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The Greorgia, "W"eekly Telegraph.
TTTK TELEGRAPH.
MACON, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 23,1868.
The Grace Church property on Broadway,
New York, was sold for $600,000.
Dry Reading.—Heavy prognostications
in Northern Democratic papers of success in
Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana, in the light
of the news by telegram.
Blodgett op Augusta.—The jury in the
ease of Crangle vs. Blodgett, at Chicago,
mention of which was made at the time, has
given the plaintiff $50,000 damages.
Jacob K. Shapes, Esq., who has been
elected to Congress by the Democrats of
Montana Territory, was a student of law in
the office of Gov. Letcher. He is a native
of Rockingham county, Virginia.
The Fashions.—The new York Herald
says the round hat is fast superseding the
diminished bonnet, and that chignons are
worn larger and higher this season, and the
Winter will bring out promenade suits of
velveteen.
Death op Rev. Thos. H. Stockton.—Rev.
Thos. H. Stockton, for several terms chaplain
to the House of Represntatives, in Congress,
and a well-known minister of the Methodist
Protestant Church, died in Philadelphia
Friday evening, aged sixty years.
California.—Emigration to California
this Fall is said to exceed any period since
1849. Six steamers a month reach San
Francisco, bringing five hundred to eight
hundred passengers each. The people are
seeking peace on the shores of the Pacific.
Navigation of the Flint.—A letter dated
the 14tb, at Newton, Baker County, says:—
The Flint river is very high. The steamer
Jackson, Captain Dan Fry, made her first
trip to Albany to-day. She will take down
a pretty full cargo of cotton to Bainbridge.—
Fifty bales are awaiting at this place.
To Our Colored Friends.—We received
yesterday two addresses to the colored popu
lation by men of their own race. We may
find room for the shorter one to-morrow.—
Space is small with us just now.
Numerous favors from other correspondents
must lie over for the present.
Goods are pouring into town at a heavy
rate, and we should judge trade to be active.
Our neighbor Wise, among others, has been,
within the last few days, receiving stoves,
ranges, pots and kettles enough, one would
say, to cook all the victuals in Georgia, and
dishes, cutlery and other wares enough to
serve them up with.
The Liverpool Cotton Price.—The Ma
con buyers, some of them, take exception to
our homelied rendering of Liverpool prices in
to greenbacks, and show us that by their
figures on the quotations of Wednesday,
/Sere would be fifteen dollars loss upon a bale
■beijght in Macon, and sold in Liverpool.—
'They^nay be right They certainly ought
ito nndiDitand their business better than we
CAN’T HAKE XT MUCH WORSE.
Some of our contemporaries are evidently
alarmed at the probable election of General
Grant, and ready to give up in despair. The
election of Grant is a bad business, because
it remits us permanently to a government
outside of the Constitution. It fastens, in a
chronic form, a disorder upon the country,
which, if checked at the late election, might
have been curable. But this is simply a
common misfortune of the country—of North
as well as South, and of Radicals os well as
Democrats.
Now, so far as the South is concerned, we
have already been living outside the Consti
tution for eight years, and we have got used
to it We can stand it a while longer. A
friend of ours weighed himself the other
day and found he had gained some pounds
in spite of the suspension of the habeas corpus,
and by a nice and intricate calculation, sat
isfied himself that, if the North could stand
four years more of Radical diet, he could.
Whenever any of our readers think they
can't stand it, let them try the scales—put
the thing to the test of Avoirdupois, and if
they find they are falling off half a pound a
day it is possible they may not be able to
get through.
The fact is, my fellow sinners, we have been
a long time in the wilderness, so far as liberty
and all that sort of matter is concerned. Du
ring some of these years there were a good
many rights lost, mislaid or suspended.—
Among them there was the right of liberty,
life and limb—the right to yourself and your
children, your horses and mules—the right to
your house, your rents, your crops, time, ser
vants, markets, and so on. There never was
so complete and absolute a forfeiture of all
rights, personal and political, as was effected
by circumstances under the Confederacy.
When the Federals took us, they swept away
all guarantees at once as needless; and so we
may say we have been living without rights,
either practically or theoretically, for about
six years. Still, we have lived after a sort,
and still shall live by leave of Divine Provi
dence through six years more. Therefore,
don’t give way to discouragement.
HON. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS IN
COLUMBIA.
HON. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS’ SPEECH.
We Dublish on our first oa<re the sneech of ance - You were E“ilty of it when you did all in your
ye P UIJ1Ibu on our urSL P a o e luespeecu oi power t0 rup t ure the Union by force, because you
From Putnam County—the Fair on
The 21st.—Oar friends in Eatonton write
oa that they are making gratifying progress
in the arrangements for their fair on the 21st.
The people are much interested in it, and
ihere win i>- - noosing snow. New entries
•are daily made,and thelist shows about a hun
dred premiums. Wednesday, the 21st, will
be devoted to the business and spectacle of
'the fair. ’On Thursday and Friday there will
•beis grand tournament and soiree. The
■"whole will constitute one of the most bril
liant social and festive occasions which ever
took place in the good old substantial coun
ty of Putnam.
Disastrous Effects of the Late Rains
and Floods upon the Rick Crop.—The Sa
vannah News and Herald of Monday says:
“ We learn that the recent heavy rains and
the floods in the rivers and creeks consequent
thereon have hadja very disastrous efiectupon
the rice crops. A few weeks ago it was
thought that the crop would be very heavy
this season; but within the week just past
one-third of the crop raised along the Sa
vannah, Ogeechee and Altamaha rivers has
been destroyed, and the floods are not yet
over. This will materially lessen the esti
mates which have been formed of the amount
of rice which would be raised this year.
“The amount of damage done has been
carefully calculated. It Is placed very low,
perhaps, as the destruction is going on every
<aay now. The floods have been greater this
year than they bave been known to before
■many years, and the damage they have done
thus far is very great. We hope that the rice
planters will come off better than they anti
cipate, but things look gloomy at present.
John Quincy Adams at Columbia last Mon
day, as telegraphed from that point to the
Charleston Courier. A great curiosity is ex
pressed to see it in full, and we regret that
the press of advertising matter compels us to
use such small type. The speech is worthy
not only of reading, but of careful study.
It gives us the opportunity to measure our
own views, opinions and feelings, by the
most enlightened Northern ideas, and to
trace the increasing difficulties and em-
barrasments of the last three yesrs to
their moral and intellectual causes.
We can see where we have misjudged and
the natural effect of the misjudgment; and
wherein our efforts at self-protection have
brought on us increased misfortune and trou
ble. We can see what have been the mistakes
in this very Presidential election, and how it
might probably have been shaped to a suc
cessful issue. The speech is, in fact, a store
house of useful information upon points
which concern the past, present and future
of the South. We discover in the light of it
just what views control the North and just
what views will be carried out by the moral
and material forces of the Northern Govern
ment onrl people, vvicn our consent or against
our consent—no matter (as to the mere fact)
whether one ; way or the other—for we are
helpless. Our situation as portrayed by the
speech, is Eadand humiliating; hut that it is
the true one, we have no manner of doubt.
In State government or out of State govern
ment, we are obliged to conform to Northern
ideas; even in our local and domestic arrange
ments, and this is the upshot of the matter.
We leave the speech, therefore, to the diges
tion of the reader. It is a hard pill to swallow,
bat no man can say it is not a clear utterance.
HIS SPEECH IN FULL.
Columbia, October 12.
The grand rally of the Democratie l>»rty at this
place to-day, proved a success, far more gratifying
than even the most sanguine had anticipated. From
early morning until the hour at which the public
meeting was convened, all the roads leading into this
city, were blocked up with vehicles of every descrip
tion. bringing in the supporters of Seymour and Blair,
to do honor to the occasion and its distinguished
guest*. From all the public buildings, and the
favorite places of resort, such as the Phoenix office,
Palmer's and Polock’s, flags were displayed, whilst
the streets were crowded with old men and young,
wearing the badges of the Democratic party.
The speeches were delivered in the park, and
amongst those who occupied the stand were General
Wade Hampton, ex-Governor Zebulon B. Vance, of
North Carolina, General A. C. Garlington. ex-Gov-
emorB. F. Ferry, Col. J. P. Thomas, Major James
P. Gibbes, Col. L. D. Childs, and other distinguished
gentlemen.
The enthusiasm was very great, no such demonstra
tion ever having been witnessed in this city.
Mr. Adams wa3 introduced by General Hampton,
and said:
AjV Fellaic-Citizens of South Carolina; I have come
to speik to you here to-day, from my distant home in
Massachusetts, at the earnest request of your State
Central Executive Committee, to consult with you
upon the living principles of our free institutions and
in the hope that our meeting may, in somo degree,
however small, tend to promote a better understand
ing, a kinder feeling and ultimate harmony, between
the mas3of white people here and a very large por
tion of the people of the North, and especially of our
State. And I am here, also, to learn from your own
lips your wishes and intentions upon questions cf pub
lic policy, which must nearly affect you. You, also,
have, perhaps, been told that I am a grandson of ono
of the earliest opponents of your peculiar institution-
and I will tell you that I was an ardent, though hum
ble supporter of Mr. Lincoln, a hearty friend of his
administration, always in favor of an energetic pros
ecution of the war, while it lasted, and that I hailed
with profound gratitude the abolition of slavery. I
had long regarded it as a most dangerous clement in
our Federal polity, and certain at some time to jeop
ardize the existence of the Union and the authority
of the Constitution. Sooner or later the conflict be
tween the two systems of labor, the free labor of the
North, and the slave labor of the South, was sure to
come. It did ceme, and has passed away with terrible
suffering and convulsion, and now the South, cast
down, bleeding, faint and almost despairing, looks
vainly for the sign of promise in her dark horrison.—
Y’ou ask each other in vain what shall wo do, where
can we go, whence cometh our salvation?
I will tell you frankly, my friends, at tho outset,
that I believe your redemption must be by your own
act; that your fate is in your own hands at least. I
do not mean to deny that your condition from time to
time may be favorably or injuriously influenced by
the fluctuations of the great political fight at the
North, but I suspect that your permanent welfare
will mainly depend upon the power you may develop
now to grasp firmly and embrace sincerely the funda
mental principles of our Government as settled by
the war: a constitutional Democracy. That princi
ple seems to me a recognition of the equal rights of
all mer. under the law, stated as broadly as possible;
the right of every man to think, sqmak and act as ho
wishes, provided he does not by so doing infringe the
equal rights of his neighbor. I do not regard politi
cal privileges as rights in this sense at all. Tho gen
eral welfare of the community must regulate their
distribution.
' This is all very well you will say, but it offers no
present and practical solution of our difficulties; it is
very much like telling ainan who is suffering terribly
from intemperance that his only permanent cure must
come from an adherence to the laws of health. And
I agree to that view of it. W e are suffering now terri
bly, both North and Soatb, from political intemper-
tion acts. The same madness ruled the hour whioh
has already wrought your ruin. Yonr leaders could
not brook theii threatened fate in the Union. Ours
could not po.-t(ione for a moment their promised for
tune. It seems to he that if you trace out theprocess
it is ultimately.the same in the one case as the other.
It was in both cases wbat I bave ealied political in
temperance. Neither party had faith enough in their
cause or their fellow-citizens, or patience enough in
would not trust the question of slavery to the people
under the Constitution, and we are guilty of it now
when we will not restore the Union under the Consti
tution, because we distrust tho people.
What is needed in the first place is moderation,
calmness, and a habit of patience in politics. We are
inclined to be impulsive, headlong, desperate, in our
desires. Waiting and watching, relying upon slow
but sure processes, has never been very popular with
any people of oar race, and is peculiarly distasteful to
us. But. my fellow-citizens, this disagreeable disci
pline is. in my judgment, precisely the training we are
all of us most in need ot, and I think it essential to
your happy deliverance.
Let us come down to the actual facts of your case,
and try to look at them together, calmly, dispassion
ately and without prejudice. It is always foolish to
deceive ourselves, and in your case, to mislead jou
knowingly, would be acrimo. I shall, therefore, speak
with perfect frankness and plainness.
You began the war down here at Sumter, under a
claim of right to defend yourselves as an independent
State which had exercised a reserved right to secede
from the Union, and I take it that no one denies that
the cause cf that aotion was the apprehended danger
The highest rent paid for a dwelling house
in Chicago is $10,000.
Gen. Lee gets a salary of $3000 a year as
President of the Washington College.
■ Ex-President Pierce has so far recovered
Ilia health that he is able to ride about.
Hon. Robert C. Winthrop is back from
Europe, and addressed the Massachusetts
Historical Society on Thursday.
_Tnr Mahoney, of St. Louis, applies for a
divorce because his wife has been drunk for
dix consecutive weeks.
The Detroit papers say that an Eastern
agent sold three bales of “ Grecian bend har
ness” in that city last week.
An Englishman, resident in London,
boaatg of having killed twenty-five elephants
in the last two years.
•Got. Clayton, of Arkansas, accidentally
•dbot himself in the wrist, the other day. The
band has been amputated.
An English Dogberry bas sent a woman to
prison and hard labor for twenty-one days,
for taking a sprig of lavender from an open
gardea.
E. C. Chatman and Henry Mitchell went
to Gnilford pond fishing some time since.—
They fished four hours with worm bait, and
caught two hundred perch, roach and pick
erel, all of large size.
There will probably be ten Quakers in the
next British House of Commons. Among
them are two Brights, Charles Gilpin, Ed
ward Blackliouse and William Salter.
Thebe were forty-two Bishops present at
the opening of the Triennial Episcopal Con
ference in New York. Bishop Chase, of
New Hampshire, was absent on accout of ill-
health.
BEECHER AS A SHOWMAN.
Rev. Henry Ward Beecher appeared on
the boards of the Brooklyn Academy of Mu
sic last Friday in the grand play of The Re
morseless Demagogue, in which he sustained
fhe chief part with tremendous eclat, and
disclosed not merely histrionic abilities of the
highest order, but a degree of proficiency in
scenic effect and the tricks of the stage, re
markable in a mere amateur. His entrance
upon the stage, and the scenes which followed
are elaborately described in the New York
Herald of next morning, from which we take
the following, in proof that Henry Ward will
yet distance Artemus, his namesake, in all
the qualities of a showman, whether of
wax, or painted “Aggers.” Says the Herald
The speaker was preceded by Mr. Ed
win A. Studwell, who, on reaching the ros
strum, introduced Mr. Beecher by a bow, and
retired. At this moment, and while the
plandits were loudest and warmest, a scene
was presented, filling up the whole back of
the stage, which had the effect of continuing
the cheers, the waving of handkerchiefs, ancl
the general applause. The scene presented
in the background the Executive Mansion at
Washington; the White House, with two
monoliths, one on either side. On that on
the right sat General Grant, excellently por
trayed, his left arm resting on the Executive
chair, and looking toward the figure on the
opposite side. Beneath the General was an
upright figure of liberty; pointing with her
right band to Grant, and looking with men
ace and disdain at the figure on the opposite
pillar—Mr. Seymour, who was portrayed as
a defeated candidate for the Presidency, and
betraying all the passionate disappointment
of the occasion. Seymour sat under a gas
lamp, from which a nigger hung suspended
by the neck, while on his left were seen the
flames of burning mansions, and all the evi
dences of mob riot.
In 1866 there were in Paris 1,800,000 per
sons. Of these lj098,000 were born out of
Paris. Workmen and families amount to
■740,000; servants and doorkeepers, 216,000
students, 17,000; and vagabonds, 50,000.
The highest mine in the world is a silver
(nine, and that is that of Potosi, in the Andes
The Largest advertising contract given
out in 1868, and probably the largest ever
given to one advertising firm at one time, is
that of the proprietor of Plantation Bitters
to Geo. P. Rowell,& Co., Advertising Agents,
No. 40 Park Row, New York, on the 18lh of
September, for $143,776 26.
Messrs. P. H. Drake & Co., have for years
been among the largest, if not the largest, ad
vertisers in America, and the contract men
tioned above is but a small part of their ex
penditure in this way for the present year.—
It is ODly those who have tried printers’ ink
most extensively that are so firmly convinced
of its efficacy.
The Advertising Agency which is sending
out this order is another example. It com
menced bnsiness less than five years since
and the fact that it now controls a greater ad
vertising patronage that any similar establsh-
ment, is without doubt to be attributed to
their having expended more money in adver
tising themselves and their facilities within
to slavery from the result of the election of 1S60. You
foueht for your side of the controversy for four years,
with a desperate determination and courage, until at
last you were compelled by the fato of battle to sur
render. You had allied yourselves with other seceded
States and formed a Confederacy, which claimed an
equal rank among the nations. You proclaimedslave-
ry its corner stone. In tho stress of conflict as a war
measure justified by the emergencies, and as a means
of distressing you, your slaves were proclaimed freo.
The North insisted that no State could secede under
the Constitution, and that the whole proceeding on
the part of the Sonth was an insurrection of a portion
of the people of the seceding States. It is far from my
intention to revive old controversies or reopen settled
disputes, but I must state the facts to bring us to our
present position.
You claimed to be a sovereign State, and on your
showing, were, by the laws of war. subject to any
terms the victor might impose. It did not lie in your
mouths, therefore, to demand any rights in the Union
thiul hrohAn.'** »oy immunity from «bc CODSO-
quence of yonr own acts under the Constitution you
had renounced. If we were to accept yeurown theory
of action, you were alien enemies, and your land con
quered territory, and so subject to the naked laws of
war alone. Eut the North had always denied every
one of your propositions, had insisted that you were
never out of tho Union, that your resolutions of seces
sion were simply void, that you could not cease to be
citizens of the United States by any such process, and
that of course yon were liaHe when taken, to the
pains and penalties of perjury. To be sure this theory
was necessarily infringed a little, in practice, as in
respect to the exchange of prisoners, and the obser
vance of the same laws of warfare, that obtain be
tween independent States Still this was the accepted
faith. The war was to subdue an insurrection,
not to conquer a nation: you were defeated rebels
not vanquished alien enemies, and the Union was re
established. not extended over your territory. It was
upon this theory that the Government of the United
States proceeded at first, to renew what were
called the practical relations of the States to
the Union, and yon gladly accepted this view of the
case, and did all in your power to resume your vacant
place. Now, it has always seemed to me that you,
by your acts at that time, gave all the proof in your
power that you abandoned the principles for which
you fought, accepted the decision of your wager of
battle, and bowed to the supremacy of the Constitu
tion. Yon were offered, and you ratified, an amend
meat to that instrument, absolutely and toreverabol
isbiDg slavery. You manifested, so far as I have been
able to see, a disposition to take us on our terms, and
renounce oil yon had fought for: pay in full the stake
for whichyou played and lost. To besure you had no
choice, and you could not then have complained if you
had been treated for what you claimed to be—alien
enemies; but you might have been sullen, and refused
to do anything. You did the best that you could do,
as I have always thought; and. I think, the North
would bave done the very best that she could do to
have taken you back in tne fine temper in which Gen.
Grant reported he found you at that time. I do not
know, yonr people here may be different from an
people I have ever seen, or known, or read of: but _
think it would have been best to have then taken you
cordially by the band, told you that we believed your
promises, accepted your word of honor, and that by
gones should be bygones.
Besides, I think that we were in good faith bound
after you had acceded to our terms and acted upon
them, when offered by an authority which you be
lieved, and I still believe, was adequate to act bind
ingly in the premises, to complete the transaction.
Much as yon were interested in onr doing so, I think
the North was even more se. I think it would have
restored the Union with the least shock to its frame
work, and with the least possible strain to the Const!
tntion. Congress, however, interfered, tore asunder
once more the knitting fracture, because they averred
the cure would never be tairand sound by the process,
and adopted another. Their first attempt was the
fourteenth amendment, which they offered ycu as a
dose preparatory to readjustment. But it was not
stated to be final, and there was much controversy at
the North as to your reasons for rejecting it. If it was
good for all must eventually result,
Fou have suffered the penalty of yourintemperance,
and you are feeling its effects bitterly to-day. we. too,
if I am not verrmuch mistaken, have a day of reckon
ing instore for us; a painful sobering from ourdebauch.
If we persist, it is impossible for any tolerable Govern
ment to continue long, for it will degenerate into a
mere squabble of con’ending factions for a chance to
oppress for a time their less active or less numerous
you can see clearly enough to-day where your
interests lie. If you invoke the Constitution, it is not
hard to fitd the reason. You need most terribly just
that protecting medium interposed between you and
the governing majority. A Constitution is meant for
just that: to mitigate and distribute the blows of ma
jorities. Some day, I have no doubt, we shall see in
Massachusetts tho merits of its operations as clearly as
you do now. But I fear it will not be until wo are in
a minority, and look in vain for the shield we throw
away to ward somo threatening blow.
But toytu, my friends, this necessity is pressing, is
overbearing—something you must have, you think, or
perish. New without going so far as that, I believe
that the veiy best thing foryou to try to get back is the
Constitution of the United States. Now you are sub
stantially prisoners of war, held by military force, and
liable, at any time, to furiherorders from themajority.
I do not intend to speak disrespectfully of your State
Government,and 1 would especially urge the utmost
obedience to jour tie facto rulers, but I tako it that it
would not bo long insisted upon here if it was under
stood that theNorib took no manner of interest in it.
You want the original principles of Union restored,
the right of ttB States to manage their own domestic
affairs without the interference of the General Gov
ernment, and die manifold checks and balances, and
distributions (f powers, which our ancestors desired
readjusted, anl I agree with you, that it is your only
practicable escape from your jail, which Radicalism
North and Sorih has made ot your good old State, so
far as you are concerned, and this brings us to thekey
of our discussicgi—how can this be done?
IVhy how did it happen to need be done. I mean
the last and proximate causo of your present unpro
tected condition. It was, as I think, mainly because
tho extreme, impatient and fanatical portion of the
governing party were enabled i artly in consequence
of Mr. Lincoln’s death, and partly by the indiscretion
of the South to overpower the calmer and more moder
ate men in the party, and wield its whole force against
the suffrage clause which decidod your action, I think,
looking at it from your position, you were wrong. If
you could not swallow tne clause requiringyou to dis
qualifyyour leaders,my heart tellsmeyouworeright.
I hope I shall never li3p one word of reproach against
any man who refused to go back from his cbosen fore
most men at such a time. But at any rate its sub
mission to you showed that thus far Congress stuck to
the Northern theory of the contest.
But next came ai entire change of base, and Con
press abandoned the Northern view of matters entire
ly, and thns, late in the day, came over to the view
you had been beaten out of, as the more tenable posi
tion of the two. They took upyour old ground and
insisted that you were, after all, alien enemies, your
country conquered territory, yourselves prisoners of
war and your rights, of every kind, forfeited. This is
at the bottom the meaning of the Reconstruction acts
under which you now live. They are based on con-
? |uest and theright ofthe victor in international war-
are.' I do not think that this was, upon a compre
hensive view of the general and permanent welfare
of the whole people, a generous, a wise or aconstitu-
tional step to take. Bnt it has been taken, an i now
we come to the difficulties of our position. As things
do in fact stand, what is best for us to do? How can
we best modify or remedy existing evils? The case
would be puzzling at the best, but the introduction
of the element of universal negro suffrage perplexes
it tenfold.
Then it is complicated by a multitude of conflicting
theories, prejudices and passions, here as well as in
the North and the circumstances of a peculiar polit
ical excitement attending a Presidential election, in
which this very question of yonr proper status, is the
vital issue, render it well nigh impossible to arrive
at satisfactory conclusions,
Tho best consideration, however, which I have been
ablo to give to the subject has led me to some conclu
sions which I offer with great diffidence, but in entire
rood faith. I propose to escape from our difficulties
)y reversing the process that brought us into them.
TV hen you appealed to arms to decide a disputed ques
tion of constitutional construction and set tho fate of
slavery upon the ordeal of battle.you took, as it seems
to me, the first irrevocable false step. Yon refused to
abide by the decision of the tribunal provided by the
Constitution, and you would not accept the verdict of
the people, rendered under the constitutional form
when advene to yon. The barriers which had been
provided for just such an emergency, jou in heatand
impatience threw aside. No written Constitution can
of.Peru, It is situated 11,875 feet above the s a Wlthin
surface of the ocean. The deepest mine in the tocethcr abiM *&*&*'*+•MOfirwiS W-ind”bfi bi
It is the so-called new 1 t0 S e ^* ler i Since the establishment of the first Obliged to suffer a dreaded ill. But the passions
a aiieu new j flm >n/vtr « nn„t» or — —which the slavery agitation caused were too fierce for
world is a salt mine. „, 0 . _ .
Selzwerk in Westphalia, and is 2050 feet be- ■ a ^ enCY a < l uarter of a century since,
low the surface of the ocean.
a .... _ : Fire.—About 4 o’clock, Wednesday mom-
Amono the patents recently granted in ing last, the residence of Mr. P. R. Stanfield.
FOnno «o Ann fnr a AoHnw ____ S _x* it.; ia_ _. _ .• _ _ _ “
France is one for a strong coffer, .the pecu- I of this city, was entirely consumed by fire*,
lunty of which seems to be that if fraudu- with all the furniture and clothing ofthefam-
leotijr opened it will kindle a Bengal light, | ily. Mr. 8. and family barely had time to
brBhant enough to assemble a multitude,'escape from the building so close Were the
■rkn swill nemlu Kaiiawa Snat a lxaiisa Set m— .
rho will firmly believe that a bouse is on J flames upon them when discovered. Sumter
lire. ‘ • • 7 Republican.
possibly be made strong enough in itself to restrain
the people nnless they themselves are calm and wise
enough to sec, even in their hottest moments, even
when the temptation to grasp a coveted object, or se
cure a threatened end is most overwhelming, that in
the long run and upon a balance of contingencies,
they will be happier by observing scrupulously their
self-imposed limits. They may have to lose or defer
argument, too impatient for the tedious process oi
The second step was taken by ns when we broke
from President Linccln’s calm, peaceful and constitu
tional wav, and dashed oar mad career, in our turn,
through the organic law. Mr. Lincoln’s mind was le
gal and moderate, and he moved carefully, in a well
considered way. Mr. Sumner's mind is theoretical
and extreme, and very impatient of restraint. He
must leap instantly to his end, even if the Heavens
fall, and apon him eventually fell the mantle ot lead
er of the Republican party, and to hia inspiration
more, than to asy other man is due the Reconstruc-
Now, I know that it is likely that many of you may
feel a general and indiscriminate detestation of the
Republican party, involving the whole array in the
denunciations which you would like to launch at their
accredited leaders.
Now, gentlemen, this feeling is not unnatural, and
it is one ofthe worst resultsofthebadgevernmentyou
suffer, that it makes men feel so. It fosters a blind in-
discriminating enmity to its rulers among its subjects:
but in your case it is very unwise to indulge it, and it
is very unjust to a litrgo sectioa of that party. _Tbere
are hosts of wise, calm, kind and honest men in that
party; there aro multitudes who feci no moreunkind-
nos3 to you than 1 do: there are many thousands who
deprecate and deplore the course which hus been taken
in dealing with jou; a majority of that party, as I
hope and trust, love the Constitution as well as 1 do,
nnd regret its infraction as deeply as I do, but yet they
can see do alternative but 13 go with it to-day.
The truth is that distrust, suspicion, fear, has more
to do with your sorry nliglt than anger or malice. I
have not always thought se, hut I have thought so of
late. There was certainly a feeling of soreness, a ris-
incofthe gorge, at the thought of the reappearance of
yourold leaders in conspicuous places; bntthestrong-
cst cards which the Radical leaders had were disbe
lief in your vows of allefiance, want of confidence in
your prefessions respecting slavery, fear for the future
ofthe freedmen, and a deep distrust of your patience
and good conduct in such matters ns free discussion,
forbearance with difference of opinion, and the right
of unmolested travel »r settlement among you. Per
haps you are aware how gravely such doubts and fears
have compromised your case, But it may be whole
some, if distasteful, to review their widespread opin
ions a little in detail. >
Of course noihingconid tend more simply to justify
the severe measures of the Republican party toward
you. or secure for them moro surely an indefinite ex
tension of political power, than to be able to persuade
the North, which in the early days of peace was in
clined to place a generous confidence in your profes
sions oi a sincere and absolute acquiescence in the
event of the war, and your purpose to abide in good
faith by the decision, that you were mere dissemblers
and dishonorable perjurers. That youT purpose was
to redeem by hard swearing, what you had lost by
hard fighting, and you yourselves in many cases fur
nished the material for making evidence against your
selves. Part of it was legitimate, and part was very
inferior, but it was all eagerly caught up and unspar
ingly used. If you had been a dangerous and foreign
foe, whose utter destruction was necessary to our
safety, greater pain? could hardly have been taken to
influence the people against you and to close their
hearts to your appeals. I doubt if Cato took more
trouble to show the Roman people that Carthage
must be destroyed—and Punic faith must have been
very bad, indeed, if it was represented to bo worse
than your own. Every hasty word, every natural re
gret, every expression of pride in the memories of the
old campaigning days—every ebullition of beat was
carefully remembered and spread before the North.
If an irresponsible newspaper editor or reporter pub
lished a foolish and inflammatory article, it was in
stantly pounced uponaud scattered all over the North
to shew that the mass of Southern feeling was as re
bellious as eTer. If you made any attempt to take
part in politics, you were beat on revolution. If you
refused- jou were sullenly plotting a new INSURREC
TION. Tho peaceful presence of delegates at the Con
vention in New Vork w.is a plot, and the resolutions
were dictated by you and your nniv nhie.-t was to se
duce the Democratic party into a new war.
These devices, and a thousand moro, have been
used so long anu so well that it is no wonder that
they have produced a very great effect. The person
or paper cited against yo« may have been so obscure
as not to have reached your notice here, or so low as
to preclude serious attention on your part, and the
writer or the sneaker may have garbled or falsified:
it made no difference; the contradiction or disproof
came after the damage was done, and was not pub
lished to the same audience which had seen or heard
the charge made. The antidote was powerless to
reach the poison.
Nor were your intentions respectingsiavery satisfac
tory. It was urged that it bad become so ingrained
that you could not of yourselves refrain from a long
ing for it, and the wish would respond with deeds if
the chance was offered. It wa3 useless to urge your
consent to the Thirteenth Amendment. If you ever
had the powor you would surely denounce your action
therein, as done under duress and void. If one asked
to be shewn some conceivable method by which, under
the circumstances, such a consummation could be
practically carried out, tho only answer was, ’’where
there is a will there is a way.” It was useless to urge
that if slavery was at best an expensive establishment,
it now would be worse than valueless. Nor could the
very men who had always advocated this very fact,
and declared that you were sitting on a powder maga
zine even when your slaves were most isolated, most
ignorant, most goarded and absolutely unarmed, see
that now. when they had tasted freedom, bad been
stuffed with new ideas of their rights, unwatched and
bristling with weapons, any attempt to re-enslave
them would be the act of a madman, who plunges a
flaming torch into the black grains of powder beneath
him. The distrust upon this Bead was mostly fostered
by intrepid statement, and supported by vague but
passionate declamation; but on other cognato sub
ject, your own people furnished weapons which were
used with disastrous effect against you.
I think that universal suffrage was probably forced
upon you when it was und as it was by the vagrant
Iowa wViJaVi aorornl nf VAni* Srtiilhorn
Democratic party. You must bear in mind that yeu,
by you L •* '
yourselves, by your exertions in favor of that party
which seems to you. notunuaturally just nowyour only
means of escape from misery, encourage misunder
standing and inflame suspicion.
In view of all these facts, I do not think you can
look for a candid and tolerably dispassionate review of
your unhappy case-until after the Presidential elec
tion, at least,, and probably not .until some time has
elapsed after it, to allow the fermentation inseparable
from it to subside. The greatest misfortune whioh I
apprehend from delay arises from the tendency of mis-
go v eminent to harden discontent into disaffection, and
exasperate the sense of injury into a sentiment of set
tled resentment. This deplorable result is likely to
happen, nay, it is almost sure to follow, if you do not
summon your utmost patience and fortitude.
I pray you, my friends, to struggle with all your
might against the inroads of discouragement, and the
temptations of despair. If you can muster the endur
ance to wait caimy and labor honestly and heartily
for your redemption, your rewards, if late, will be rich
and abundant. 1 cannot believe that a people which
has shown such power of intense and prolonged exer
tion, as yours did in the war, will be lacking in the
higher quality of patient self-command, especially
when your whole future depends upon it. TVhat else
can you do? The idea of a second appeal to arms is
madness. It is the dream of the suicide alone, which
could induce you,”
“To take arms agaibst a sea of troubles;
And by opposing; ’end them.”
If any of you in the inmost recesses of his heart,
has ever harbored such a thought, banish it at once
nnd forever. Better, ten thousand times better for
yourselves, your wives, your daughters, and for your
country.
“To bear the ills you have
Than fly to others you know not of. 1
As your Committee wisely and truly say. in the let
ter of invitation to me, “The policy of tho South is
peace, it is her only hope, you will see this with your
eyes, and hear it with your ears.” And they are
right. I have seen it with my eyes, and heard it with
my ears, and am persuaded that all this people know
that they are right, and feel as they do upon this
point.
1 fear, also, that the admission of all the negroes in
these States to suffrage, and the exclusion of, sub
stantially, all the leading men ofthe South from a
share in shaping your Constitutions and laws, coming
when it did, and as it did, will seriously aggravate
the difficulties which beset your way back to acheer-
ful and peaceful re-establihsment of mutually satis
factory relations. Taken by itself, I think you might
render it tolerable. With universal amnesty I think
that many of its more alarming features would disap
pear, or bo very much ameliorated. The tendency of
this portion of the reconstructionlpolicy, to encourage
a class of political demagogues, to stir up strife and
ill-feeling Between whites and blacks here,upon which
toCfound their own politicaUfertnnes, is undoubtedly
ont of the gravest defects of the system, in its practi
cal workings. It embitters relations which might be
cordial and must be friendly, if you are to live to-
f ether in peace and prosperity. And here, again,
must urge you to be patient, and, difficult though it
be, to call a little philosophy to your aid. Such a con
vulsion as you have experienced must needs leave a
multitude of lesser ruptures in its train, which require
time more than anything else to readjust. With a
return to constitutional government, I think that
even universal suffrage, supposing it was found neces
sary to let it stand as it is, a choice of evils, for I cer
tainly regard it as an evil at this time and place,
might be made compatible with good order, good gov
ernment and good feeling. Considering the relations
which formerly existed between the two races, and the
great advantage which the wealthy, educated and in
telligent land owner is always found to possess in ag
ricultural communities, I think yon can hardly dep-*
recate or dread competition with adventurous stran
gers upon a fair field of rivalry. Your legitimate and
proper influence, fairly exerted, must prove, in the
long run, more persuasive than that of strangers, who
are lacking in these advantages. At least, this has
been the general experience in other countries. But
in order to secure a lair opportunity even to try the
experiment, it is essential that the dangerous element
of hostility of race, should be kept out of the calcula
tion. If that poison be once firmly fastened upon
your vitals, your political future is desperate, or cura
ble only by an antidote which I cannot contemplate
with calmness.
Next then to peace; I think, you are bound to culti
vate friendly relations with the negroes among you.
Your true interests are identical, and their identity
must, in time, become as apparent as it is demons
trable. You should spare no efforts and no practical
measures in your power to show this clearly, both by
word and deed, to the freedmen. You have no right
to forego the exertion. An honest and manful at
tempt now may save you incalculable mischief by
and by.
I do not see, nor bavo I been able to discover, dur
ing my stay among you, that you do. as yet, cherish
any ill-will to the negro. I have found but one senti
ment of kindness expressed towards him—and why
should it bo otherwise? He was faithful to you in
your years of struggle. He never, when he might,
rose up on your defenceless homes. When you were
at the front he did not free himself. If he is ignorant
it is no fault of his. and it should be your care, as itis
certainly your interest, to instruct him. If, from
ignorance and inexperience, he is liable to be abused
and misled, it is your place to protect and direct him.
Ifheispoor and distressed, it is your duty to help
him if you are able. And all this you know and feel
as well as I do. And on tho other hand, I would say
to the colored men, here at the South, that I entertain
the kindest feelings to them, and feel a very deep
solicitude for theirpermanent welfare and happiness.
In ail sincerity I would tell them that I fear that
their present importance in politics is likely to be
used for purposes which are dangerous to their ulti
mate well being.
As they are situated.a condi tion of permanent aliena
tion and hostility between them and the whites can
only issuo in disastrous results to their eventual pros
perity and progress.
To both whites and blacks I would counsel themost
views are distasteful to you.
I have carefully avoided any attempt to stir your
feelings or arouse your minds. It did not seem to
me an occasion for eloquence, if I had it, or humor if
X felt lte
I am deeply and seriously impressed with the diffi
eulties under whioh you labor and the changes which
threaten onr system of government, and I hope I
have spoken seriously. Whatever may oome of it I
Shall feel amply rewarded if by any chance Imay have
turned one heart to a calm, patient, earnest, honest
AlTAWt (a VAeme m A (a • fl 12ma iL. -..1. a« a
* a ? i “ emu*, pticui,, esnim, nonest
effort to forward, so far as in it lies, the restoration of
the Constitution and the Union.
Reception of Gen. Howell Cobb’s Remains.
THE BODY SENT TO ATHENS BT SPECIAL TRAIN.
The steamer San Salvador, from New York, having
on board the remains of the late Gen. Howell Cobb,
arrived at this city early yesterday morning. The
May was in an air-tight casket, securely closed up in
a large wooden box’. Not haring been embalmed
S revious to being sent South, it had been kept on ice
oth before and during the voyage. Still, it is hardly
possible that it will be in fit condition to be seen on
arrival at the old home of deceased, at Athens. Ga.
President Wadley. of the Central Railroad, having . 0 ~, _ ulrrt _
tendered a special train for the immediate forward- drawn bv six macmifit>pnt m, ) Ca Were e2 f h
mg of tho remains, they were not kept in Savannah uT.' "i magnincent mul es
any longer than was absolutely necessary. two, and accomnaniprl
At half past nine o’clock in the morning the mem
bers of the Bar of Savannah, who had assembled at
•he Court House, marched down to tho steamer’s
wharf in a body. Here they were met by His Honor
Mayor Anderson, and Aldermen Gue, Burroughs,
Hunter, v illalonga and Sims, who had come in an in
formal manner as representatives ofthe city, to show
respect to the noble dead. As the corpse was carried
off the steamer and across the wharf to the handsome
hearse provided for its reception, the city authorities,
members of the bar and citizens formed in line and sa
luted it.
The body having been placed in the hearse, the
procession formed in the rear of that vehicle, the
Mayor and Aldermen at the head of the line, followed
by the members of the Bar and citizens. In this
order the procession moved up the Bay to West Broad
street, and the.ee to the Central Railroad Depot.—
As it passed along the street, the people came out and
gazed at the “cortege;” and it was hard to realize
that inside the rough box which enclosed the coffin,
lay the body of one who was once the glory and pride
of the State; whose clarion voice and matchless elo
quence hadstirred the souls of the masses, and who
had wielded an immense influence in the Common
wealth.
.On the arrival at the depot no time was lost in pla
cing tne body on board tho train, which consisted of
an engine and three cars. The corps was laid in the
ear car. At tho depot the body was again saluted
y those present as it was carried past them.
At about twenty-five minutes to eleven o’clock the
train moved off, and soon was lost to sight. Those
who had followed the remains turned and went away, H
and Savannah had paid her last tribute of respect to shortly after followed bv T ,
the memory of one whom her citizens delighted to ro a„ „i„;„ i„ i- IBree Infants;
honor in the days which are gone. rather Dlain-lonkinw AbilAm. -e -
Mr. G. J. Foreacre came on from New York in
charge of the remains, and received every assistance
and courtesy from Captain Nickerson and the officers
and crew of his vessel. Major J. Lamar Cobb, eldest
son of the deceased, and Mr. Foreacre left here on the
train, to accompany the body to Athens. Word was
received that a delegation from the Bar of Macon, of
which Gen. Cobb was a member, would be in waiting
at Millen, to go on in the train and attend thefuneral n . tinnc ,
ceremonies. Mrs. Cobb, widow of the General, and ciass ®= ana nations—French, En»Iisb
his daughter. Miss M. A. Cobb, who were in New German, Basque and Spanish • thsv n-.C ,
York with him, retnrnedhome from there by rail- — 1 >—- -— -. , ’ were al-
oad.
A Heavy Bank Suit In Savannah.
We take the following from the Savannah
Morning News of the 25th:
forbearing and patient consideration for each other.
Your cases aredifficultcnough at best—for God’s sako
do not make them hopeless by needless misunder
standing, or anger, or ill blood. I think that even if
you were free to do 03 you liked, a wise policy would
nictate the education and gradual enfranchisement of
tho negroes as last as they were fit for it. No free
people can afford to perpetuate ignorance among its
people, for ignorance is its internecine enemy. Nor
do I think that any statesmanlike policy in a Repub
lic can suffer any permanent exclusion of any class of
its citizens from a share in the Government ofthe
Commonwealth. I know we have had movements at
the North, looking to some such policy in regard to
foreigners, as many sincere men now are urging upon
you in reference to the negro. The cry of “America
for Americanshas been as load and more popular
than the shout that “This is a tchtle man’s Govern
ment.” I can adopt neither, and I beg you not to be
tin '■■■■■
tempted by your present evils to make the latter your
J FJ -,
political Shibboleth. Be far seeing and generous
enough to take a loftier stand and see this broad land
to be therefugo of the oppressed of all nations and of
all races and colors, where the civil rights are re
spected and an interest in the common Government
is conceded as soon as a due regard to the safety and
good order of all will permit. Notbingcan be a more
fruitful source of discontent and disturbance than the
existence among you of a caste hopelessly excluded
from political privileges.
My friends, I am tresspassing upon your kindness.
laws which several of your Southern Legislatures
passed soon after the close of the war. They were in
stantly caught up at the North and constantly paraded
to prove that you were determined to restore slavery
in the person of hersister, enforced servitude for pov
erty, or if not that, yet it showed that you were unfit
to be left iu charge of the freedmen.
Now, there are, doubtless, great difficulties in the
problem which this vast, ignorant, and from want of
education and training, frequently thriftless and va
grant population, presented to you for solution, The
embarrassments are more apparent to you on tho spot,
than to those unfamiliar with the surrounding and
preceding circumstances. But admitting, for ths sake
of my argument, that the lnws were needful, humane
and wi3e, they were exceedingly inopportune and un
fortunate for you. The North was naturally exceed
ingly sensitive on this point. The slaves had been
manumitted by us for our own ends; and if we left
them exposed to yonr anger, caprice or vengeance, it
would, indeed, be an indellible stain upon our shield.
We had become guardians of the freedmen, and we
must be faithful toour trust. The most calm and mo
derate men were r.s clear as the loudest and mos:
noisy, that it was an undoubted obligation on our
part to secure, by all means in our power, their se
curity and happiness. It bad long been urged that it
was impossible to ensure that safety for the blacks
among you, except by arming him with the franchise :
and your vagrant laws added the practical proof
which was alone needed to clinch the theoretical de
duction.
Again, it was vehemently assevervated and shown,
by innumerable letters from all kinds of people,
that, in their opinion, it would bo impossi
ble lor a man, holding strong Northern principles
about slavery and the war, to come down here and
speak freely, or travel, without molestation and an
noyanee, or settle here with safety. It was snid that
free speech was dangerous.open discussion prohibited,
or allowed only under protest and persecution for
>olitical opinion was universal. It is very generally
>elieved by us that if you had your own way you
would endure no contradiction and tolerate no dis
sent, and it is published every day that evennow the
negro voter is treely coerced by you fo vote against
his convictions. My purposo is not to discuss the jus
tice of these charges or their validity, but to state
them to you clearly, to shew theprocess which has
aided in fixing your present condition.
Whether they were true or false, the fact, that they
were used as the most potent engines to build up and
sustain a public oi inion which could sanction and
support the Reconstruction acts, discovers, at once,
that a general belief in their truth was, at all events,
considered, by tho Radical leaders, essential to their
purpose. *
A determination never toyield to us peaceable pos
session of th’e fruits of the war is the crime for which
you are now suffering politically. This is the persua
sion that you must overcome before you can have
peace. For the North is determined, I believe, to re
tain and establish, as the legitimate results of the
war, these general positions, with all the logical con
sequences necessary for their convenient enjoyment:
.1st. The utter renunciation of the doctrine of seces
sion.
2d. The entire extirpation of slavery and its family.
3d. A fair and unhampered career for the freed
men.
but upon a subject so broad as the one we are consid
ering to-day, it is impossible to bo concise. Your re
lations to the political parties at the North have a
very important bearing upon your fate, at all events,
just now, and demand careful meditation. Most of
you, doubless, regard the success of the Democratic
party as essential to your escape from your present
situation: but it is my duty to remind you that men
in your position have no right to be bigoted parti
sans. You must, of course, feel a deep interest in
the success of those who espouse your cause, and
you may properly exertalllegitimate infiuenceto pro
mote their success; but you ought not to shut the door
to aid from any source. I have already deprecated
unreasonable and undistinguishing hostility to the
Republican party. I would now warn you against an
absolute and exclusive devotion to any party. If the
Democracy succeed in electing their candidates you
will be subjected to temptations as trying as the de
mand upon your sufferance may prove incase Gen.
Grant is chosen. Hasty, ill considered, passionate
or violent action in the event of Democratic success
would be almost sure, in the end, to turn to your dis
comfiture and render your last estate worse than the
first, and yet it will require a good deal of self-com
mand to control the reaction from this depression.
But the country, in that event, will be so severely
divided and so greatly excited, thatasmallthicgmay
induce a terriblo catastrophe. On the other hand, in
(A nf* llpyi Dront’a olonhnn waii veil ha nnlla.l nn
We have several times alluded to a suit brought
against the Stockholders of the Merchants’ and
Planters’ Bank by parties holding its notes for
amounts called for on the face of the same. As the
matter is necessarily a public one, it can do no harm
to present its principal features, which will be of in
terest to our readers.
In November, 1867, GeorgeW. Hatch,ofNew York,
Scott, Zerega & Co., ofNew York, Frisbie A Roberts,
of New York, and Wm. H. Marsb, of Cincinnati,
Ohio, in a suit in the United States Circuit Court, ob
tained judgmentl for the amount of the notes held by
them. Execution was issued, and the return made
thereon that no property could be found upon which
to levy. And now come the plaintiffs and file a bill
in equity, claiming judgment against the stocKhold-
ers ofthe Bank, who. by a clause in its charter, be
came liable personally for its debts to the extent of
stock held by them.
There are two distinct suits, one of which will be the
more interesting of the two, from thenature ofthe ac
tion. The plaintiffs aver that there are certain parties
who did not pay in the full value of the stock which
they held; that this unpaid stock became a debt due
to the Bank, and should have been included in the as
signment of its effects, which it was not; that this
money really belonged to the Bank, and that the de
fendants should be compelled to pay it in. They there
fore bring this suit in Chancery to compel the defend
ants to pay the sums still due on the stock which they
held.
The News gives a list of the parties and
adds:
Queen Isabella at St. SewT - "
25) ‘orregponrf^^** 8 ’
« of the j) a| ,
As I was walking along the bennuc < *
enade which forma & crescent tionw hF 0 " 1 ’
I perceived a large body of sentrii
house of no great pretensions, whiri,
the corner of an uncompleted terrace j”*
discovered that this was the
dence of her Most Catholic MaieRtT?* ,* s i~
IL—a great change from the vast p 4
with a jow of windows in each a "® dho ^-.
somewhat resembling a lodsinJ at >!
second rate hotel. There is a S CO u t f ° Dss *
den, m front of it; the ro^. r 8*r-
separate it from the sea. a a ? 8e
of the royal servants, in their j®° 5r
liveries, were standing on the d?oc - e
crowd was gradually collects in P V ad *
« ^ich
by two, and accompanied bv
riders, drove slowly up to ° E! '
had little doubt tha’t the royal w?'I
going out for a drive this fine after™.
that I should have a good onnnr. 3, s:d
seeing them. Meanwhile seveffi v ^ 05
by hack carriages drove up to ti, .
from which gentlemen in cocked , . ^
unexceptionable black coats and ww* J:d
vats descended, and were ushered i 0 *'
palace—if it may so be called—to l tb8
terviews with the sovereign. reia ‘
were constantly passing to and f o ’D’
royal flunkeys, in long dark-blue coa£ J 1 '
son facings and scarlet stocking
away the time as all Spaniards drJ.v
their cigarettes, almost in the prU?.. ?
royalty. At last the drums be4Tt > of
and the standeard-bearers raised'thrir!
the footmen were all on the alert r .Ti?>
Prince of the Asturias—a plain sicklrf'v*
ing boy of eleven, though he did „« b"
more than eight or nine-appeartd id*
Bteps, accompanied by his
and entered one of the carriages.
rather plain-looking childreu, of fiSS
to four years of age, simply dressed in “hit
who, with two governesses, occupied k
next carrage. Two unattractive-loot!™
ladies, one of whom was bv manv mistS?
for the Queen, next followed. ’ ' taksn
Meanwhile, quite a crowd had assembledof
all classes and «»♦*— «—* - euot
The above is an entirely separate and independent
action, to compel the parties above named to pay the
amounts stated in the list as unpaid. If they are
held liable far this, then comes the other suit, on the
common law side ofthe Court, in which claim is
brought against them for the whole amount of the
stock, both paid and unpaid. In this last action there
are over one hundred other defendants, who were
stockholders, and who paid in foil for their stock.
The whole amount involved, principle, interest,
damages and costs, reaches half a million of dollars.
Judge W. Dougherty, of Atlanta, and A. W. Stone,
nf thij pity, »ro attorneys for the plaintiffs. The
defendants will probably have some of the most
eminent legal talent to be obtained, to carry on their
cause.
iowed to keep up quite close to the carnal
-the soldiers not interfering to keen them
back. Her most Catholic Msjesfv is no o i-
ously unpunctual; she kept her carriage Jit
ing at least an hour and a half and til! i 0D *
after the rest ofthe royal park had driven
away. At last she appeared, accompanied bv
her husband and her uncle, Don Sehast'an
The drums beat of course, and the soldiers
presented arms. The foreign portion oi th»
crowd respectfully raised their hats, but not
a cheer was raised, or anv mark of svmpathv
shown for Her Majesty-indeed. a few h:=4
were distinctly heard.
The Queen is a stout, portlv-lookinw wo
man ot about forty. She has a p’.easatt,
good-natured face, and was conversing &£
bly with those around her; her countenstce
and manner certainly betraved no anxiety
as to her own future or that of her countrv.
She has a remarkably awkward, rollio?
walk. The King, her husband, who repeat
edly bowed to the crowd, is a quiet, gentle
manly-looking man, of not very intellectual
appearance. However, he doe's not, in his
countenance betray that imbecility of which
he is accused. The Queen gave more a sort
of familiar nod to the crowd than a bow.
Don Sebastian, her uncle, in whose house she
is staying, sat in the carriage opposite to
their Majesties. He is a venerable and par
ticularly pleasant-looking gentleman.
Presbytery of Macon, Georgia.
The autumnal meeting of this Presbytery bas been
held during the past week at the Mount Tabor
Church, near Americus. under the presidency of the
Rev. S. S. Gaillard, as Moderator.
The large attendance of ministers and elders of the
various churches, has made this one of the most suc
cessful and important meetings ever held by this
Presbytery; and the reports from the churches being
most cheering, and clearly indicating the progress of
the Kingdom of Christ among them, have given it a
most joyous character, for which the body has reason
to be thankful.
The business was opened on the evening of Thurs
day. and a sermon preached by the Rev. David Wills
D.D. of Macon, the retiring Moderator; and themeet-
mgs werecontinuedonFriday, Saturday and Sunday,
and sermons preached each day by different members
of U>e presbyteir, to large audiences. On the morning
of Sunday, the Lord’s supper was commemorated, and
members of all Christian denominations in the neigh
borhood invited with the church there in celebrating
this sacrament. \\ e understand that our fellow cit
izen Mr. W._McKay was admitted a licentiate and
member of this presbytery at this meeting.
The kind and generous hospitality ofthe whole com
munity was freely tendered to the ministers and del
egates of the body, who will ever cherish pleasant
memories of this visit.—Albany Times.
case of Gen. Grant’s election you will be called on to
exercise a while longeryour patience and forbearance.
I am sure it will be rewarded in the end. Idonotbe-
lieve that Gen. Grant is your enemy. I feel sure he
means kindly towards you, and will do justice and
shew mercy in his course to you. A large mass of
Republicans will help you, if you will do your best to
help yourselves. A great majority of all the North
only wait to be sure it is safe to take you cordially by
the hand oace more.
Bide then your time in either event: possess your
souls in patience; call to your aid that grandest of all
human qualities—self-control—and all will yet be
well. This nation has had too much of violence and
headlong baste. You, in particular, have had a
terrible warning against heat and passion. Keep
cool and watch your chance, come whence it will.
Above all things, do nothing to render it more difficult
than it now is for either party to return to a Constitu
tional system. If you favor haste and passion in the
Democratie party, or by impatience strengthen the
hands of the extreme men in tho Republican party,
you equally retard the coming of your only sure
salvation, a re-establishment upon safe aad lasting
foundations of the Templo of Constitutional Liberty
which our forefathers reared.
Keep your eyes fixed steadily upon this as a pole-
star to steer your political course by. Stop your ears
to the blandishments of this temptation of immediate
relief on the one hand, or that seduction of gratified
passion on the other. Summon all your self-restrain
ing manhood, and you shall sail safe between the
Scvlla and CharyBdis which perplex your way.
My friends, I have almost done, and I will detain
you but a few momenta longer, to suggest some
thoughts which, as a citizen ot Massachusetts and a
native ofNew England, have long occupied my mind,
and seem to mo appropriate to this meeting on the
4th, The equal right of every citizen ofthe United
States to travel, speak and live in any State so long
as he does not infringe the rights of others. I do not
believe that any considerable portion of the people
would be willing to sacrifice any part of these
acquisitions. The moat affective outcry against the
Democratic party to-day is that they are willing to
abandon to you some or all of these trophies. If it
were conceded on all hands that you were faithfully/
and unalterably determined, nevor again to struggle
by force or fraud for their restoration, and the bare
question was whether the Constitution should be re
stored, or reconstruction maintained, I think the re
sult would never be in doubt. Thegreat desideratum,
therefore, foryour restoration to constitutional priv
ileges seems to me to be first to deserve and then to
obtain the confidence of our Northern communities
by your acquiescence in good faith in these results of
the war.
Rut you will, doubtless, say “we have deserved it.
and we bave done our best to obtain it, but we have
failed, and we are growing careless and dezperate of
ever securing it, do what we will."
My friends, you must remember that confidence is at
best aplant of very slow growth, and when surrounded
by an atmosphere so hostile as oprs, .the only wonder -
is that it is not killed. You must not forget that we
are in the midst of the most exeiting election ever
held, and that it is the passions of a few, the Interests,
of many, and the business of ^multitude to defeat the
soil of South Carolina. Separated as our States have
been for many years in sentiment, their substantial
interests are very similar. Their material wants and
f iroducts are correla tive, and their popular character-
stics are counterparts. I do not mean by counterpart
that they are alike, but that one is tho supplement of
the other. The one cold, cautious and thoughtful;
he other warm, impulsive and impressionable. Com
bine these qualities, and ycu double their power, by
regulating and economizing their force. Nor need we
look far to foresee their political affiliation in the fu
ture, if all goes well. The policy of the seaboard
States in reference to the groat questions of financial,
industrial and commercial interests which .must in
evitably replace the incidents left by the war as soon
as they are disposed of, can hardly fail to be nearly
related. The next great political division promises to
be one of native sheds, rather than of sections. The
great interior basin can and will, if she likes, dictate
to the outer slopes of the mountains; and they will
need a good understanding among themselves, and a
pretty cordial oo-operation of measures, and a good
strong Constitution, too, to retain and uphold their
present place in the general policy.
Look, too. for a moment at their industry and pro
ducts. We, ofNew England are naturally, and I hope
we shall always be, a shipbuilding, seagoing, commer
cial people, conveying and fishing, ana toiling every
where upon the face of the waters. You produce the
cotton, and rice, and timber, and turpentine, which
we carry and consume. We are deeply interested in
manufactures whioh you desire, while we work up
your raw material with our busy spindles.
I cannot dwell upon details, but if I am at all right
in my ideas, we oan be mutually useful to each other.
But whether this be so or not, there has long been en
mity between us. Let it be so no longer. We have
cherished our dislike, magnified our causes of com
plaint, and brooded over our wrongs. Let us forgive
and forget.
With slavery, its cause, let all ill feeling cease. Let
us be friends and brothers onoe more, as our forefath
ers in the grand old days of the revolution were before
us. In the name ot that common beroio ancestry, by
tbe memories oi every battlefield of ibe war of Inde
pendence, let our dissensions eease. Let good will
and brotherly lore east ont our old bitterness, and let
us all hasten the day when Massachusetts and South
Carslina may stand once more hand warmly grasped
in hand under the old ancestral roof tree, and beneath
the aid flag. . ^ ... \
General Grant's Administratiox-a
dispatch in the Western papers reads asfi-I-
lowa;
St. Louis, October IS.—General Sherman
returned home yesterday. A gemlemsturin
spent two hours with him recently, says that
the General is confident General Grant will
be elected, hut expressed the belief at the
same time that his administration of the Ex
ecutive office will disappoint the extremists
of both parties, it being Grant’s intention, if
elected, to select men of moderate and con
servative views for his Cabinet, and initiate
such a policy as will harmonize conflicting
interests and restore peace to the entire coun
try. Grant and Sherman recently spent
several days together.
If Gen. Grant, should he be elected, trill
give the Southern whites the benefit of a fair
construction and an administration honestly
designed to promote the interests of good
government, he may expect the support and
confidence of the people.
The Result.
The Richmond Dispatch of Thursday says:
The premonitory elections of Tuesday set
tle the question of the next Presidency in al
most every man’s mind, we suppose. Not
having deemed any other, result probable, we
are not to add to our deep grief at this re
sult the sharp pangs of disappointment.
We conjecture that there will be now no
very vigorous fight over the Presidential
election. The whole strength of the parties,
including the immense means they bad con
centrated to influence the opinions and votes
ot men, having been exerted upon the strug
gle of Tue sday, we imagine that the defeated
party will hardly continue the contest. It is
clearly without nope.
That the canvass has been most wretchedly
mismanaged is indisputable. The nomina
tions made by the Democrats was the worst
they could have made out of the list oflead-
iDg aspirants they had before them. The
body of men who it is supposed coerced Mr.
Seymour’s nomination professed inexpressible
repugnance to Judge Chase, and yetlkere
guilty of the monstrous inconsistency of
nominating the man who attended the Con
vention with the avowed object of securing
the nomination of Judge Chase.
There were two alternatives' before the
New York Convention—viz., to nominate a
man with a view to his election, ot to nominate
one wholly upon principle. Chase would have
done for the first; Pendleton or Hendricks
for the second. But the Convention avoided
both, and nominated a friend of Chase, who
had not hi6 (Chase’s) power, and who yet
wanted the boldness and stamina to main
tain the principles avowed by the Conven
tion ; therefore there has been a heavy fall
between two stools..
Mr. John Quincy Adams plainly foresaw
this result. His speech at Columbia the day
before the election w&3 shaped to meet the
exigency; and Mr. Adams deserves very great
credit for his frankness, his honest and wise
advice to the people of the South. This ora
speech elevates him in dignity and public
respect. We recommend it to the perusal
and consideration of every Southern man.
No party can keep this country prostrate or
long continue sectional oppressions and in
equalities of rights amongst the States. It
may be that what has hapened at the South
has shed enough light to guide even the more
prejudiced Northern statesmen to some policy
more wise, mdre beneficient to the nation at
large, than that which they so ruthlessly
pressed upon the South.
We can certainly do no better than to be
cheerful, and hope for the best. We say to
the people, in the language of Mr. Adams,
“call to your aid that grandest of all human
qualities—self-control—and • all will yet be
well.”
Commerce and Prosperity of Savannah.
The rapid strides of our city to commercial
greatners is most gratifying to all who feebo
interest in her welfare. The indicationsci
last season have been followed up by tee
highly auspicious commencement of another,
as a comparative statement of receipts wili
show. They amount up to this date to 34,70?
bales, while New Orleans has received 69,347,
Mobile 19,939, and Charleston 11,100. Before
January we will have approached New Or
leans much nearer, as but little Georgia aw
South Carolina cotton has yet been receivea,
the planters preferring to hold for belter
prices. A very large proportion of oar re
ceipts up to this time are from Alabama aad
Mississippi, a fact which unerringly indicates,
the course of trade in the South
The shipping of Savannah is mcreasi g
past, passu with the receipts of produce trom
the interior. Besides coasters, there Keu°w
loading in this port for Liverpool dir«tt, ten
vonnola with an aizcrreffate burthen 01
vessels; with an aggregate burthen
tons.—Savannah Republican.
The “Northern capitalists” who astonish,
the natives of the Old Dominion lately * 1 -
a scheme for building a new city at the tej
The most remarkable known case of
heavy drinking is that of a hoary-headed
man of education and fortune, residing in
the city of New York, who confesses to tak
ing “fifty drinka a day” of whisky—ten
dnnks to a bottle, and five bottles to a gallon.
One gallon of liquor, be says, goes down his
old throat every day in the year. BefarelM
is fit to eat his breakfast in the morning,Ita
baa to drink twelve glasses of whisky, or one
bottle and one-fifth. . '
minUB of the-York River Railroad,
5000 acres for the purpose. When the u
came for payment of the money, b°we :
neither capitalists nor capital were fortcc
ing.
A Wealthy bachelor, having had one
two law suits for breach of promise, n0 *
plies to a young lady who wishes a
minutes” private conversation. -L
don’t, madam. It cuts me to the hc&rt
compelled to doubt the honorableness ot
intentions,- but that sort of thing is
out. My rule is imperative; and if yoan
any business with me, it_ must be transac
in the presence of two witnesses.'
A Parts Magazine contains the follow^ •
■‘Madam Lincoln, widow of the late
ident of the United States, is traTe ‘^°
through France, in order to take up “
abode at Nice. We do not know if the n
ors to which she is entitled as the wid°*
a great citizen, have been paid to her in ‘
country. Ah 1 if Madame Lincoln only*,
a Japanese! But, unfortunately, every b° .
is not a Japanesa.”
at *
The just discovered gold digging*^
Auckland, New Zeland, are said to oe .
richest in the world. One reef, 150 by >
estimated to contain £1,000,000 in go* \
Rich gold discoveries have also been ®
near Cheefoo, in North China. It
out that from A. D. 950 to 1868 these
diggings were imperfectly developer
have since been let alone. Now they p
ise most richly.
Nebraska, St. Louie, October V>-
Democrat (Radical) has a special from
as follows: , nnn0 -
The returns from twelve of the m0 M,P S, e
lous counties show over 800 gain, * ^
Democratic gain is only about 40, Th®* ak
Republican majority in these counties j * - or
' ,500- Twenty-fourtoanHes m^o deobt
are yet to be heard from, which willno _
make the Republican majority in .\prted
from 2000. to 2300. ThaBepubli«^^ of
twelve State Senators and thirty
the Howe. The Democrats elected one ow
Senator-and fonr Repteeentattves.