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Journal dc Ptsstttger. 8. Rose & S. B. Burr, PBOPBIITORB. MACON, GEORGIA: Wednesday, Jane 28th, 1865. MORNING EDITION. TO OOS SUBSCRIBERS. 1 we shall most positively y on and after next Saturday, stop sending our paper to all those who are, at that time , in arrears with us. We have indulged our old friends, until they think we do not need money, and con sequently fail to sand it. We would inform them that all of our expenses are, necessari ly cash, and we must exact cash from them. Jf we thought they were unable to pay now, %e would indulge them longer, but we know that it is nothing but indolence on their part and feel assured that when they fail to get their.paper, they will put them selves to the trouble to renew. We still continue to take produce of all kinds at Macon prices. Recollect after Saturday, you will get no more papers, if you do not remit. ' Sdl okelvord, Hooper & Co.—This old eetabl shed firm, of Albany, Ga., are now, as ever, ready to purchase corn, wheat, ‘ cotton i or transact any business in South- Western Georgia, that comes within the compass of commission operations. They are men of business capacity, of honor and integrity, and just such a firm as we would like to recommend our friends and readers to patronize. See their advertisement. THE GREAT MISTAKE. We believe it is the purpose of the Presi dent and his subordinate officials, to restore harmony, peace and good government to the country. While appreciating the em barrassments under which the Southern people labor, growing out of the sudden change in their industrial and social institu tions, it is the wish of those in authority to Bid rather than Impede our return to do mestic happiness and civil liberty, and to plaoe the political, social and industrial in terests of the South upon a permanent aud satisfactory basis. Prompted by such com mendible and patriotic motives, there seems to us but one formidable barrier to the ac complishment of their good intentions, and that is, an inappreoiation of the true charac ter of the negroes who have been so sudden ly placed in a position as novel to them as It is embarrassing to us. 'Whether the imgro will ever become mentally and morally qualified for self-gov ernment, is a question for time and for others to solve; but that he is so now, we think very few of those who have recently been industriously employed in trying to conform him to the new order of things, will assert. The pretensions of those who would teach the abstruse sciences in a “few eas? Jessons,” are not more fallacious, than would be tbat of teaching the recently freed negro political economy, the principles of self-government, or even his obligation to support himself by his own industry and enterprise, within the brief space of time comprehended in the policy of some for giving him perfect political and social equality. It is to be presumed that those who have had a life-long association with the negro, and who have made him their study, both from philanthropic and from interest ed motives, know more of his real charac ter than do those who, from a distance, view him rather in the light of what they would have bim to be, than what he is. .Even at the North, where he is and has always been nominally free, the instances of the negro’s attaining to intellectual, financial or mechanical eminence are very rare. How, then, can it be ex pected that he*should ,at once, just out of his bondage at the South, take position as our social and political equal ? The negro is not uaturally quick- of apprehension, un less it be of things which concern his im mediate animal propensities. He has very little idea of moral responsibility; is apt to think that the “ end justifies the means,” sod the end, with him, is most ipvariably a selfish one. His good intentions, if he has them, are evanescent as air, and rarely stand in the way of his personal gratifica tions. His filial affections are proverbially weak, aud in his marital relations are made subservient to bis convenience or his inter ests. He is loquacious—likes to hear him self talk, and is perfectly indifferent as to whether what he says is sen£e or nonsense. Left to himself, he will probably put forth just so much mental and physical exertion as is necessary to keep him from positive destitution. Acting literally upon the ax iom that “sufficient for the day is the evil thereof,” he looks not forward to provision for the future. Improvident, idle, ignorant, and not overly given to truth and honesty, he has yet every thing to learn which is essential to the character of a good citizen and self-sustaining freeman. With these characteristics, it is not diffi cult to foresee the troubles in the way of ed ucating the negro to a proper appreciation of his responsibilities as a freeman, and cer tainly it is BOt proper that he should sud denly have the duties of that position forced UP oo him without preparation, and be oalled to the task of participancy in political gov ernment, without the slightest knowledge of what will he required of him. To assert that ail men are equally competent to enter upon the duties of political freedom, heoause men have been recognized as being born free and equal, would be as irrational as to ex pect that every man is capable of the same amount of mechanical skill, physical endu rance and intellectual culture. We 4agbt the negroe’s capacity for self-government; but there is a way to test it with himself, if he prove capable, and without detriment to others, if he prove not. Colo nize him. Give Lima eountry to himself; furnish him the necessary farming and me chanical implements; establish him in a fer tile region, (in Mexico, if you please,) with a year’s supplies, and tell him ; Here is your home, thta is your country; go to work, till your own soil, establish your own work shops, ereet your own sohool-houses, build yonr own towns, enact your own laws, and prove to tho world that you are not only ca pable of governing yourselves, but of gov erning well; that you can appreciate and profit by that freedom which has been ob tained by such a terrible sacrifice of life, of property, and of social happiness, and that you will compete, with your former involun tary masters in the race for happiness and moral and political excellence. ' If, after such a trial, the negre fails to prove worthy the confidence reposed in him, then his most ardent champion must confess that the theory of his social and political equality with the white is an er ror. Throw him upon his own resources after the first twelve months, unbiased and unrestrained by white influences, and if he can build up and sustain a separate nation ality, and make for his name and race a place among the free- republics of this con tinent, no one would be more rejoiced to know him thus capable than ourself, not • withstanding our skepticism on the sub ject. * Oaths and their Influence. From the New York World.] One of the worst, and yet most natural consequences of the great civil commoticß from which we are now emerging is the un settling of men J s habits of thought as to the proper functions cf government. It was the boast of America before the war, and the secret of our tremendous strength put forth in the war, that we were the least governed people in the world. A single year’s experience of civil strife sufficed to change all this, and to make us one of the most governed people known so history. Had the war lasted but a few years long er, its inevitable result musthavebeen such a complete remodliug of all the relations between the citizen and the government as would have extinguished the vitality of our institutions, and, with them, of our liberty. This peril, it may be hoped we have, among other perils, escaped ; but a single particular of the condition of public feeling in which the war has left us should suffice to make tyg watchful least the damage already done our national pharaoter be not deeqer than we now judge it to he. The government assumed during the f>rogresS ©f the rebellion an extraordinary icense in the way of imposing oaths of al legiance and obedience to this or that par ticular measure of public policy, The ob ject thus aimed at, so far as there was any legitimate object aimed at thus at all, no doubt was to put individuals in such a po sition that the government should be enabled to keep an effective hold upon them while they remained within its protection, although more or less strongly suspected of disowning or detesting its au thority. Whether eycn this object could be best attained in this special piay be fajrly questioned; but if we concede that it could be thus best attained, we must also admit that, being attained, it was attained at a cost of a serious measure of public demoralization. It is well observed by one of the prd soundest of modern students of history, Mr. Buckle, that “when a government holds out as a bait that those who profess certain opinions shall enjoy certain privileges, it plays the part of the tempter of old, and, like the evil one, basely offers the good things of this world to him who will change his worship and deny his faith.” Secessionists at; heart did not cease to be secessionists when ahey swore feajty to the Union; they merely became perjurers as well as secessionisrs, and malignant, there fore, as well as misled. The fact of their taking the oath to support the Consti tution and the laws, certainly did not lead the government to relax in its watchfulness over their conduct. The case, accordingly, was preoisely analogous to that which nas long occurred at our custom houses, where the oath of an importer has been immedi ately reinforced by an examination of the subjeot matter sworn about. Now that the country is returning eve rywhere to peace and order, the continued interference of the authorities to exact oaths of divers and sundry sorts as preliminary to social and political actions of various der grees of importance, can work nothing but damage to the national character. Even in regard to oaths taken in courts of justice, the soundest observers and thinkers of modern times concur that, while they afford but a slight guarantee for the .truth of evidence, they tend to diminish, and not to increase, the general reverence for truth, by establishing an artificial d:s tinction in the minds of men between false hood and perjury. Archbishop Whatley goes so far as to say, “if all oaths were abolished, leaving the penalties for false witness (no umimportant part of our se curity) unaltered, I am convinced that, on the whole, testimony would be more trust worthy than it now is.” For the political fidelity of the Southern population to the laws of the land, we must look to very different influences, foremost among which we are to count that favorable modification of the Southern temper and oharaoter by anew order of things, against which modification the imposition of nu merous and vexatious oatl /§ ne C egsa rily and direotly militate. The civil conflicts jud teligious conjtro versies of Great Brifcsm have bequeathed to the British people a legacy of mischief in this kind, by tho contemplation of which we may well be enlightened. Sir William Hamilton, in his “Discus sions on Philosophy and Literature/’ de clares, indeed, that “the perjury of England stands pre-eminent in the world /* a severe sentence, which Mr. Buckle, to whom we have already referred, expands and yet in tensifies in a remarkable passage of his “History of Civilisation.” “Legislators,” he observes, “seeing that proselytes thus obtained could not be re lied upon, have met the danger by the most extraordinary precautions. It is this sus picion as to the motives of others which has given rise to oaths of every kind and in every direction. In England even the boy at college is forced to swear about matters which he cannot understand, and which far riper minds are unable to master. If he afterwards goes into Parliament, he must swear about his religion; and at near ly every stage .of political life he must take fresh oaths, the solemnity of which is strangely contrasted with the trivial func tions to which they are the prelude. A solemn adjuration of the Deity being thus made at every turn, it has happened, and might have been expected, that oaths, enjoined as a matter of course, have at length degenerated into a matter of form. What is lightly taken is easily broken.” At this moment the British Parliament is occupied with the question of abroga ting the oaths imposed upon Roman Cath olic members of that body, oaths in which, conceived at a time of popular passion ex tremely analogous to that in which we now find ourselves. Roman Catholic members are required not only to swear that they do not think it right to assassinate Queen Victoria because she is a heretic, but also that in swearing this they mean what they swear! To such extremes of absurdity does a practice in itself radically absurd tend when fear and folly urge it on. The native good sense and the traditional prin ciples of the American people, we trust will yet be found vigorous enough to arrest this practice in America before it fatally corrupts the manhood of our national char acter. The United States and England.— There have been a good many reports of a sensational character of late in reference to alleged demands by our Government upon that of England for indemnity f,r the destruction caused our shipping by the Alabama and other craft of that kind. We have been told that this demand has lately been renewed by President J ohnson more energetically than ever; and as it is understood that England peremptorily re jects the demand, it is argued that there is a speck of war rising upon the horizon be tvyeeja she two countries which may soon grow into a portentous cloud. We sus pect the thing tp be merely a cunning ruse of $9 bears to try to keep up the price of gold. The National Intelligencer says-* and the National Intelligencer is rarely mista ken in the statement of a fact of this kind —that mutual reclamations have been made by the Governments of both coun tries for alleged damages, that some of these have been made the subject of dis cussion for two or three years by the agents of the respective Governments in a perfectly friendly spirit, and that there is no doubt shat the whole matter will be ad justed by mutual agreement upon princi ples of honor and fair dealing without the exhibition of any unpleasant or unfriendly This country wants no war with Eng land, unless for the gravest reasons, and we believe that this same feeling prevails over the water in reference to theCFnited States. The “ Confederate” sympathizers over there would doubtless be gratified co see the two countries involved in a desolating struggle, and there are some here who re ciprocate the feeling, but the masses, we think, desire peace, if it can be hpnorably maintained. They have had fightipg enough for the present. There is of late an upproyed tone of feeling on both sides of the Atlantic, and, unless some unlooked for even should arise to disturb the har mony existing between the two countries, we see no reason to suppose that it will be interrupted. Those who think President Johnson an impulsive, hot-headed man, who will rashly rush into difficulties upon slight cause, will, unless we greatly mistake his character, be doomed to disappointment. —Louisville Journal. § Guerillas.-*- We are informed that a band of guerillas or robbers made their appearance night before last in the neigh borhood of Greysville, Ky., about 12 miles from Clarksville, Tenn. They visited Mrs, Merriweather’s, where they stole about S3O in greenbacks and a gold watch valued at S2OO. There were six or seven of the rascals. Leaving Mrs. Merriweather’s, they visited a small store at Greysville.— How' much they stele there we did not learn. From this place they went to Hay densville, where they inflicted so much in jury upon Mr. Chunk Smith that they left him senseless. What other mischief and. depredations they committed we did not learn. Are we to have a revival of .guerilla warfare?— -Nash, Times , 28d. At a recent election in Australia the naturalized Chinamen voted for the first time. Being thoroughly free from politi cal opinions or prejudices, thirty-three of them were engaged at eight shillings per head, and tutored to say “ Yes” to every question which might be put to them in the polling booth. One of the first questions put was, u Have you voted before at this election?” Answer, “Yes,” and forth with they were unceremoniously bundled out of the booth. Less than twenty thousand rebel prison ers remain to be discharged. Os this num ber Bbout nine thousand are at Point Lookout, and the remainder at Fort Dela ware and Johnson’s Island. Those at the latter place will be discharged at once. [Fof the Daily Journal and Messenger.] TO “WfIONOfIETTE,” OsPPerr i Houston County , Georgia. by ua j . r The light of fame is o'er my path, As in the days of old, And though *tis “ marble beautiful^ Alas! ’tis “ marble cold.’* ’Tis like the cold, cold moon that shines p O'er some far distant hill; Or like the midnight star that gleams Upon the frozen rill. Yet often when my weary brain, At midnight hour, is free, I tread the realms of dreamland, friend, And wander there—with thee! We wander »n that gorgeous land, Through green and quiet dells, Where Southern breezes ever creep, Among the asphodels. A mighty river, through the mead, To some far oeean hies, Faint strains of music o’er it float, Like harps in Paradise. The golden sun in glory comes, Up from the eastern sea, And banishes the dream, but still My thoughts will turn to the?. Macon, June, 1865. From the London Post.] Jurists and historians agree that civil war is not to be confounded with ordinary treason, and that the vanquished o&ght to be treated according to the rules, not of municipal, but of international law. Hal lam and Macaulay have both emphatically laid down this principle in reference to our own civil war, and at least during the last fifty years it has been acted upon by al most every European Power. When Ven ice capitulated, the Adrians allowed Manin to depart in a French steamer; and although the movement which was re pressed at Aspromonte clearly came with in the scope of municipal law, Garibaldi is residing in security and honor under the dominion of the sovereign whose authority he indiscreetly disputed. Mr. Lincoln’s theory that all communities, as such, pos sessed the inalienable right of determining their own form of government, need not be discussed. It is more than doubtful if, ac cording to the strict letter of the law, whether municipal or international, Mr.' Davis has violated the Constitution of the United- States. However, for the argu ment, it may be conceded that the seces sion of the Southern States was, up to a certain point, technically an act of insur rection—that is to say, that until the Con federates in the field were recognized as the army of a belligerent Power by the exchange of prisorfers and the like they might be regarded as rebels; and on this head, as also with respect to the claims made in England for the losses sustained by the Alabama, it is important that Capt. Semmes has been paroled. Indeed, the proclamations issued by the Northern gen erals in the South since the surrender of Lee and Johnston sufficiently adrqit the position Mr. Davis’ Government held iq stating that persons now taken prisoners in arms will no longer be dealt with as bel ligerents; and it must be remembered, too, that Mr. Lincoln and Mr, Seward per* sonally entered into negotiations with ac credited representatives of the Southern President, There can, therefore, be very little, if any, question about the law of the case, and none whatever as to the obvious requirements of policy. It is, no doubt, true in the main, as Burke said, that govern moots will be tyraunica) from polipy when their subjects are rebels on principle. That is the situation in Poland and Vepetia, and the Washington Govern ment may attempt to impose it uppn the subjugat 'd States of tbt? Hrnnblic, Jt is f} costly system even to Russia, and. to Aus? tria a source of weakness and exhaustion ; but that which is just possible to those Pow ers would be found to be wholly impractica ble in America. Coercion and confiscation might answer their purpose for a time; but it is preposterious to suppose that six millions of people gan be permanently governed by brute force. The Northern fanatics who deepise what they ignorantly describe as the “humbug chivalry of the South” are, of course, incapable of exercising any political judgement. But there are others \yho should know that the ex-Presideut would be power less in exile, In France or England he oonld scarcely bo to bis own State what Kossuth was to Hungary. Lee is unques tionably the Garabaldi of the South; but on the scaffold Jefferson Davis would become its martyr. The heroic women of Virginia would teach their children to hold his name in reverence, and on thousands of desolate Southern hearts, and in thousands of bereaved hearty, vows would be made for another generation to observe and fulfil. It i§ most \dol to ignore the fact that all through the South the execution of the extreme penal ty of the law on Mr. Davis would be con sidered as a judicial murder. The sentence passed upon him w:u!d include a nation, and in dying he would breathe new life into the cause it fell to his lot to support and to suffer for scorn and loathing and bitter ha tred might be controlled for a while, and at the same time strengthened by subjection to circumstances. Bat the reconstruction of the Union under the shade of the gallows is a wild and ghastly illusion. On the ground of humanity there is noth ing to be said. If justice and expendiency are not considered, mercy certainly will not be entertained. Industry of Pennsylvania. —The three articles, of coal, oil and iron, yielded to Pennsylvania last year over one hundred and seventy-one millions of dollars, as shown below: Coal y $69,821,926 Petroleum - - - '46,912,430 Iron .... 54,784,997 Total .... $171,519,353 This sum has been distributed equitably. The public carriers, the land owner, the miner, the operator of the mine, the various middlemen, and the Government—the pro tector of all these, and the general oonserva tor of our rights—have each received its fair share. Si advertise^. jj WANTED. ;TT;" ■' '*v If Lost; the names of onr City Subscriber.* ktek will be entitled to onr thank*.*"™’ ' • * 8. last 4 SHACKELFORD, HOOPErT/ Produce and GeJ’ COMMISSION MERCHANTS AND 1 Dealers in General Merth*^ (at 14 nor* Ton’s” old st**„ " I | PARTICULAR attention given to n-in» SHIPMENT o'Cotton, Corn. Bae< n E? 08 * 1 * a I Produce generally. Consignments of a description solicited. Refer by »simi«sio?£ ,4j **»£ I H. J Cook. Y. G. Bust, and VLnn *"ftlf , I J. W. Fears A Cos., and J. B Rom, Macon I J. W. HOOPER of Rome. I J. H. B SHACKELFORD, fonnerlv of„ . 0. V. TURNER, of Albany. 1 ***+ je2B-2w* auctionlalr BT JOUJi B. HABERSUAJUi, On ’Wednesitary, at 9 1-f o'clock 4 FURNITURE, Ac., at HALF-PAST^NIXi Two CRIBS, • Ons WARDROBE, fix CANE BEAT CHAIRS Two STOVES, ’ Fonr di*. SLAB* tCMIUh Ten gron RATCHhi MED PFpVu OlkA, AT ELEVEN O’CLOCK, A A lot *>f CLOTHING, consisting of COlfi SHIRTS, VESTS, DRAWERS, 800X1, Ac. CORN AND COTS IWiUTTOPmcHISI 2,500 Bushels of Corn AND 200 BALES OF COTTON. I JAMBS SEIMOtI je27-10t* DRURY & TRIPOD, - IIOXJSE.'feIGS *f ' • AND PAINTERS, (XAUTOM’S HALL, RKTRANOE CS THIRD STRUT j MAOON, GKA.. MAVTNG entered Into r Copartnership fsr the 117a I oT carrying on the above business in all Itifcnxs 9 re prepared to give satisfactiot, both In eXK;.&i- ] price, to all who may favor us with their orders. Je27-dlq». TO CAPITALISTS. A Rare Chance to Invest QNE of the best PLANTATIONS In Pulaski cosatj, FOR S-ALE. The FARM contains EIGHT HUNDRED it in a high stale of OULTIV *TION. On it UsgssdDft' ING, and all necessary OUTBUILDINGS A Good Stock of Cattle, Hogs, Together with a good supply of CORN, WHEaT.oaT! * which can be'bought with the place if dtsi ed. A*** 4 * is offered. Apply to McßßfDf A DOE*rT or to SAMUEL BAUNUEIW, on thapre* Je27-Bt* . w LAW CARP. WM. K. and MARSHALL Ds toe LAW, and attend to all business entrs**!: s them, in the Courts of the State of Georgia. Is <***. Court of Claims at Washington, and In the U. B. *>*■ Court for the State of Georgia < They will prepare petitions for SPECIAL PARDO* 5? the AMNESTY PROCLAMATION,and forward to i*- * gai Correspondents at Washington for attestlan. Office on Cherry Street, Macon, Oa. jeST-2t* I*soo OVNDS rAMI| ' Y IXOI * 2,000 ppod,^ a nd,“ oHH# to,ioco ' *" •J g bbla. CANE SYRUP, QQ pair MEN SHOES, gHEETING, SODA, SUOAR and COPIED QNIONB, TOBACCO, Oa., Ao. , l* 1 ? * j. H. ANDEBSO'’ j Ohange of Sched«^ * Maooaß jg Macon, In* « ON after TUESDAY, June 26th,*0 on this ROAD will 01 ‘ ~ I DEPOT, on the following Schedule. »* t J M Leave Macon... .8 80 P. M. | Arrive at j| # 1 1 Leave Junction..6.Bo A.M. | ‘ Rates of Passage FIVE CENTS per ® A ptj, »j Ms con, je ?8-lw. -— 'ri'i I COMMISSION BpSl't-l ‘(Sstabliehed in jjj, A. R. McLAUGB 141 General A*enb 1 RENEWS the offer of his .erriee* 1 " I public B*al Estate, Lands, Ac-. ■ K r r U trator’s sales attended t>, Cotton »■“ , and sold at a low commission. * ro 9 patch. At Hardeman A Sparks. ___/ - Wesleyan Thi bbgular f I begin on SUNDAY, July ■ Armlnius Wright, and close on t with the Annua’ Address, hy Hon- JTgTll•y> 1 Tiustees meet MONDAY, July 11 night exercises. ——'' j < A Desirable J I WILL sen, 1 Call and see «• **** * JeKI-tf