Newspaper Page Text
tklkgraivil
The Greorgia. Weekly Telegraph.,
pmPAY. JANUARY 31, 1868
<CE
'^TOS CORRESPONDED
from the Supremo Court-Jud
?»•*' J. , i#B Grouted, and tho McCordlo cue
f*' k nn E M ly Doy-Tho Bill to Reduce the
W®***\ lbe supreme Court—Tho Union Divided
fr*"* °- j [>lTe j by Radical DeylalaUoc—General
>’* Abs0 Iate Monarch over Ten Southern
*“*' ,',' efr i nB rrofffoaf of tho American Colo-
Society*
l**
;Vasuik<ito» City, Jan. 23,1868.
the surprise and gratification of ail
T " , riots , the Supreme Court has granted
^ofionot Judge Black, and the great
rase from Mississippi has been set
‘ ,„t on tho first Monday in March.
• itooti that tho decision was made
11 hire majority, the Judges in favor of
l 5‘^', n being Judge Grier, Nelson, Clif—
'^I'pivis an<l Field ; and - those opposed
‘ ■ ’.theChief-Justice, and Judge Swayne,
k'niiliiT. Another statement is that Chief
W , chase was in favor of the motion
Jl j* JndiJO Davis against it. However this
15 t J j, j 3 certain that the Court was not
r un ’jnituous on the subject, and indeed
1 Cas feared that tho motion would not be
* ,ed at any rate. Thsre is reason to be
however, that tho recent attack which
m adc upon tho integrity, functions
Tl prerogatives of tho Supremo Court In
OtgKm, has been resented by every one of
the Judges, and that two of tboso who voted
is, favor o» the motion did so chiefly to dis-
,.point the Radicals, and to assert the inde
pendenca of tho Court.
‘ The Radicals themselves arc dancing
with ra«e over this unexpected decision
of the Court, and it would really seem
that the, actually fear the ultimate dems-
ion of the Court in relation to tho con
stitutionality of the military government bills.
The Chronicle, after howling through half a
column on the degeneracy of the Court, (five
tithe eight Judges having been appointed
j, r the late lamented,) shrieks to tho Radical
numbers of Congress to hurry up and tic the
buds of the Court, so that when this case
come* up for argument before them, they will
be compelled to decide that everything that
the Rump has done has been constitutional!
There is little doubt that Congress will re
coil to this appeal with alacrity. But
bill defining and limiting the powers of the
Supreme Court in tho maimer proposed
would be itself clearly unconstitutional, and
it m»y safely be said in advance that the Su
preme Court of the United States will never
submit to being told what it may and what
it ms, not do, and how it must conduct its
business. The President will veto such n bill,
ind will set forth the grounds of its uncon-
stilutionalily; and with the Proeident and
the Supreme Court both opposed to the
Romp, the latter must give way. At all
(Teat*, there is a fair prospect that when the
cue is argued it will be decided by the Court
(urly and upon its merits, and without refer
cacetothd proposed Congressional legisla
tion.
He bill to permanently divide tho Union
iuiuttro halves, and to set up in the South
era half a form of government nttcrly repng-
sut to the Constitution and to Republican
principles, has been passed by the House;
the 45 Democratic members alone voting
ininst it, while 123 Republicans voted for
it If this bill passes the Senate, of which
there is no doubt, the country will be a thou-
mi times worse off than if the South had
•thieved all that they were fighting for, and
hid established their independence. In the
litter c&sc, Republican institutions would
hive received no shock, and there would
hive been presented the beautiful spectacle
of two sister Republics growing up side by
sue, under the same Constitutions, tho same
lm and the same institutions that had pre-
rtiled ever since the - formation of the Con
JtitntioD. Biit this bill rudely dissevers the
astion into two parts. It leaves the l/orth-
empart in the enjoyment of its liberty, its
laws, its institutions and its established gov
ernment. It takes away all these from the
Southern part at a single blow—takes away,
olio, its Courts, its security of property, and
all incentives to labor; and in tbe place of all
these, it establishes, as tho form
of government, a military dictatorship,
vested in Gen. Grant, with all tho powers of
an absolute monarch. And when this bill
goes into operation, tho haters of Republics
in tbe old world will see tbe great model
Republic governed by two Presidents or
Supreme Rulers, neither one of whom can in
terfere with tbe actions of the other, and the
powernof the Southern one of whom will be
vastly greater than those of the Northern
ruler. By the provisions of this infamous
hill, tbe whole executive power in tho ten
Southern States is taken away from President
Johnson, and confercd upon Gen. Grant. He
•lone is empowered to execute the laws of
Congress. President Johnson cannot intcr-
fae with him, in such executive functions.
Ceo. Grant alone is to exercise tho powers of
appointment and removal from tho highest
office to the lowest, and President Johnson
cannot interfere with him. Here, then, is
President Johnson removed from office, so
fir as tbo Southern Stntcs are concerned, and
thus tbe Radidal plot hastens fast towards its
•ccomplUhmont.
The bill, however, goes further than this.—
It takes away from the President the com-
o»od of the U. 8. army, of which tbo Consti
tution says ho shall bo Cotnm&dor-in-CItlsf,
*nd confers that, too, upon Gen. Grant.—
lihca Gen. Grant has accepted the powers
vrhicU this bill confers upon him, lie will vir
tually have accepted a commission front the
Pump Congress to make war upon the Fresi-
*kut, and to overthrow what little there rc-
•usins of our Constitutional Government.—
Powfatt xvo areshooting down the precipice
°f anarchy I
It may interest 6omc of your readers to
team that tho operations of the American
Colonisation Society, which has its headquar
ters at Washington, arc still carried on with
unabated vigor, and with much success.—
During (he year 1S67, the colonization ship,
oleonda, made her usual two trips from Bai
lor® to Liberia, carrying out 921 American
Bc Rroe$ as permanent settlers in Africa.—
These emigrants embraced all kinds oi me-
^itiics .and skilled farm laborers, and they
"‘It constitute a valuable accession to the
c -lony. There arc two thousand more nj-
" 'i in tbe States of Pcnnsj Ivatiia, Virginia,
***Jlaml, Georgia, North and South Carols*
l " ta( i Tenne ssee, who have applied for pas-
and will sail this year and
IS69 - Thesi
Africa. The statistics of the Society show
that tho desire to emigrate to Africa, on the
part of the negroes in the United States, has
been rapidly increasing during the last four
years. Five ship loads of emigrants would
go out every year, instead of two loads, if the
Society had the vessels at their disposal.
The emigrants, too, are always of the best
class of negroes—sober, honest, intelligent
men, who will do muqjx towards increasing
tbe prosperity of tho colony. If a line of
steamers coaid be inaugurated to run reg
ular! y between New York and Liberia, it
would pay from the start; for it would at
once develop the commerce of tho western
coast of Africa, which, although rich, has
hitherto been neglected. The English Gov
ernment already has such a line of steamers
in operation, and it finds that tho enterprise
pays well. Tbo company pays large annual
dividends regularly, and has recently in
created the number of its steamships. If
Englishmen can do this, why cannot Ameri
cans ! Tbe finances ot the Society are in a
very flourishing condition, and the executive
committee embraces some of the best citizens
of Washington. Warwick.
l-Jf" It is said that as soon as Gen. Meade
can get rid of the Negro Convention, he will
move to Millcdgcville. One great advantage
which ho expects to gain by the movement
is to get clear of the great swarm of hungry
offiic-seekers and toadies that torment him
day and night _
J3F°Tiie Louisiana Legislature petitions
Congress to remove Gen. Hancock!
This shows the ideas that body has im
pressed upon all the Radicals, especially at
the South, that Congress is supreme. The
simpletons!
Sergeant Bates.—The telegraph yester
day announced that Sergeant C. H. Bates, of
EdgertowD, Wisconsin, had left Vicksburg on
foot for Washington, carrying a United
States flag, and without a cent ot money.—
The route selected is by way of Jackson,
Meridian, Selma, Montgomery, Columbus,
Macon, Milledgevilie, Augusta, Columbia,
Raleigh and Richmond. Tho only risk the
young fellow has to run is being killed by
somo Radical in order to make capital for
that .party.
Re-Registration in Alabama.—By order
of Gen. Meade, it appears that another term
of. five days was allowed for the registration
of all, white and black, who omitted to regis
ter last summer. This was done last week,
and the result has turned out decidedly in
favor of the white vote. The proportion In
Mobile city and county was very nearly three
to one at some of the polls, and two to one at
others.
pgy*Jacob Thompson, one of tbe dis
tioguished American exiles abroad, recently
received a remittance of $80,000 in gold— the
proceeds of a sale ot his lands lying along the
Mississippi river. Before the war he was the
richest man in Mississippi—bis wealth being
orer one million dollars.
Georgia Negro-Radical Convent ion.
TWENTY-EIGHTH DAY’S PROCEEDINGS.
From lie Atlanta Intelligencer.]
Atlanta, January 25,18G8.
The Convention opened with prayer—Par
rott in tbe Chair.
The journal was read
On motion of R. H. Whitcley, the rules were
suspended for the purpose of’taking up a re
port of the Special Committee on Disburse
ment, and the following resolution read:
Resolved, That the disbursing officer of tbo
Convention be, and he is hereby instructed to
pay to each delegate and officer, upon the or
der of the Auditing Committee, tho sum of
fifty dollars, and that tho amount on hand
after making eaid payment be appropriated
to the payment of incidental ex penses.
C. H. Prince moved a reconsideration of
the action of tbo Convention on the previous
day, regnlating the hours of daily sessions.
Some discussion ensued, after which D. C.
Cotting moved that the motion to reconsider
bo indefinitely postponed.
The ayes ana nays were taken, when they
stood ayes G3; nays 29. Carried,
Tho. house went into Committee of tho
Whole—Conley in the Chair.
The sixteenth section was taken up for
consideration. It is as follows :
Excessive bail shall not be required, nor
excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual
punishment inflicted.
J. R. Parrot moved this section bo passed.
J. E. Bryant moved that the thirty-third
section be added to this section
R.IL Whitcley offered the following amend
ment :
Nor shall any person be abused in being
arrested, whilst in arrest, or whilst in prison.
G. W. Ashburn trusted Mr.Whiteley would
nut cucumber the section by any amendment,
but make an additional sevaiuu of it.
seems that tbe late Emperor Maxi
milian had the New York Herald in his pay;
xe arrangement being that two columns
ere to be published every fortnight in the
interest of the empire by a Mexican eorres
undent.
120*“ Tho American Colonization Society’s
ship Golconda carried over nine hundred
emigrants from the United States to Liberia
last year. There are now over one thousand
egistered to go as soon as “transportation
in kind” can be furnished.. These emigrants
constitute some of our best black population
mechanics, artisans and formers. It is
hoped that they will regenerate their mother
country and countrymen. Was it for this
hat Providence brought them here and had
them tanght religion and civilization 1
The War in Abyssinnia.—The latest dis
patches from headquarters of the British
army in Abyssinia, state that King Tlieo-
docius is in its front awaiting attack, and that
battle would soon bo fougbt.
All the great powers of Europe assure
each other almost daily of tho most pacific
intentions, but at the same time they arc re
arming and enlarging their land and navul
forces. The public mind seems to have no
confidence in tho peaceful declarations of the
rulers, and great wars arc apprehended this
year.
|C£T"An election for Governor and other
State officers will soon take place in New
Hampshire. The Democrats seem to be j-cr
fectly saDguine of success—indeed that the
result is already a foregone conclusion.
EgT* The expenses of the Judiciary Com
mittee, while investigating the impeachment
business,' foots up $23,119. This is the way
tho money collected by taxation on cotton is
expended-
President Johnson has purchased a
fine plantation in Greene county, Tennessee,
upon which lie expects to retire, as soon ns
his term of office expires, and spend the bal
ance of his days. Mr. Johnson has always
been a comparatively poor man—spending
most ot hi* Snoomo In political oompoljjnc.
£57“ Peter Cooper, A. T. Stewart, Hamil
ton Fisli, and fifteen others of New York,
bnve had a picture painted and presented to
W. II. Seward, representing the signing ot
the treaty between the United States and
Russia for the purchase of Wslrussia. The
painting is by Leutzc, and represents Seward
os appearing for Uncle Sam, Stockclfor the
Czar, a table, chairs, pen, ink aud paper. To
be complete it should have $7,000,000 in the
foreground, and a huge glacier with the
ghost of Sir John Franklin seated upon it in
the rear.
A measure is now pending before
Congress to confiscate all the lands of South
ern railroads originally granted them by Con
gress. They amount to 5,000,000 acres. The
alleged ground of confiscation is disloyalty
of stockholders. But many shareholders arc
not only Northern men, but Radicals. How
ab ut that, Mr. Julian ?
A. Alpeora Bradley (negro) hoped that
every colored man at least would vote for
tho amendment. He was very vehement in
his denunciations of the conduct of the police
in Savannah. Savannah is Lis daily and
nightly dream. If tho military commander,
said he, don’t give Savannah relief within
one month, more than three thousand per
sons will relieve themselves. A bold threat,
this. Where is the District Commander ?
B. Conley, Chairman, trusted that the
speaker would address himself more partic
ularly to the Chair, and not altogether to the
committee.
Bradley, negro, snecringly—Thank you.
G. W. Ashourn stood up to make a sugges
tion, when Bradley said: “You can have the
floor if you will finish my speech.”—
[Laughter.]
G. W. Ashburn thought that it tho lan
guage in the section did not cover the premi
ses they coukl make a new one.
J. E. Bryant withdrew his motion and
agreed to substitute that of the delegate from
Decatur.
Bradley, negro, rose to a point of order.—
“A point of order—a point of order.”
Chairman—State your point
Bradley—The gentleman’s motion is not
before the House.
J. It Parrott suggested that the words
“either before or after conviction” be added
alter the word “inflicted.”
8everal amendments were proposed, hot
tbe amendment ot R. II. Whitcley, after
some discussion, prevailed.
Tbe section was then put as amended and
passed.
Sections 17 and 18 were parsed without
any discussion. They are as follows:
Section 17. The po’wers of the Courts to
punish for dontempt shall be prescribed by
legislative acts.
Section 18. Legislative acts in violation of
this Constitution, or the Constitution of the
United States, are void, and the Judiciary
shall so declare them.
G. Wallace, negro, moved that tho second
section be taken up. The votes were count
ed, and tbe motion lost.
Section 19. A. Alpeoria Bradley, negro,
moved the insertion of the word “legal.”
J. E. Bryant moved that the section be
stickcn out. Carried.
Section 19. Ex poet facto laws, laws impair
ing tbe obligation of contracts or preventing
the enforcement thereof, arc prohibited.
T. P. Saffold offered an amendment, wbicb,
ou motion of J. R. Parrott, was postponed
until tbe Bill of Rights had been gotten
through with.
The following section, on motion ot R H.
Whitehead, was carried after the changing of
the word “raised” tp “varied.”
Secton 20. Laws shall have a general opera
tion, and no general law affecting private
rights shall be raised in any particular case
by special legislation, except with tbe free
consent in writing of all persons to be af
fected thereby; anil no person being under a
legal disability to contract is capable of such
free consent.
. Section 21. Was next taken up and a sub
stitute offered by P. Martin.
The Section read as follows: The power
of taxation over the whole State shall be ex
ercised by the general assembly, only to raise
revenue lor the support of the Government,
to pay the public debts, to provide a general
school fund, and lor common defence, and
shall be ad valorem only.
The amendment read as follows: The
power of taxation over the whole State] shall
be exercised by the General Assembly, only
to raise revenue for the support of govern
ment, to pay the public debt, to provide a
general school "fund for the indigent, and
for common dclence, and shall be ad valorem,
only on the value of all property both real and
personal so far as property is taxed.
J. E. Bryant advocated the free school sys
tem, and was opposed to the word “indigent.”
He wanted them to adopt the system of edu
cation existing in the North and West, and
that there should be no distinction between
the rich and poor children, but that free
schools be open alike to all. He was opposed
to the . poor children being made feci that
they were paupers.
W. L. Marlcr said that if the gctlcman did
not like the word “indigent,” it could be
stticken out and debate cut otL
R. H. Whitelcy moved that the Committee
rise, report progress, and ask leave to sit
nRftin. as they were to receive money that
afternoon. Ncc-d it lie said there was no ob-
jtetion 7
On motion, the rules were suspended for
tbo purpose of taking up the report of the
Committee on Finance.
C. II. Hopkins presented tlic following re
port from the Committee on Finance:
The Committee on Finance have the honor
to report that they have had an interview
with Gen Meade, ami ‘ask leave to say that
Provided that the Legislature may give th
Courts jurisdiction where the debt lias origi
nated from a trust and the trust property is
in the hands of the Trur tee.
A. 1L Holcombe moved tho Convent!
into Committee of the Whole on the question
of relief.
J. E. Bryant moved the question bo laid oil
the table and the Bill of Bights be taken up.
A. M. nolcombe hoped the motion would
not prevail. The question of relief was one
of great vital importance to the people of the
State. Business of every kind was at a stand
still because the people were undecided as to
the result of its consideration, and he was of
the opinion that it should precede all other
questions in order that capitalists msy be re
lieved from further doubt.
C. H. Hopkins spoke at somo length in
support of the motion.
J. E. Bryant withdrew liis motion,
A. Alpeoria Bradley (negro) alter some
characteristic points with tho President,
asserting his right to the floor, addressed him
self particularly to his colored friend?. He
said many white members had called upon and
asked him and his colored friends tosupport
them on the Relief question; they (the whites)
would support them on other questions. He
said tbe law of marriage was also involved in
the present, which would account for his mo
tive in binding himself to support the meas-
trc. He trusted liis friends would see by
bis few remarks, and he sat down.
The motion forgoing into Committee of
the Whole having been objected to, the
names were called and the motion loth Ayes,
56; nays, 63.
The question of Relief wa3 then taken up,
when tho following report from tin Commit
tee on Relief was read:
[This report has been heretofore published
in the Telegraph.]
A. T. Akerman addressed the Convention.
He took occasion to remark on tbe fact that
while other important questions were dis
cussed with tho house in committee of the
whole, the present question had to be dis
cussed with the house in Conyention. That,
however, was a secondary matter, because the
same voice that uttered the words which he
should addres3to tho conmitteeof tbe whole
would utter them to tbe Convention, and the
same ears would hear him. He agreed with
the delegate front Newton when lie said that
tho fullest and freest discussion ought to be
permitted on so important a question, and
that every man should be allowed to express
his opinion fully. Certain developments bad
been made on that floor to day to which ho
thought it bis duty to refer. It bad been
so stated that a “bargain” had been contract
ed by certain delegates with regard to tbe
votes of tbe members of this Convention
upon nutters coming before them fur dis
eussion.
He denounced, in tbe sternest manner, any
such practice, and submitted that men who
come here to exercise the rights with which
members of this Convention were invested,
should look to other means for tho success of
bills brought np under their auspices than
the setting off of one measure against
another. A “bargain” between any members
of a body such as that, was, to say the least
of it, a most absurd aud dangerous method of
arranging the various important and fre
quently complicated matters upon which they
would be called to act. Qc had too much
regard figr that body to suppose that any
members on that floor would be influenced
by any such motive, and ho hoped they
would have too much regard for tho interest
of the people of the State of Georgia to be
actuated by any other than patriotic and
pure feelings.
A. Alpeoria Bradley, negro, said: Will
the gentleman allow me to—
A. T. Akerman—Yes, I will; I will allow
you to explain. I want an explanation. We
all want an explanation.
Alpeoria, negro—I don’t want to explain
I want to ask you a question.
The speaker—I shall not yield, I don’
want questions.
Bradley, negro, thereupon sat down look
ing quite discomfitted, and looking os if a
reference to the Book of Job was the only
thing on this side of the grave that would
calm bis outraged feelings.
The speaker continued: Tbe attempt on
tbe port of any member'of that Convention
to pass any such measure of relief was in op
position to the letter and spirit of the Con
stitution of the United States; but he should
probably be met here by an argumeit that
the Constitution of the United States vas not
binding on the State of Georgia; or, ia other
words, its members seemed to argue that by
unsuccessfully rebelling against -the-Gavern-
ment, we bail actually got greater privileges
than if we had remained in the Government
tlwt by unsuccessfully attempting to over
throw the paramount authority of the Gov
ernment and the Constitution, wc had entan
cipatcd ourselves from the restraint of the
Constitution.
Tho speaker here quoted the precise words
of the Reconstruction nets, with regard to the
duties devolving upon the Convention, and
also of the Constitution of tho United States
forbidding any State from passing a law im
pairing the obligation of contracts. He
spoke of the relative positions of debtor and
creditor. If the debtors had lost property
by tbe late war, so bad the creditors. He
dwelt on the fact that many of the debtors
were the men who were living sumptuously
and enjoying all the comforts of life, while
on the other hand most of the creditors were
in straightened circumstances. The meu who
were the debtors were the men who previous
to the war possessed the land and they pos
sessed that land still, and he could not see
why if they lind means to pay their debts
they bhould not ho compelled to do so. He
referred to a very distinguished gentleman
who had taken great interest in the proceed
ings of the Convention and had acted as a
sort of adviser upon the subject of relief. He
meant the ex Governor of Georgia, Governor
Brown.
He here read several extracts from a re
cent letter and speech of the above named
entleman bearing upon tbe subject, and ar
gued that according to his views the credi
tor should share the losses of the debtor
while nobody has provided for the losses of
the creditor. He referred to the fact that
the Governor had urged that relief should be
given to the banks because they had been
prevented by the Stay Law from collecting
their good debts. The ex Governor has
omitted to State one important fact in con
nection with this matter which he should
have stated, which was that the Stay Law
was introduced into the Legislature for the
relief ol the banks themselves. The title of tho
bill read : A bill for the relief of the banks
and of the State of Georgia. The latter
and L. L. Stanford were appointed by the •
President additional members to the Com- ;
mittee on Rdicf, and the report of the ma-j
jorify was recommitted.
The Convention then adjourned.
Piekin;
I
r-s from French Paper:
the General lias applied to Gen. _ Grant for i c | iUlse having been inserted for the purpose
the loan of it sufficient amount of the money 1 0 f rendering the bill popular among the
sent by the State of Georgia to pay its iu- | people. Governor Brown, however, to his
debtedness to the Government on the Atlan- ! eternal credit, vetoed the bill, and gave as
tic and Western Railroad, to defray the ex- « reason that the bill was unconstitutional
pomes of the Convention; and that General! which time the Governor, who waa pres-
Grant accepts the proposition, so far ns his | CJJ ^ shook his head.
power extends, and will answer to day^ ii The speaker delivered a very eloquent and
The Convention adjourned at 12 m. (o 0 1-8 i y of a ’^imion. Lost,
^ durii
bten
year
persons would all have sail-i
w last year if the Society h id
ublo to afford them passage to the earth.
3^?" Senator Doolittle tore the veil off the
mbereant Stanton's face on Wednesday last
in the United States Senate, and clearly
I showed that the usurper iu the War Ofiice
was at one time in close accord with the
“rebels” and “secessionists.” “When Albert
G. Brown withdrew from the Senate to join
tlic rebellion,” said Mr. Doolittle, “Edwin M.
Stanton met him outside of the door, and
urged him to go on in this course, wishing .
him ‘God speed,’ and saving he was right.” ( rott in the Chair.
Although publicly staled 'before, Stanton lias i The Journal was read
never denied this, and yet he is now one of j The President stated the regular order or
the puny gods before whom the Radicals fall business for the day wm the consideration ot
down and worship \-Vhih. Age. the report pi the Relief Committee.
• 1 — ' J. Harris, Chairman of the Committee,
avc to hand jn the following ]
possible.. Sbonld this proposition fail, lie
will direct Governor Huger immediately to
ascertain upon what terms the money can be
procured from parties in Savannah.
The - Committee further return their sincere
obligations to General Meade for his efforts
to gratify all the reasonable requests of this
Convention. •
The following, off. red by J. R. Parrott,
was passed unanimously:
Resolved, That the Convention approve
the plan proposed by the Committee ou Fi
nance for procuring funds to defray the ex
penses of tho Convention.
argumentative address which lasted fqur
hours, and was applauded several times in
the course of his remarks. The time for ad
journment having arrived, he was interrupted
by II. V. M. Miller, who moved an adjourn
ment.
He will resume his address this morning.
TUIItTIETH DAY’S PROCEEDINGS.
Atlanta, Jan. 28, 1868.
. The Convention opened with prayer—Par
rott in the Chair.
G. W. Ashburn moved the suspension of
the rules, lor the purpose ot asking the priu-
o’clock a. m. Monday.
TWEXTY-NINTII DAY’S PROCEEDINGS.
Atlanta, Juuuary 27, 1808.
The Convention opened with prayer l’ar
There me said to be
time three hundred rolcnttoc.
ut the present
i in operation on
begged
viso to be appended to the report
Majority Committee:
pro-
thc
J. E. Blount said lie had handed to him a
few days ago a copy of the Macon Journal
and Messenger,of the 23d inst., in which he
found himself and many other members of
the Convention most slanderously misrepre
sented. The article was signed “Cipken-
noy,” and contained the vilest falsehoods that
ever passed tbe lips of n man. He had writ
ten to the editor of the paper asking for the
name of tbe correspondent, and received the
following:
Siii—Yours of the 2i‘.h instant to hand.—
Iu reply we have to say that only upon com
pliance on your part with the rules that gov
ern publishers, and recognized-by gentlemen
in such cases, can we comply with your re
quest. Wc know nothing a3 tt) the correct
ness of statements made, but our correspon
dent is a gentleman, who does not seek to
shirk any .responsibility, and we have no
doubt will be perfectly willing for ns to dis
close his name. We are' governed in tho
matter by the usual custom in such cases.
Respectfully yours, Rose & Burr.
The President thought that a discussion of
the matter or a reply to a newspaper article
was out of order.
J. E. Blount thought he had a right to set
himself right in the matter, particularly as
other members had been allowed to do a sim
ilar thing.
The President—In the other cases referred
to, the remarks had reference to reporters
occupying seats on the floor.
J. E. Blount—Thi3 man occupies a seat on
the floor, otherwise lie could not furnish a
report of the proceedings.
The President—Tbe better way to do, and
the custom, is to offer a resolution.
The matter was here dropped, and the dis
cussion of the Relief question taken up.
A. T. Akerman resumed his argument on
this subject. He dwelt at. great length and
with much vehemence upon tho conduct of
cx-Govcrnor Brown, both in ofiice and out of
it. He trusted that the new Georgia was co
equal to the Georgia that has passed away.
He referred to Governor Brown in 1866 when
ho (Brown) was supported by tbe opinion of
Judge Storey, while in 1868 he was supported
by a rabble of unprincipled and dishouest
debtors. 7'hey were told that if they repu
diated all tho old debts and gave a large
homestead, it would be an encouragement to
emigrants to come hero from all parts of the
world. That might be so. But what kind
of emigrants would they be. Tbey would be
composed of the dishonest persons from
every quarter of the globe, who had run
away from their homes with other men’s
money In their pockets.
There ought to be a l^lief, but it should be
relief which was enough for any honest
man. The relief was afforded by the Gov
ernment of the United States. It was con
tained in the Bankrupt law. It relieved the
bankrupt who was unable to pay, from im
prisonment in the future, and that was enough
tor any honest man. It had been said that
the bankrupt law did not leave enough. It
loft fifty acres of land, one horse, one cow aud
calf, and other matters that were essential to
household and farming purposes. It did not
leave them any means of living in sumptu
ousness, but he contended that that wa3 suf
ficient, and was more than two thirds of tbe
voters of the State h ad. Why should not this
be enough ? Tlic honest creditor was willing
to give thus much, why should the debtor re
quire any more.
He scorned the idea that creditors were to
be ruined for the sake of sparing the feelings
of the debtor. Tbe creditors bad feelings
wbicb, too, should be respected. Much had
been said about tlie public good, and many
strong appeals had been made. He would
echo the appeal. He would appeal to tbe
debtors and ask them why stand in ttie way
of public good ? Why not pay your honest
debts when you can, and compromise them
when you cannot? He had heard ingenious
arguments to show that repudiation wss
right, just now. There never was a man
who committed a crime that did not first use
a sort of sophistry with himself by which he
found it necessary that he should commit the
crime. He admitted it waa wrong in gene
ral, but it was right in his particular case,
and the repudiators were similar. They rea
soned and threw sophistry over the act they
were about to do. There was nn impassable
gulf between the repudiators and himself.
Tbe speaker concluded his address with a
very eloquent appeal to tbe Convention to
study.the interest of the State and humanity
in their action-on the question before them.
H. K. McCay next addressed the Conven
tion. He had listened with a great degree of
satisfaction to the learned and eloquent and
impassioned appeal which the gentleman had
just ended. He had presented before them
a lengthy argument which he bad garnished
v.’Un much beaunrui motoric, ami wiUcL Lc
had overlaid with many touching pictures.—
In some of those pictures be agreed with the
gentleman. He sympathized with the old
lady who had went begging from door to
door because she could not get the money
that was owing to her. He grieved with the
old man who went to the dogs because his
fourteen hundred dollars could not be recov
ered by him, but there were some other of
his pictures with which he could not so cor
dially agree.
Ho (Akerman) had pointed out to them
the poverty-stricken, desolated people of
Georgia, who were once the glory ot the State,
gathering up the beautiful remains which had
been left them after the dreadful convulsions
of the late war, and the old man emigrating
with his wife and little ones to a more friend
ly home, and he pointed out tp them the
poor, down-trodden old man and his family,
as they picked up their little “traps,” the
remnnuts of by-gone glories, the only relics
of tho times in which he had lived; and he
presented to them, also, the rich and wealthy
man with his family entering, overflowing
with riches aud with happiness, and takin^
possession of the lands of the poor. Bat these
were pictures he (McCay) could not dwell
upon. He would rather weep than gloat
over the spectacle.
He would ask them why it was that the
President bad pardened the great mass of
tbe people of Georgia ? Why was it that
they were ready to forget the past, and so
prevent the stirring up of strife upon the
embers of the old fire ? Not as a matter of
morality, not as a question of constitutional
law, both of which arguments had been
mainly dwelt on by tho advocates of the mi
nority report, but purely and solely as a ques
tion of public policy. The United States has
restored our forfeited legal and political
rights. Why ? It still retains to the slave
his freedom purely ns a matter of public
policy. To confiscate all the lands of this
State would not only bring no money into
the Treasury of tho United States, but. it
would spread woe and desolation over tbe
and. The action of the Government in this
particular is based entirely upon c question
of public good, and that is tlic way it must
lie discussed, and, depend upon if, that is the
way in which tho people of Georgia will set
tle it.
Tho speaker reviewed, at great length and
with somo degree of power, tbe arguments of
the preccding*3pcakcr; but there was one
point which he appeared to touch with con
siderable uneasinesp, and that was the fact
that he had been forced into the Confederate
army by—well what ?—public opinion. Ob’
that nasty public opinion, bow tyrannical it
was. It wouldn’t let good loyal men alone
who were always opposed to secession.
Some discussion ensued after which the
ayes and nays were taken, which resulted ns
follows: ayes 87—nays 42. Tabled.
B. CoDley moved that the report of tlic
majority be referred back to. the committee
for further consideration, as there were many
things in it for which he could not vote.
Tbe speaker went on to urge most strongly
tho desirability of v. measure of relief, and
cited many reasons in support of his views on
the sutiject. Ho did not altogether concur
in the report of the majority of the Commit
tee, but felt at tbe same time that a relief
measure of some soft was absolutely essential
under the extreme depression pervading.all
classes of the community. The opposition
had urged with considerable force the argu
ment that any measure of relief of such a
character as the one proposed would be a
flagrant violation of the Constitution of the
United States, ns impairing the obligation of
contracts. . This view, however, he thought
as divested of all its strength by referring
to the history of the country.
L. N. Trammell proceeded to make some
remarks, when—
J. E. Bryant rose to a point of order.
Trammell—You are always up with aslittle
tint a3 any-man. He here proceeded to
ate something, when a scene of confusion
eniticd. It was almost impossible to tell
■what tlic question before the Chair was, there
were so many amendments and explanations. , • , i,
After considerable discussion, If. K. McCay tors by showing them his - hnd.
A few nights before Christmas, Mrs. T—,
of Paris, awoke in the middle of the night.
Her husband was not as usual by licr side.—
With a hesitating voice she tenderly cried
“Afred 1” j
No Alfred replied. It was a melancholy j
thing not to lind an Alfred when you want |
one. The young wife arose and began to j
hunt for the missing object. t
Hearing a noise in the kitchen she went
thither. Opening the door a strange sight
met her eyes.
There stoocf Alfred cn chemise, but with a
cook’s cap and apron, cooking away, with
his eyes closed. He held a chicken in his
hands—a row of saucepans gave forth the
most delicious odors, and a creme a la vanilla
was cooling in a great porcelain dish.
Mrs. T heaved a sigh of relief to find
that the attraction which had subtracted Al
fred from her side was entirely culinary, and
then burst into a fit of laughter, which did
not awake her beloved.
The explanation was this: Alfred c-xpcc--.
ted the next day to give a grand breakfast ta
a number of friends, and the night before
his cook had left him, abruptly. This had
haunted him in bis dreams, and, beiDg som
nambulistic, bo had arisen and begun to
prepare the meal himself.
Madame did not awaken him until he. had
finished cooking a superb breakfast and ar
ranged it on tbe table. Then she persuaded
him to arouse and dress.
The guests found everything in good style,
and there was much laughter over tho table
at the dishes cooked by tbe host in a dream.
There is now living at Aube stir Seine a
young mnrriod couple, who have for a year
past been kept in suspense ns to whether they
were or were not obliged, by the conditions
of a certain will, to make a pilgrimage to
Jerusalem, clad solely en chemise. The courts
awarded them tho property and freed them
from the condition. The testator, who left
them a very large property on these terms,
was an eccentric old uncle, and they were
prepared to fiulfil the conditions, intending
to travel solely by night.
“Old Thirst” is the nickname of a work
man dwelling in Paris who gets drunk regu
larly. Very recently he reached bis home,
but could not find his way up to the fifth
story, where he sleeps.
Fortunately, there came to the door a man
carrying a bundle.
Old Thirst asked him, “Do you live here ?”
“Certainly,” was the reply.
Old Thirst embraced him. “I live here,”
said he—“you live here—everybody lives
here. You’re my neighbor, and my friend.—
Now, you won’t refuse to help a friend—an
old friend—perhaps a connection by marriage
—up to tbe Ilf’s story ?”
The neighbor and friend retused. Old Thirst
pitched into him with bis fista. The neigh
bors oame. Old Thirst they knew, but the
man with the bundle they knew not. But
while questioning him, Old Thiret espied
something peeping out of a corner of the bun
dle—something familiar. It was his best coat.
The “neighbor” had been in Old Thirst’s
room, and, having gone through him, was
walking off with his Sunday coat. And Old
Thirst exclaimed:
“Never trust in a friend after that.”
Recently the inmates of a house in the
Rue d’Orleans, Paris, were amazed by the
sound of a frightful breakage of porcelain
.and household goods, and a hideous out
cry in a suite of rooms which had been
occupied for fifteen days by a newly mar
ried couple.
The young husband was mad with rage,
his wife wept and believed him to be in
sane.
The young man showed her a letter which
he had just found.
“What docs this mean t” •said he.
“I—I—was afraid to show it to you,” she
stammered.
“Yes; so I suppose,” growled he.
This was the text of the letter from the
country:
“Miss : Having learned that you were
lately married, I rite to no if your husban
will please let me continue to have the cair
of your two children.”
When one has married a young lady of ex
traordinary beauty, with a modest face, in
which a blush shows itself frequently, it is
rather startling to receive such a note.
Still, it is always well to make inquiries
before proceeding to break tbe plates.
And this was the explanation. The two
children were two little nephews, sons of the
wife’s sister, who had died two years before
in Russia. Proofs conclusive.
Before which the husband, no longer jeal
ous, made his excuses, and the children were
adopted.
• New plates were bought, and all is going
on well.
ECIIOKS OF MELANCHOLY.
r.
The love.; and j ays of earth arc briof;
The iairf St flowers tho first decay;
In Pleasure's footsteps follow Grief;
Too roon we mourn the fallen leaf
And life’s departed
Wo yearn, perplexed, and otnng with pain,
Our lons-lof t Adienu to regain ;
Ch, is it fur away?
Hark 1 from the caverns of the heart,
Faint echoes, phantom-voices, start:
"Far, fur away
And, sounding from beyond the sky,
Melodious, solemn strains reply:
"Ear. far away 1”
ir.
Tho foul is rainctl with vain regret;
Wc pine for what no years rcstoro:
And Sorrows we would fain ! ; ect.
With clasped hands and eyelid? wet.
Haunt ua evermore.
Grows there no balm in grovo or fi-'ld,
No plant that may nepenthe yield?
An, is there no reprieve ?
List! from tho prove low murmur? flow.
As though sad sprites bewailed their wee:
"No, no reprieve!"
And from tho field, with mot rnful sigh,
Tho withering flowers and grass reply:
"No, no reprieve!"
nr.
A wildrring mare is life, in sooth :
And fli Stering hopes, as false as bright.
Illusive, lure our trustingycutb.
And with their glamour hide tho truth
Until our hairs aro v/bite.
0. World! 0, Timo! can ye not give
Somewhat to make it swest to live?
.'lustjoys, loves, nil depart?
. Tho World responds with.feomful laugh.
Pointing to many an epitaph:
".i!:. depart
And. iu ho sweeps, remorseless by,
Tho knell-like tones of Time reply:
“All, all departl"
[Clppincotci Magazine for February.
"I
3-)
■What is in a name ?
A very poor young fellow, named L’Ar
gent, or “money,” arrived in Paris under tlid
first reign of Napoleon. Ho had exactly
forty-seven francs. He was just from the
war. Beading in the newspapers that a new
two-sous piece was about to be issued, he
went at once to the mint and secured forty
francs’ worth. These he sold in tbe great
resort of Paris, the Palais-Royale, for four
sous each, and in fifteen days had made two
thousand francs. Then he opened a shop.—
In those days there were no money-changers
in Paris, and he developed the art to such a
degree as to make five per cent, on every
operation. To this man, some years later,
Baron Rothschild wrote in these words one
day:
“My dear friend, I want gold. Let me have
ten millions this afternoon.”
And the Croesus.of the Rue Lafittc received
them, signed with the word “L’Argent.”
What an illustration of nomen et omen.
Mr. X. owns a splendid gold watch—a re
peater-adorned with a superb chain, with a
fine hook. And this watch and chain are
the joy of his life. Yesterday (December 12)
he wished about midnight to see what
o’clock. Dreadful! His watch had vanished.
Hunt did he, and seek did he, and all in
vain.
After an hour of investigation, .he paused,
when all at once his heartbeat with joy. lie
heard, somewhere behind him, a little tick—
tick—tick—tick. It seemed to be by the
window. But it was not there.
Then he heard it again. But it wasn’t
there either.
Believing himself the victim of a trick, he
rushed into a neighbor's room.
“Now,”said he, after telling bis story-
Anotlier Head Off.
Headq'rs Third Military District, ’
(Alabama, Georgia and Florida.) - '
Altanta, Ga., Jan. 28, 1868.
General Orders, No. IT.
I. N. C. Barnett, Provisional Secretary of
the State of Georgia, having refused to ac
knowledge the authority of the Major Gene
ral Commanding, is hereby removed, from
office.
II. Captain Charles ‘Wheaton, 33rl Infan
try, U. S. Army, will,in addition to his duties
as Comptroller General, discharge those of
Secretary of State of the State of Georgia.
By order of Major Genera! Meade.
R. C. Drum,
Assistant Adjutant General.
Milledgeyille Items.—General' Roger
has not yet taken- possession of tbe Executive
Mansion, and, w ith the exception of having
stationed a smalt guard there, has allowed
everything to remain in the position that it
was left at Governor Jenkins’- departure.—
General Roger, the Treasurer aud Comp
troller are all boarding at the Milledgevillc
Hotel in a very quiet and unostentatious man- -
ner, and those who hare business with them
are always treated politely.
The improvements on thc-Stato House are
beingpushed rapidly forward to-completion,
and, when finished, will'reuder it one of the
finest public buildings in tbo State.
The Supreme Court is ia session here and
will not adjourn before tho middle-of Feb
ruary.
It is also said here, and - by good aethority,
too, that Treasurer Jones has announced his
intention of slicing the easbier of the Bank
at Atlanta lor icw; nty them have- the five
thousand dollars that he Ovf^Stjuljthcre and
testing the question at once as H '■'c’.cral
Meade's right to apply the money J>f the State
for such a purpose.
Stanton.—Some legal men suggest tb,
opinion that Mr. Stanton is slid under sus
pension, and has not been re-ixstated under
tbe order of the Senate, and that General
Grant, therefore, should have retained the
office till he had coinmunecsied with the
Senate and asked from that body a direct
and explicit answer to the qecstion whether
they intended to order the reinstatement of
Mr. Stanton or not. The theory of this view
of the matter is that the President has the
right of suspension, as incident to the power
of removal—that he may suspend an officer
from Uis functions, for tho purpose of invest
ligating the charges against him, independ
ently of any provision of the Tenure of-oflice
law. In the Stanton case, therefore, the
President acted independently of the Tenure-
of-officc bill, suspended Sir. Stanton, and
stated bis reasons tor the same to the Senate.
The Senate, after considering the reasons,
simply adopted a resolution of non-concur
rence with the same, and ordered that the
President, General Grant and Mr. Stanton be
notified of this resolution. It is by no means
certain that Mr. Stanton can legally act as
Secretary of War, without tbe President’s au
thority. Either Mr St anton would be unable
to perform tbe duties of the Department, or
the legality of his acts may sometime bo-,
called in question.
[IFftsA. Cor. Charleston Courier.
Fire in Harris County.—The rcsid .*oce
of Col. Jas. M. Mobley, of Hamilton, Harris
county, was destroyed b}- fire ou Sat.t/day
night, together with most of bis outhouses,
his wheat, meat, furniture and provisions gen
erally. The loss wa3 about five thousand
dollars, on which he had noinsurr.ee?. Wo
understand that there is no doubt,.about its
having been the work of an incendiary.
[Atlanta. Era.
w The Walrussiaus are Tr.st becoming
civilized. The last dispe.tcli Untea that they
are rapidly learning to p’ay. billiards and
drink rum.
Officers of the Consi'jivatite Club of
Monroe County.—James tj. Pinckard, Pres
ident; Dr. John Shannon., and Orrin Wood
ward, Vice-Presidents: VV. D. Stone, Re
cording Secretary ; L., A. Ponder, Corres-.
ponding Secretary ; I'r. J„ W. Jaynes, Treas
urer.
“By Jove, there it is again, aud in here! Up ! •
the’chimney, I believe ” j }=.
Hancock at He w Orleans.—The foliow-
g extract, says the Journal of Commerce,
from a private litter- by General Hancock,
dated at New Orleans, January 5 S 1S68, is
arc characteristic of that distinguished soldier,
and will interest many of our read.is. It has
been furnished- to us by the receiver without
the knowledge of the writer, hat there can
certainly be no harm iu publishing it:
I always objected to bei»g placed it
command, here when consulted. When in
obedience to orders it became necessary to
occupy -the position, I came determined to-
carry out the lawi—not to make new ones
unless necessary, nud only when, civil ages
failed. I shall always regard the law v act
ing inside of it, not outside. If new l^ws
j are required it is for Congress to males them.
Those in force I shall noc execute in a.parti-
rit; as long as I remain I will execute
„ - , , i u. i.:„ i i . - , i those in full. Having often to choose be
lle ran to look, and his mend burst into a! . ,, • , .... . , ! , . „
- - . . ’ * i tween the civil and military law, L take the
former, aud where powerless will- try and
liccrs fai
ood ones
lvu to resort to military despotism. I
believe that will conic. When it does
roar of laughter.
“My_dear fellow,” said the latter “your : buM it xf tUe officcr s fail I wJH appoint
watch is hanging by its chain from the cord oncs P an< i ;f no good one:, can be found
of your dressing gmvn behind you.” ; ’
Even so. It had “gst caught in the rear,” j , J . i,
and Mr. X. had heard it behind him when- j ma y nl r,!;e as good a despot as any one. I
over he went. 1 shall send you copies of my orders, which
Lately in.theRue Montmartre, Mr. B I will show my courscof action to be in con-
was sitting iu his room smoking, wbt i;— ‘ fortuity with law.
bang! there was a terrible explosion, and B.}
found himself bead-over beds on the floor , JSF” In alstedeLato beforc tho Corps Leg-
and bis iurniturc well mixed up. A steam! islatif, Marshal Kiel se-'-d hen I see Eu-
boilcr had burst in the basement. rope bccom an armed e imp, and when I see
B. picked himself up, and then arranged her ruining herself in order to arm, I say to
his chairs. He was amazed to discover that j myself, ‘This earns..: hist Ion..';." The signif
ies room liad acquired a new closet, icar.ee of tin so ortisbecome s apparent when
Paid quoth be, ‘.‘Where did that come i we read in anoiner portion of Neil's remarks
from?'' Tho closet was in the wall and the (that tbe grand ecc-my of Frauen is Prussia;
doer was ajar. aud that • we bcli-.-ve this st de of things can
B examined. He found that the door w .s ■ only end in war.
t flat one and had been covered with wall In truth, European intelligence seems to.
'pp r _ q-ijc ..;.cck had burst it outwards. 1 carry tho unfavorable inference that the fcel-
1 Tbs contents, which appeared to be of tho ing of dislike of F rance
beginning of tho seventeenth century, were hourly growing in streng
extremely curious. There were silver cups,! soon result ir. a collision.
bundles of papers, deeds, rouleaux is swelling his army to an elk-ciive force of
toward Prussia is
tli, and that it must
Ju^t now Napoleon
weapons,
of crowns, an old bu
B. is a grand amateur uf
bric-a-brac, and He hr since
been breaking the herrts 11 hi
i bottle.
: priorities and
the discovery
f. llpw-collec-
1.200,000 nun; and the g.vate&t activity
reigns in all the a.vcnals and deck- yards of
France. As Neil says, France is ruining
itself by its armament?, and “tip* cannot last
1 mg” n.jh-mt war.