* Mr. Buchanan said in
his letter accepting the presidential nomina
tion. “on principles as ancient as free govern
ment itself, and in accordance with them lias
simply declared that the people of a Territo
ry, like those of a State, snail decide for them
selves whether slavery shall or shall not exist
within their limits.” “What a happy concep
tion, then, was it for Congress to apply tins
simple role—that the will of the majority shall
govern—to the settlement of the question of
domestic slavery in the Territories!”—Inav-
gural Address of President Buchanan. -
IS SLAVERY A FEDERAL OR LOCAL INSTITUTION ?
Since the Attorney General persists in his
denial that the Territories can legislate for
themselves upon the subject of slavery, there
is no alternative left to him bnt the assump
tion that Congress possesses sovereign power
omr that question iu the Territories us daim-
eiTby the republicans in their Philadelphia
platform and by Mr. Buchanan in his letter
to Mr. Samford. Surely tho power to legis
late upon that and all other rightful subjects
oflegislation exists somewhere. Eveiy “right
of property, private'relation, condition, or
status, lawfully existing” iu this conntiy, must
of necessity be a.righttul subject oflegislation
by some legislative body. Where does this
sovereign power of legislation for the Territo
ries reside ? It must be in one or two places
—either in Congress or in the Territories. It
can be nowhere else, and must exist some
where. The Abolitionists insist that Congress
assesses sovereign power over the Territories
ibr their government, and, therefore, tho
North, having the majority, should prohibit
slavery. The Democrats contend that Con
gress has no rightful authority to legislate up
on this or any other subject affecting the in
ternal policy of tho people, and that “the leg
islative power of the Territories extends to all
rightful subjects oflegislation consistent with
the Constitution.” All powers which are fed
eral in their.naturc are delegated to Congress.
Those which arc municipal and domestic iu
[heir character are “reserved to the .States res
pectively, or to the people ’—“to the States”
n: respect to all of thi ir inhabitants, ami “to
the people? of the Territories prior to their
admission as Stales. To which class of pow
ers does the question of slavery belong ! Is
it a federal or municipal institution ? if fed
eral, it appertains to tiie lederal government,
ami must be subject to the legislation ot Con
gress. It municipal, it belongs to the several
States and Territories, and must be subject to
their local legislation. The Constitution of
the United States has settled this question. A
slave is defined in that instrument to he “a
person held to service or labor in one State,
under the lau-s thereof;” not under the laws of
the United States; not “by virtue of the Con
stitution of the United States;” not by force
of any federal authority; bnt “in one State under
the laws thereof." So tho fugitive slave law
of 1703, which was modified and continued in
force by Congress in 1850 as one of the com
promise measures of that year, recognizes sla
very as existing in the Territories under the
laws thereof, as follows :
“That when a person held to labor in any of the
United States, or in either oj the Territories on the
north, west, or south of the mer Ohio, caiiln the
laws thereof, shall escape into any other of said
States or Territories,” Ac.
The Supreme Court of the United States
have decided that “the state of slavery is
deemed to be a mere municipal regulation,
founded upon and limited to the range ot the
territorial laws.” (16 Peters, Oil.) Being
“a mere municipal regulation,” the right to
legislate in regard to it would seem to belong
to that legislative body which is authorized to
legislate upon all rightfal subjects of munici
pal legislation. Can Congress take cognizance
of a “mere municipal regulation” in' a Terri
tory, which, in the language of the Supreme
Court, “is founded upon and limited to the
range of territorial laws ? Tho Republicans,
iu their Philadelphia platform, say yes! The
Democrats, in their Cincihnati platform, say
no.! What says Judge Black ? Where, Mr.
Attorney General, does this sovereign power
to legislate upon the “municipal regulation”
of slavery reside ? Is it in Congress or in the
Territories ? If iu Congress, has it not been
delegated to the Territory in the organic act
under the general grant of “legislative pow
er” over “all rightful subjects of legislation
consistent with the Constitution ?” If in the
Territory, has it not been recognized by Con
gress in the same act ? Whichever be the
source of the power, the conclusion is irresis
tible that the Territories possess the full pow
er, subject, of course, to the Constitution as
in all other cases. If, howover, slavery exists
in the .Territories by virtue of the Constitu
tion of the United States, as is contended, it
is tho imperative' duty of Congress to provide
for it adequate protection. I can respect the
position of those who, so believing, demand
federal legislation for the protection of a con
stitutional right; but wbat are we to think of
those who, while conceding the right, refuse
to comply with a constitutional obligation
from motives of political expediency ? There
can be no exception to the rule that a right
guaranteed by tho Constitution must be pro
tected by law whenever legislation may be
essential to its enjoyment.
HAVE CITV CORPORATIONS LARGER POWERS TUAN
FEDERAL TERRITORIES?
Not content with having stripped the Ter
ritories of all power to enact laws for the pro
tection of life, liberty, and property, and for
the regulation of their internal polity, all of
which appertain to sovereignty, the Attorney
General dwarfs the territorial governments be
low the size of ordinary city corporations. He
says: “Indeed, there is, probably, no city in
the United States whose powers are not larger
than those of a federal Territory.” What arc
the powers of an ordinary city corporation
To levy taxes for municipal purposes—to pro
vide for the collection of the revenue—to sell
private property for the non-payment of taxes
—to execute the title, and transfer the pos
session to the purchaser, in case of forced
sales—to impose fines and penalties, and in
flict punishments for the violation of corpora
tion ordinances. These are some of the pow
ers usually exercised by "city corporations.—
Are not these powers all attributes of Sover
eignty ? Surely he will not deny that they
are, since the whole burden of his argument
is, that nothing short of sovereign power can
deprive a man of his property. How dolhese
sovereign powers become vested in the city
corporations ? Probably bis answer wonld be
that the several States, within whose jurisdic
tion these cities are situated, as political sov-
ereignties, have the undoubted right to dele-
gaffe a portion of their sovereign power to
those municipal corporations. The answer is
satisfactory thus far; but it must be remem
bered that some of these cities are situated in
the Territories, beyond the jurisdiction of any
sovereign State, and that their municipal gov
ernments exist solely by virtue of territorial
authority. • Where do the city corporations’ in
the Territories get the sovereign power to lay
out and open streets through private proper
ty—to condemn the iand and divest the owner
of his title without his consent and against bis
protest ? Where do they get the power to
impose taaes upon the adjoining lands to pay
the cost of grading and paving the streets,
and to sell the lands, and transfer the title and
possession to the purchaser for the non-pay
ment of taxes ? These things arc being done
constantly in Leavenworth, Omaha. Santo
and indeed in all the territorial citicB. Where
do they get the power ? for surely it pertains'
to sovereignty. Prom the Territorial govern
meats? We are told that they “have no at
tributes of sorcmqjntjr alumt them.” It is not
satisfactory to. tell us that these city govern
ments have “larger powers than those of the"
federal Territories,” by whose authority they
were created and hold their existence, unless
we are informed from what source they derive
those “larger powers.” Docs the creature
possess larger powers than the creator ? Does
the stream rise higher than its source ?
Here, again, the Attorney General is driven
into a position where he is compelled to aban
don his ground, that the Territories “have no
attribute of sovereignty about them,” and ac
knowledge that they have legislative powers,
at least to the extent of creating city corpora
tions, and delegating to them the sovereign
power of taxation for municipal'pnrposes, and
divesting the title to private property for non
payment of taxes, or pronounce tho whole sys
tem of territorial legislation unconstitutional
and void, and deny their power to make laws
upon any subject whatever.-and finally to fall
back on the abolition platform, and assert that
Congress possesses sovereign power over the
Territories for their government in all cases
whatsoever.
DO TIIE CITIZENS OF THE STATES FORFEIT TlIEia
INHERENT RIGHT OF SELF-GOVERNMENT BY
REMOVINO INTO UpK TERRITORIES OF TIIE
UNITED STATES?
Who aro the people of the Territories that
they “have no attributes of sovereignty about
^hem ?'* They ari3 emigrants, mostly, from
the several States ofthe Union. It is conce
ded that the people of each State -possess
the inherent right of self-governmeot in res
pect to all of their internal affairs. The ques
tion then arises, if citizens of Virginia possess
this inherent right while they remain m that
State, whether they forfeit it by removing to
a Territory of the United States ? They cer-
ccrtainly do not forfeit it, unless thorejs some
thing in the Constitution of the United States
which divests them of it. Is there anything
in the Constitution which deprives the citizens
of the several States of their inherent right of
self-government the moment they remove to
a Territory ? The only provision which lias
any bearing upon this subject is the 10th a-
mendment, which provides that all powers not
granted to Congress nor prohibited to the
States are “reserved to the States respcctive-
y, or to the people.’’ Inasmuch as the right
to govern the people of the Territories, in re-
tion to their internal polity, is not dclega-
i to Congress, it necessarily follows that it
’is “reserved to the people” until they become
a State, and from that period to the new .Stale,
in the same manner as to the other “States
respectively.” This right of self-government,
being a political right, cannot be exercised by
the people until they arc formed and orgnn-
and into apolitical community. By the Con
stitution it is the right and duty ot Congress
to organize the people of the Territories into
political QOmmunites, and, consequently, the
people of the Territories cannot exercise the
right of self-government until Congress shall
have determined that they have people enough
to constitute apolitical community—that they
are capable of self-government—and may
safely be intrusted with legislative power ovi
aU rightful subjects of legislation cotisistei
with the Constitution. When Congress shall
havo determined all these questions in the af
firmative, by organizing the pfcople of a Ter
ritory into a political community, with a leg
islature of their own election, the inherent
right of self-government attaches to the peo
ple of the Territory in pursuance of the or
ganic act, and “extends to all rightful subject
of legislation consistent with the Constitution.’
If this conclusion he not correct, it necessarily
follows that the people of the States forfeit ail
their inherent power of self-government the
moment they cross the State line, and enter s
Territory of the United States. By what au
thority are these inherent rights divested)
There can be no other power or paramount au
thority than the Constitution of the Uiffted
States. Does that instrument forfeit or divest
the right of the people to exercise the inherent
power of self-government anywhere, except in
the District of Columbia and such other places
as are expressly provided for in the Constitu
tion ? On tho contrary, it expressly recognizes
and reserves tiie right not only “to the States
respectively, bnt to the people.” Where, then,
is the authority for sayiug that the people
tiie several States forfeit and become divested
of all their political rights and inherent powers
of self-government the moment they cross a
State line and enter a Territory of tho United
States? I certainly cannot be found in the
Constitution.
TnE JEFFERSONIAN PLAN OF GOVERNMENT FOR THE
TERRITORIES.
Despairing, however, of being able to make
the Attorney General comprehend tho dis
tinction between independent sovereignStates
which have tho power to make their own con
stitutions and establish their own governments,
and dependent colonies or territories, which
have the right to govern themselves in respect
to their internal polity, in conformity to the
organic law by which they were established, I
will proceed to notice his contradiction of my
positive statement that the Jeffersonian plan
of government for the Territories was adopted
by the Congress of the Confederation on the
23d day of April, 1784. He has truly a sum
mary mode of disposing of important histori
cal facts when thoy • stand in the way of his
lino or argument, which is peculiar to himself.
Are the people of the United States prepared
to believe that their learned Attorney General
would be so reckless as to deny a well-known
historical fact which appears of record, with
out even referring to the journal for the day
on which I had stated the event to have taken
place ? However this may be, the truth re
mains as started in Harper, that the Jeffersoni
an plan was adopted by CoDgresa on the 23d
day of April, 1784, the assertion of Judge
Black to the contrary notwithstanding. By
reference to the fourth volume of the printed
journals of the Congress of the Confedera
tion, on page 378, will be found the following
entry:
Congress resumed the consideration of the report
of a committee on a plan for a temporary govern
ment ot the Western Territory.
A motion was made by Mr. Gerry, seconded by
d f‘
Mr. Williamson, to amend the report by inserting
after the words * bnt not of voting,’ the following
clause:
" That measures not inconsistent with the princi
ples of the confederation, and necessary tor the pro
serration of peace and good order among the set
tlers iu any of the said new States, until they shall
assume t. temporary government as aforesaid, may,
from time to time, he taken by the United States in
Congress assembled.”
The precise language of this amendment
should be carefully noted. It confers, and at
the same time defines and limits, the only pow
er which it was deemed wise and safe at that
day to permit Congress to exercise over the
Territories or “New States ” as they were then
called, to wit: 1st, that they should only ex
ercise such powers as were “ necessary for the
preservation of peace and good order among
the settlers;” and 2d, that even those powers
should only be exercised by Congress over the
settlers “ until they shall assume a temporary
government as aforesaid.”
So it appears that from the day that the Ter
ritory was organized under a temporary gov
eminent, with a legislature elected by the res
idcut inhabitants, the power of Congress, even
“for the preservation of peace and good order
among the settlers,” ceased; and, the people
thereof were left perfectly free to form and
regulate their domestic institutions in their own
way, subject only to “ the principles of the
confederation,” which conferred on Congress
no power over the domestic concerns and in
ternal polity of the people, neither ia the States
nor in the Territories.
Now let us see whether it is true, as asserted
by Judge Black, that this .Jeffersonian plan
“ was,rejected by Congress and never after
wards referred to by Mr. Jefferson himself.”
On the next page, 309, of the same volume
of the journal, will be found the following
entry:
The amendment of Air. Gerry being adopted,
the report as amended was.agreed to as follows—
Here the journal contains die lentire Jeffersonian
article in Harper. On the next page, 380, at the end
of the Jeffersonian plan, will be found the following
entry:— '
“ On the question to agree to the foregoing, the
yeas and nay* being required by Mr. Bereaford:
N. Hampshire—Mr. Foster Aye. > ,
Blanchard.. Aye.5 Ay
Massachusetts—Mr. Gerry Aye.
Partridge... Aye. J
Bhode Island—Mr. Ellery Aye. / ...
Howell Aye.
Connecticut—Mr. Sherman Aye. 5 ,
Wnrdsworth.. Aye. \ - L ’
New York—Mr. De VVitt....... Aye. /
Paine Aye. j Ayc ’
New Jersey—Mr. Beatty Aye. / . •
Dick Aye. J A " 0 ‘
Pennsylvania—SI'. Mifflin. Aye. j
Montgomery. Aye. > Aye.
Hand Ayo.j
Virginia—Mr. Jefferson Aye.)
Mercer Aye. > Aye.
Monroe Aye )
Maryland—Mr. Stone. Aye. /
Chase Aye.S A 7®'
N. Carolina—Mr. Williamson.... Aye. ) ,...
Speight Aye.S A y°-
South Carolina—Air. it cad So.}..
Bereaford.. No. J* 0-
" So it was resolved in the affirmative.”
Thus it appears by tho journul that tho Jef
fersonian phut of government for the Territo
ries, instead of having been “rejected by Con
gress,” was actually adopted by the voto of
ten States out of the eleven, and by tho voice
of twenty-two members out of the twenty-four
present.
The importance of destroying tho authority
of this measure, and of the almost unanimous
vote of the States and of the members of Con
gress by which it was adopted, is apparent
when ive consider that even the Attorney
General ofthe United States would feel- some
delicacy in charging Thomas Jefferson and his
illustrious associates with devising a flagrant
scheme of “ legislative robbery ”—a project
to license a band of marauders to despoil
the emigrants crossing their territory ”—a
measure for “ the confiscation of private pro
perty ” and seizing it “ for purposes of lucre
of malice! ” It will be observed that this
error in respect to the rejection of the Jeffer
sonian plan is not corrected by Judge Black
L!_ appendix.
(To be Continued.)
FOB SALE
i cr\r\ sacks SALT, 50 hhds. Aloh.sst-
lOUU Bacon, 20 barrels Lard, 50 ba
gar, 25 dozen Brooms, 25 dozenSliovo
400 doz. Buckets, 25 doz. Axes.
July S8 J.B..HV
250 hhds
barrels Vine
iSpade-
Grates !
Grates!!
□ply of Grat<*
4 PUKE article ot MAPLE SUGAR, for Buok-
jl wlioat Cakt-;*, just Received. Also, best Uuck-
:it Hour, and ir.-.-li V.-u.'t to miiko Ituckwhent
Cakes. For Sale at
BY 8—2t ii. HORNE -U Confectioner.
COAL ! COAL ! COAL!
TT7"E hare oil hand about one hundred (100) Tons
\ V of lYmu-ssfti Coal, which we will sell «to close
ut tho lot) at Eit'ht Dollars (Sei per ton, at tho
MILLER Ac WATERMAN.
Wo
NOTICE!
imtly receiving Goode ot every des-
which we invite the attention of
ill be sold at Auction prices.
MILLER Ac WATERMAN,
Cotton Avenue.
O l
Look here—^Beautiful Ladies ;
Look here—Belles and Beaux;
Look hero—'Towns and Counties!
UR Mr. Burchard has returned fromN.York
with the finest selection of
Watches, Jewelry,
and F&ncy Articles over brought to Georgia, and
they are now opened and exposed for sale at our
beautiful Store, on Cherry Street, two doors from
the Telegraph Building, at the sigh of tho
BIG WATCH,
Therefore, wa invite all to call and geo the latest
novelties. Our selections embrace Rich, Rare and
Gorgeous Styles of Ornaments—Pins, Kings, Brace
lets, Chains, Ladies Enamelled & Diamond Watch
es, Diamond, Pearl, Coral, Carbuncle, and other full
and half sets of Jewelry—some of new design, just
OUt. 'Vffca
We desire to call particular attention to our stock
of WATCHES, by tho celebrated makers, Cowde-
roy, Hoddel, Stoddart, Tobias, Ac., made to order
expressly for us. We have also on hand the inval
uable Jurgenson and Nardin Chronometers.
A large variety of Clocks—latest style.
Sterling Silver and Plated Tea Seta, Pitchers,
Goblets, &c. #
Musical Instruments of every description. Call
and look at our varied stock of Violins.
We also call the altention of the trade to our
stock of
Gold Fens—
the largest and best selection ever brought to this
market.
Repairing promptly done and warranted.
MENARD & BURGHARD,
sepSO
Sign of Big Watch.
FALL GOODS!
LARGE STOCK!
CHEAP PRICES AND
ELEGAiNT goods
AT
LI1V &
'■'•Bazaar of Fashion."
W E have now in store, and are daily r
the largest and most attractive stock of rich
elegant
Change of Schedule-
SAVANNAH AND CHARLESTON
STEAMPACKETLINE
IN COXXXfiCTICN with the CENTRAL and
North Eastern Rail Roads.
fJinE splendid and Fast Running
<aORDO.'Y, F. Barden,Commander.leavesSavan
nah for Charleston every Sunday and Wednesday
atternoonsat 3 o’clock and connects at Charleston
with the train of the North Eastern Rail Road going
North; returning, leaves Charleston every Monday
and Friday night nt 8J o’clock (after tho arrival
ofthe cars of the North EasternR. Road.) and ax-
rives at Savumah early the following mornings.
By this route Passengers can obtain through tick
ets to and from Savannah, Ga„ and Wilmington, X
Carolina.
Having a through freight arrangement with the
the Central Rail Road amt its ccnnectioos, all freights
between Charleston and the interior of Georgia con
signed to the agents of this line will be forwarded
with dispatch and FREE of CHARGE.
J. P. BROOK8, Ag’t, Savannah.
E. LAF1TTE Jc CO., Ag’ts, Charleston.
ian Id
that has been our pleasure and privilege to offer
a fashionable world. To say that our stock is
BICE AND GORGEOUS,
beyond defeription, is a truth easily corraborat€
ana nothing is needed but those in want of the
LATEST GEMS
to call and see for themselves. Our stock of STA
PLE GOODS was never before so complete, and
when we add our
CARPET DEPARTMENT\
which displays ©very grade and style, we are pre
pared to say that
OUR STOCK,
as a whole, presents a scene as varied as it is Large
and Attractive.
CALL and allow us the pleasure to show you our
Stock. ROSA, COLERAN A ROSS,
sep 20 CottonAvenue, Macon, Qa.
DRYGOODS, DRYGOODS.
GKANITE BLOCK, MULBERRY ST.
N. S. Prudden & Co.,
Grateful for the liberal patronage of last year, are
now prepared to exhibit for the
Fall and Winter Trade,
A large and select Stock of
Fancy & Staple Dry Goods,
Confident of not being excelled either in beauty
style or price. A choice variety of rich
DRESS GOODS!
Velvet and Silk Robes, Broche and Bayadere Silks
Foulard Silks, DeLaine and Merino Robes, Robes
de Chambre, Poplins, Valencias, DeLaines Merinos,
Cashmeres, a large variety of SHAWLS, new styles
Velvet und Cloth CLOAKS;
Misses and Children’s CLOAKS, TALMAS, and
SACKS, Dress Trimmings, Embroideries, Hosiery,
Gloves, Empress Hoop Skirts, a superior article,
warranted best quality.
Our assortment of
Goods for Family use
is complete. Irish Lienns, Towelings, Napkios, Ta
bie Cloths. Table Damask, Pillow Casing, Sheetings
Welsh Shaker and Patent Flannel,, and all the dif
ferent varieties of
STAPLE GOODS
required for the trade, which we offer on the most
favorable terms.
N. S. PRUDDEN ft CO.
sep 27|
PASSMAN'S
IRON HOOPS AND TIES,
FOR COTTON BALES.
Price 0 cents per pound, 25 per cent, less than
Rope.
Anyone considering the advantages of Iron over
Rope as a material for binding cotton bales, will be
surprised that it has not been adopted long since.—
In is security against fire, there is an overwhelming
reason for its adoption.
The presses in the seaport cities have been the
main canse of its not being generally adopted; but
now that objection is removed generally, and the
Orleans Press, the largest in New Orleans, gives it
the preference over rope. Tho Fassxnan Iron Hoop
and Tie is the improvement of one ofthe proprietors,
and is adopted rrom mo met, mat it is found, after
long experiment, to combine the greatest merits in
simplicity and facility of application of any one yet
m&ae. It is so prepared as to require no change for
re-compressing. Thus obviating the only remain
ing dimculty at the seaboard cities.
The hoops urn oent of any length, from eight ot
ten feet, and a full guarantee given that neither tho
Ties nor Hoops shall break. And further, that all
cotton bound in them shall be received on the same
terms, at the Orleans Press, as rope bound cotton.—
The weight per bale is about the same as rope, not
one pound more or less.
To show the opinion shipmasters have of it, we
give the following, among numerous commenda
tions wo have:
The undersigned masters of vessels, having had
cotton compressed with Fassraan’s new Iron Hoops
and Ties, hereby recommend the same. The bales
being well compressed, and tho buttons or hoops,,
never breaking when thrown down in the ship’s
hold, or when stowed.
L. L. Uondey, Captain of ship Moses Davenport,
A. Robinson, “ “ Madras,
James Thomas, “ " Henry,
A. Talbot, “ “ Ilareasceket,
John Dean, “ •* James Flint*,
John C. Wilner, “ “ Mulhouse,
II. Kopenkoldt, 41 “ Ella A. Clark.
L. P. Merill, ** Bark Kimball.
Tho price of Hoops and Ties at New Orleans is 6
cents per pound, and all orders will receive prompt
attention. Liberal deductions made to merchants
for city acceptance, by F. BELCHER, Agent,
may :?!—» in 1*0 j Commercial Place, N. (>.
Guns, i=Lifles, <3&c.,
Manufactured by
MARKWALTER & MORSE,
rjlllE subscribers having formed a co-partnership
L for the purpose of Manufacturing
Rifles, Double-Barrelled Guns and
They are now prepared to make the Beat Rifle*
manufactured in the United States, upon Mr. Morse’
entirely new plan.
Guns Re-Stocked and Repaired on the most rea
souable terms, at short notice*.
The undersigned being Practical Workmen, guar
antee all Work entrusted to their care, and invite the
public to givo them a trial, at the Floyd House, op
posit© Dr. Thomson’s Drug Store.
WM. MARKWALTER,
Late of Augusta, Ga.
T. MORSE,
. Late of Hodgkins & Son, Macon, Ga.
aug 30—ly
H ROW N 'S 1 L< jTKL..
OPPOSITE TH* 2IIVV RAIL ROAD DEPOT,
MACON, GA.
E. E. BROWN, Proprietor.
PIANOS, WATCHES, JEWELRY, &C,
W E are now offering a new and select
_Stock of elegant PIANOS from Nunn’s |
«5c Clark, and other makers, war
ranted to please. Guitars, Violins.
Flutes, Accordeons and all other small
Instruments kept in our Jine. Strings, Instruction
Books, Sheet Music, &c.
GOLD AND SILVER WATCHES,
Of the mos. approved makers
JEWELRY' & FANCY ARTICLES,
Silver Forks and Spoons, equal to coin.
Watches and Jewelry Repaired and warranted.
March 1, ld.->3. J. A. A S. S. VIRGIN
OSNABUKOS, YARNS, KERSEYS
AC., AC., AC.
i rA bales No. 1, Osnaburgs, 95 do. No. 2 Osna
_LtAU burgs, 175 do. Georgia Kerseys, 100 do*
Macon Sheeting, 20 do. Macon Drilling, 2G do. Ma.
con 7-8 Shirting, 200 Macon Yarns, for sales ac Fao
tory prices, by J. B.- A W c A. ROSS,
july 26
THE CELEBRATED
COPPER TOE!
Mitchell’s Metallic Patent Tip,
Designed especially for
Boys’, Youths’ and Children’s
BOOTS & SHOES.
A N Improvement lias been applied to Boots and
Shoes, by which a saving of expense to tho
consumer, of two-thirds, is realized, by rt ctual ex
periment.
THE TIP
consists of a piece of copper or other indestructible
material, neatly fastened to the too of tho Boot or
Shoe, forming a complete protection. This inven
tion is now presented to the public, with the fullest
knowledge of its practical utility, having been test
ed over two years, and is destined entirely to super
cede the old style, for
Children** Boys’nndYouihi’ Jloolw ScHhoeu
The importance of this invention will be readijy
appreciated, as it is well known that children inva
riably wear out their boots and shoes
First at tho Toe,
and, with this protection, they will, upon an aver
age, wear at least two to three times as long os th
old style, while the expense is
But a trifle more*
This invention is also'especially applicable to
Miners’ Boots, and all occupations subjecting the
toe of the boot or shoe to be cut or worn.
Merchants, and the public generally, will seo the
importance of obtaining the^e goods Immediately,
as they are destined, for general use, to supercede
all other kinds.
The Goods may bo obtained of nearly all the
wholesale dealers in the principal cities, or of tho
subscribers,
cn.tsE, ncHDiHKT * co.
(Owners of tho Patent,) Boaton.
aug 9—6m
FEARS & PRITCHETT
Have in store choice Country Hams,
Extra Family Flour,
35 Bales Gunny BaggiDg,
200 coils machine Rope,
100 boxes Adamant Candles,
10 boxes Sperm ••
15 bales No. 1 Osnabnrgs,
17 balesOcmul;zeeMills, honeys,
100 kegs Cut Nails,
5} bbls. Fulton Market Beef,
5u cases and 3 chests Black and Hyien Te«,
100 bags 'Rio Coffee,
50 bags Java and Laguira Coffee,
Stewart’s Extra Golden Syrup, Stew
arts Sugar House Syrup,
100 bbls. A B and C Sugars,
2000 pairs Russet Brogans,
1000 8 9 and 101 Negro Blanket.,
30 pairs Fine 10 to 12J Bed Blankets,
400 pieces Fancy Calico and Ticking,
Bleached and Brown Shirting and Sheeting,
700 lbs. Bine Stone and Coperas,
75 bores Pale Colgate Soap,
50 boxes Wheat and Corn Starch,
10 bbls. Vinegar,
1200 lbs. Pure White Lead,
Linseed, Train and Lamp Oil,
Putty, Glass, etc., etc.
^“Prices as low as anj House in the trad*.—
Friends are invited to call.
Macon, Ga., Sept. 20—lm.
Book Binding.
r>LANK ACCOUNT BOOKS made to order for
JL> Courts and Counting House, and the numbers
printed on the pages without extra charge.
MAGAZINES, MUSIC AND LAW BOOKS,
bound in neat aud cheap styles.
DAVID ROSS.
Cor. ad «nd Cherry Streets,
feb 1 Over George T. Regers A So.a.
T HE subscriber has purchased the Right to Kovr-
and’s Patent Carriages and Spring* for Blank
Account Books, whioh he will put on work when
instructed. DAVID K08H.
fab 1
B. A. WISE
Meals ReAdy on the Arrival <
pi IS
>f every Train.
NEW GOODS-
C. Campbell & Son,
NEAR THE LANIER HOUSE,
TAVEiust received thfir Fall and Winter supply
1 of KERSEYS, HEAVY BLANKETS and
EURO SHOES at the lowest market prices, and
Planters would do well to call and examine before
purchasing.
They also oontinue to keep a general stock o
GROCERIES at the old stand, and do not intend
be undersold for Cash,
m. Oht. 12, 185s.
BOLTI.VG CLOTH,
/-rv PIECES of the celebrated Duten Anchor
sJUbrands of Bolting Cloth, for sale at New York
i»«»hy (july IS) J. B. ft W, A. ROSS.
SIGN PAINTING.
HE subscriber is now prepared to execute all
orders iu tho above line with despatch, at the
FOR 8ALE.—Every article used by House, Sign,
Car, Fresco and Glass Painters.
Mixed Paints for sale. HENRY LOVL
M«con, Sep 20—3m
IS NOW RECEIVING
THE LARGEST AND MOST
COMPLETE STOCK OF
House Furnishing Goods
STOVES, GRATES.
PLATED WARE AND CUTLERY,
EVER BEFORE OFFERED IN THIS
IwT -A. It Z3Z J3 07 .
Which lie will sell at the very lowest prices for
If./. U'JSIAS
Honor FnrniNhinK Mlore,
Cherry Street, Macon, Ga*
sep 6
NEW HOTEL.
At TUomasirillo.
mHE undersigned having opened the McBAIN
A HOUSE, for the reception of tho public, invite
the People generally to give them a call.
No pains will be spared to make their Guest*
comfortable ; and their table will be supplied with
tho best the market affords.
ian is—tjf AM AM A T,. LITTLE A SON.
Drs. McDonald and Van Goisen,
Dentists.
OFFICE IN WASHINGTON BLOCK.
MACON, GEORGIA.
Electricity used in Extracting Teeth.
M e DONALD'S Tooth Paste always on hand and
for sale. Dentists can be supplied with the
finest style ot TEETH, also Gold Foil. Gold and Sil
ver Plate and Wire, Lathe Fixtures, Ac.., also with
any kind of Instruments or Materials on short notice,
oct le
GRANITE HALL'
OPPOSITE TIIE E.tlYIEK HOUSE.
T HE subscriber will open the above Hall about
the first of APRIL next, for tho accommodation
of Families, Day Boarders and Transient Custo
mors. This House is now offered as inferior to no
otl er First Class Hotel in the South, and from it?
central location, its large and airy rooms, offers great
inducements and accommodations to Families and
Transient persons. The public may expect from tbi-
House, all the luxuries and comforts to be found ii.
any other hotel B. F. DENSE.
mar‘2 Late ofthe Floyd House.
FKESI1 ARRIVAL OF
D 11Y GOODS.
q CASES PRINTS, y.l do. Ginghams, ?.■> case#
/wOPrinted Muslins, 15 do. Stripes, 1- do. Bleach
ed Shirtings and Sheetings, 5 do. Organdie and Ba
rege Robes, 2 do. Printed Jaconets and Swiss Mus
lins. The above, with every other article usually
kept in the
DRY GOODS LINE.
Having been recently purchased in New Tork, at
the Package Auction Sales. Tc purchasers of good#
by the quantity, w<* would say, that our prices will
indue© you to purchase, w ® Great
Bargains. (july -® ) J. B. & W. A. K096,