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fourth week 25 cents per sqnare each insertion. .
Advertisements one njMth $8 per square. Swmd
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Special Notices 25 per cent on above fates. & ■ y;
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Obituary notices 10 cents psr line in DxUywid 26
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WEEKLY EATSS. 4 '
for Three Months. .1 ••>. .SI,OO
“ One Year i<S?/.
Advertisements inserted in Weekly at SI,OO per
square for first insertion, and 50.cent* for each subse
quent one.
If any of onr patrons prefer to pay us in produce,
supplies, food or anything wvoanuw, wt will take it
st the market rates in Macon, for al 1 dost to the office.
Our friends who lire in the - eonntry can send these
things to us by express at our expense.
Persons who reside njptfr each other can club to
gether and send their provisions, supplies or corn in
one package. *
SINGLE PAPERS IK CITY,
Single papers will be sold on the streets and at the
desk at fire cents per copy.
BTWe will not receive any money but specie,
greenbacks or Macon and W estern and South-Western
Kaillroad issues at present.
EVENING EDITION.
FRIDAY EVENING, JULY 7th.
A Mistake, —Our attention has been
called to a mistake under which we labored
in our article this morning, headed “ Is it
Right?” We there said the parties re
quired to qualify were not personally in
terested in the matter about which they
testified. Mr. Wyche has since informed
us that the object of ascertaining into
whose hands property of the “so-called
Confederate States” has fallen, is to pro
cure it for distribution among the poor of
the State. Such being the case, every one
is interested in discovering where *uch
property exists, and in: rendering it up.
lie also informs us that parties need incur
no cost, if they will make out their own
affidavit and go before a Judge of the In
ferior Court or a Notary Public.
" .1 i———— i ■—— v
Important Order.
We invite attention to the following offi
cial order. It is important as determining
the relations which are to exist between
frecdmen and their former masters, for the
time being:
Headquarters TJ. S. Forces, )
Macon, Ga., July 5, 1865. )
Orders.
Until other orders are issued by the
Freedmen’s Bureau, the following rules
will be in force, and are published for the
guidance of the Freedmeu and their form
er masters.
I. The common law governing the do
mestic relations, giving parents authority
and control over their children, and guar
dians control over their wan is, are in force.
The authority and obligations of paients
and guardians take the place of those of
the former master.
il. The former masters are constituted
the guardians and minors, and of the aged
and infirm, in the absence of parents or
other near relations capable of. supporting
them.
111. Young men and women, under
twenty-one (21) years of age, will remain
under the control of their parents or guar
dians until they become of age, thus aiding
to support their parents and younger
brothers and sisters.
IV. The former masters of freedmen
must not turn away the young and in
firm, nor refuse to give them food and
shelter, nor shall the able-bodied men and
women go away from their homes, or live
in idleness, and leave their parents or child
ren or younger brothers or sisters to be sup
ported by others.
V. The former masters of freedmen
will not be permitted to turn away or drive
from their plantations faithful hands, wfco
have helped to make the crops, when the
crops are saved without paying for the la
bor already performed.
VI. Freedmen, like all other men, are
amenable to civil and criminal law, and are
liable to be punished for violations of law,
the same as white citizens, but in no case
will brutality be allowed on the part of the
former master. Thinking men will at once
see, that with the end of slavery all enact
ments and customs which were necessary
tor its preservation, must cease to have ef
fect.
II- Persons of age who are free from
toe obligations referred to above, are at
liberty to find new homes whenever they
can obtain proper employment, but they
not be supported by the Government
or by their former masters in idleness and
vagrancy.
\ 111. It will be left to the employer and
*mant to agree upon the wages to be paid,
* aud *ny just arrangement or eontract will
interfered with; but freedmen are
wvised that for the present season they
to expect only moderate wages, and
en their employers cannot pay the money,
a tn k 0u^ fc to be contented with a fair crop
I moA ri \ ise<i ' This rule subject to such
W u,, uir^ tlon w the Freedman’s Bureau may
m °®cers, soldiers, and citizens, are
I &nd^ str ° n glfe L P Qb b«ty to these rules,
*° th#ir
4ii °bli(gatiOQs.
,triW and post commanders,
MACON, GEORGIA, SATURDAY, JULY 8; IS^£
are authorized and required to correct any
violation of the above rule, within their ju
risdiction. All offences hereunder may be
tried before a military commission or pro
vost court.
By Command of Brevet Maj. den. Wilson.
Edward 1\ Inhof f,
Oapt. & A. A. A. G.
* THE INTERNAL REVENUE.
The principal articles relied upon to
raise an internal Government revenue, are
cotton, tobacco, sugar, rice and distilled
liquors. Os these, all but the latter, have
heretofore been the product of slave labor,
and have constituted a large part of the
export wealth of the nation. But that
element of success exists no longer. Cot
ton, sugar, tobacco and rice will not-, for a
number of years, if ever, become the great
staples of commercial success. As a
source of revenue they will contribute
comparatively little towards meeting the
financial exigencies of Government, and
the South will no longer be able to boast
of her lavish contributions to the Federal
treasury. Hence the revenue tax must
fall peculiarly heavy upon the great West,
the distilling region. How the people of
that section will bear this burthen of tax
ation we are unprepared to say, but as
they have materially aided to reduce the
South’s ability to assist them, we presume
they wilfrcheerfully acquiesce in its impo
sition.
But bas the Government itself considered
how inadequate will be its financial re
sources based upon a taxation of Southern
productions which exist only in fancy ?
Has it considered that the great staples,
onoe so prolific of national and private
wealth, are now but the fancy creations of
statistical old fogy ism? We think it alto
gether probable that the magnitude of
Southern desolation is not half appreciated
by those who oollated the Government re
venue figures. Her abandoned plantations,
rat haunted sugar houses and overflowed rice
fields, promise but a dull business for the
tax gatherer. Her four millions of pro
ductive population are now huddled about
towns and cities, consuming more than they
earn—adding to, rather than diminishing
the public expense. What, then, is the
hope of liquidating the public debt from a
revenue on Southern products ? Clearly it
must be small, and the items of taxation
must be revised, the list extended and
other sections brought to share largely in
the burthen before a satisfactory solution of
the national finance question can be arrived
at. New England is sensitive on this
point. She likes to appropriate the hon
ors and emoluments of success, but is
charry of contributing substantially to
wards it. And yet we are inclined to think
that the Western States will require that
New England shall foot her share of the
bill in this case, especially as it is a heavy
one, and will otherwise fall mostly upon the
sturdy shoulders of our late stubborn an
tagonists. Something further will have to
be done, we feel assured, before the intern
al revenue will reach a sum approximating
the necessities of Government. What will
it be?
The Par of Exchange.
The principal on which American mer
chants and bankers calculate exchange on
England is thus clearly set forth by a cor
respondent of the New York Mirror:
“ The par of exchange is determined by
the relative proportion of pure metal in the
coined piece which forms the unit of price
in the different commercial countries of the
world. The alloy is reckoned of no value.
“ To simplify the matter as much as pos
sible, we will waive all consideration of the
different standards of fineness, and state
that our American dollar contains 23.22.100
grains of pure gold, and the British sov
ereign 113 grains of the same. Eveiy
reader may not know that the sovereign is
the coined piece of which the pound ster
ling is the money of account. A simple
calculation in the rule of three, therefore,
determines that the equivalent of the pound
sterling is $4.86, 65.100 of our currency.
“ Thus as 23.22.100 is to one so is 113
to $4.86 65.100. But the English, through
all the variations of the mint laws, here
and elsewhere —indeed for ages—have
been accustomed to value their pound
sterling by the old Spanish carolus pillar
dollars, now entirely out of circulation in
Europe and America, having all been sent
to China, or gone into the melting pot Os
these $4.44 4 100 were equivalent to the
pound sterling. It will be seen that it re
quires the addition of 9£ per cent., with a
scarcely appreciable fraction, to make the
present value of the j»ound sterling in our
currency.
Thus *. .$4.44 44.100
Add per eent. premium of exchange.. 48 22.<>00
14.86 66.100
“It may be well to explain that, when
nothing is said to the contrary, the quota
tions, of sterling exchange are by custom
for bills at 60 days’sight; which at the
legal rate of interest here, involves a loss
of one per cent., besides the time of trans
mission- But, on the other hand, at the
most favorable rate of shipping specie,
one per cent, is the cost, including insur
ance, of laying it down in Liverpool, the
time lost in transmission being the same in
either case. Thus, as one of these items
balances the-other, the true par of exchange
is 9| per cent, on England, at which rate
generally it is as wall to remit good 60 day
bills as specie." 4
t, ' J ohnatOß , a Policy. At f *
From the Louisville (Ky.) Journal
We have already cordial ly ir. aorsed tbe
wise and statesmanlike policy announced by
President Johnson in his several proclama
tions authorizing the restoration of civil
government in the lately insurrectionary
States. That policy is direct and practical,
recognizing the poll deal organizations of the
respective they existed prior to
rebellion, regarding the ordinances of aeeqs
sion as null and void, as well as subsequent
aofcs predicated upon them, and resting the
civil power upon the will of the legal loyal
voters of the States. He is unwilling that
those States should be held in military sub
ordination any longer than the actual neces
sities of each case may require, and he has
opened the way by which the people them
selves, acting in good faith to tfce'Govern
ment, may speedily restore their former
practical relations with the Union. A small
class of ultra men, whose ideas of govern
ment are fundamentally antagonistic to the
cardinal principles of the Constitution, have
been urging President Johnson to assumo
the power of conferring the elective franchise
upon the emancipated slaves in the reorgan
ization of the returning States, but they
have received no sympathy from him, tak
ing, as he does, the sound position that the
Sualification of voters is aud must be under
le exclusive control of the respective States
themselves, neither the President nor Con
gress having anything to do with the subject.
We have before us a letter which appeared
in the Ohio State Journal on the day of the
assembling of the recent State Convention
at Columbus, Ohio, and which was written
by a prominent delegate to thatyjcopvention.
We are directly and reliably informed that,
the letter fully embraces t*ie views of Pres
ident Johnson, and that it is in truth a semi
official expression from the President himself.
The writer says:
The true key to the President’s procla
mations is that he holds the doctrine that
the so-called acts of State secession are null
and void, and all acts done in pursuance
thereof, and hence that all offices held un
der rebel authority can be declared vacant
by the military authority of the President
of the United States on the quelching of
the rebellion.
Further, that the State Constitutions and
laws in force at the date of the pretended
secession, having been held in abeyance
during the war, remain in full forco and
effect, as they originally stood before they
were changed, aud subjected to recognize
rebel authority. Therefore, his proclama
tions recite, “ That, whereas, the fourth
Section of the fourth Article, of
tution of the United States phr.li Jtupa.otee
to every State in tlfe Union a
form oi government,” therefore, he, as Pre
sident of the United States, proceeds to put
in motion the machinery that may enable
the legal loyal voters of the State to set in
operation* again the civil government, re
ferring back to the date of the so-called
ordinance of secession, to ascertain who are
the legal voters of the State. However,
by his authority ns Commander-in-Chief of
the army, he prevents the rebel legal voters
from exercising the right ol suffrage by re
quiring the test-oath set forth in the Am
nesty Proclamation of May 29.1865. By
this action he enfranchises no one, but. by
virtue of his pardoning power, prescribes!
the condition on which a legal loyal voter
of the State may exercise his pre-existing :
right of suffrage, by acknowledging the!
authority of the Government of the United
States, without which oath he is no voter
under the Constitution and laws.
President Johnson believes that neither
himself nor Congress has any constitutional
right to create a voter; but; that power the
people of the several States composing the
Federal Union have rightfully exercised
from the origin of the Government to the
present time. (See Proclamation.)
It by bo means follows, as some argue,
that if the States are as tbey were, ante hel
ium, that the officers whom President John
son has displaced, are the legitimate State
Government, because there can be no legiti
mate State Governments that acknowledge
rebel authority and resist the paramount
authority of the Constitution of the United
States by armed rebellion ; which forfeits
the rights of these officers to hold office,
but not the right of the legal, loyal voters
of the State to choose other officers who may
bring their State again into “proper practi
cal" relations to the Government of the
Union. In the beginning of the war, this
principle was fully recognized by every de
partment of in reference to
Virginia, whe&lpierpont was elected Gover
nor by the legal, loyal voters, and Messrs.
Carlisle and Willey admitted as United
States Senators, long before West Virginia
was separated from the balance of the Bta?e.
President Johnson, in bis proclamations,
has not wiped out any State Constitution
or laws that the United States ever recog
nized; he has merely ejected the rebel
usurpers of office, acknowledging nothing
that did not exist previous to the so-called
secession. Taking up the old State Consti
tution and laws as they existed then, he
gives the loyal people an opportunity of
filling the office with loyal men. Slavery
fell with the operations of the laws of war,
and the people are duly notified that it can
not be resurrected; but the President had
no more power to confer the right of suf
frage on negroes than to prasciihe that
minors of eighteen or women should vote,
contrary to the old State Constitution and
laws. *
The foregoing is a clear and forcible and
accurate interpretation of President John
son’s policy, and the action of the Ohio
State Convention was shaped in accord
ance with it. It at once refuses the hair
brained and impracticable theories enuncia
ted by Chase Tmd Sumner and Phillips,
and renders unequivocal tffe position of the
Administration before the country The
restoration policy of t President Johnson
furnishes the platform upon which men of
national, mnservativo principles, without
regard to old .party ties, can rally in the
great work of re-establishing peace and
union upon an enduring basis.
Editorial Proprieties and Court««lei.
From the Nashvill* Dispatch.]
- There are two virtues who«e obligation
should be felt by - every editor, iu vmw of
the responsibilities and influence of his pro
fession, viz :—to ba honest and to be gen
tlemanly. And yet it must be confessed,
it is rare to see those virtues iu their high
est perfection, especially in the conduct of
the political press. Political warfare taama
to have a strange influence iu blunting the
moral sense; and many persons who would
scorn the imputation of a mean or dishonorable
act in their private and'social life, are accus- I
tomed to think and to act upon the rdea, |
that everything is fair in polities. The way 1
in which dishonesty in the press is most
usually shown', is not so much in the utter
ance of dishonest sentiments, and of those
at variance with the writer’s real convictions
though there are men base enough to nuke a
journal with which they are connected the ve
hicle of disseminating pernicious errors and
know nuntruths,for some paltry reward of mo
ney or power; but in the wilful and deliberate
misrepresentation of the opinions or argu
gnments of another. To the utter discrace
of the profession, this is done every day.
No man in public life lias any chance of
having justice done to himself or his views
by his political opponents. Everything bo
says is distorted and misrepresented, quoted
against him out of its natural connection,
aud inferences drawn from it which ne nev
er dreamed of. It is a great triumph of can
dor and magnanimity to do entire justice to (
the argument one is endeavoring to confute,
aud nothing indicates greater confidence i j
one’s position and ability to maintain it. it
was often remarked of Mr. Webster, that
instead of endeavoring to weaken the case of
his opponent, he rather sought to state it as
strongly as possible, and to give its full weight
to the argument by which it was sustuiueu, j
thereby making his own triumph iu itsrofu- *
tatiou the more conspicuous and signal.
Misrepresentation is the certaiu iudiea it n |
of weakness. When a person ii unable <o
meet your position, he misstates it. He
raises a false issue, and thus seeks to evade i
the real question in debate. The press *
lend? itself too much to this base work of I
party ; and what is the consequence ? Just
so far as it does this it loses its influence.!
There are unscrupulous party ’journals in
the country, whose political articles excite
no g.nd nr maio re- ;
xpqctv than the- ftjteh'orfe frrizVmjjjffa bed*-!
lanrite. No one Iter expects to find a word
of fair argument or honest couviction in t
them. Even their supporters get ashamed
of them ; they become a reproach to the
of the age, and only to
point amoral against the freedom of the!
press and the blessings of liberal iastlfu- 1
tions.
I Akin to the virtue of honesty in the
i press that of gentlemanly treatment of
i those from whom it differs, especially po
litically. Vulgar abuse, personal vitupera
tion, assaults upon private character, im
| peachment of the motives of an opponent
j —though, we blush to say, too common in
j the press of the country —are but poor ar
guments. We know that the private and
public virtues of a candidate for office, or
lof a person in high station, may become
the proper subject of discussion; and any
instance of flagrant political dishonesty
should receive its righteous and indignant
re.buke from those who assume, the otiice
of censor of the public morals. But this is
very different from the practice, too com
mon, of heaping disgraceful epithets upon
opponent personally or politically obnox
ious; of vituperative attacks; of assailing,
without just cause, his private character;
of holding up his personal peculiarities to
ridicule; ot invading the sanctuary of hie
home, and making his private relations and
his household sanctities the subject of bru
| tral comment. The freedom of the press
| should afford no immunity to such a con
spirator against private reputation and the
peace of society. He should be held up
to the scorn of an outraged community,
and a moral whip should be put in the
hands of every decent person tglash the
rascal naked through the land.
A courteous and gentlemanly treatment
of political opponents will be suro to
tell in the long run, and give to the calm
statements and honest sentiments of a jour
nal which habitually practises it, a consid
eration and respect which they could in no
other way secure, . t Even where tho motive
of political action may be justly open to
it. The influences which operate upon the
human mind are so various, ihe outward
circnmstancee of society are so constantly
changing, that we should be slow to attrib
ute a change of political sentiment to a want
of moral honesty; and it is only in view of
the grossest inconsistencies and tergfversa- :
tions in one's political course, that an un
worthy motive should be assigned for it.
The principles which a person maintains re*
maiu the same, and they are always the j
subject of fair discussion aad anti-mad ver
sion—all the more effective, in most
for not being mixed up with personalities.
The people are slow in comprehension of,
abstract political principles, but r tbey are
pretty sure to ©om« right at last- Toe dor
minion of error io a,country of free thought
and universal snd unlimited discussion is,
and must be, short lived.
* ■> . ' - . .
The Holy Farther baa sent a g ; ft
value to M. Theirs as an aekhowledgament
of the services rendered by his oration in
defence of the temporal power.
t -
Prince Napolccm has sold his Roman
house, Avenue Mon -atgae* but to whom and
for what sum, no one can discover.
Y(ff
» idi s:%. JL*Jr A m.TT itw, .J
j- ’
mfcilhftu«&£ iWifcfcjg.
*J II *cckty Cotmtici'eifti » *
ABYjnm s'isrc .Suinas,
WITH AS ESiTIOM JF TEH THW9W CiPItS
F«i< wuiunws
|-i£l * , ; : -y- . --TVi ; |,j #,*// j^j,
To bo l«<tUfd.on or IbuutUiv loibuf Jui fl
BT J» ll • u 141.1
haUov, fcr.ußCi.V. 1
f I >ll IS enterprise is nndertntrpn nr the f
_1 inanv of Uio lsa«j ; air »| trie «*ot*
dx a Method of extpr.&ive v •idveri.i-ini’ tlje>r L’t >V *
While we will'publish the advertisement* of .1
rnav favor us with their palmnfc;:*, u«s t nicT * ,t.-
contain Prices Torrent of the tfafkh* t:; „ » t’,« r - r>.
cipat Cities, Ru es ol Kxoh|u'jr* t tirnktrair* .Vo «uH
Commercial News of every ch -cri, i,‘n th.iV ..
interests to the Mercantile Commoni»r.
Nor wi.l tbs “ill(itioli” Uj mJu2j
Advertisements ; bo* the £«frver' be > >
large to leave ample room ..., T
deuce, Select Reading .Matter, Ac! It wiil’b** H ‘ Y»r •
ly, a? well as a F q.ci, n«J v
shall visit every Citr, Town afid Tiliai-o m tb < l i
try. “
A'l can pe-ceivo the of adrerttsoig 10 s
osner of this diseriptron. OCR T’-’tlV'* W r l f *o
LIBERAL. We ure uiiub'e to nnbiuih tkem m Uum
Circular, tint knowing wtwt nhtr.bcc ol m. (VI. 1
will want their Cuds, Nota.--*. A-., bn o/fc
before the I’ublic through this medium. \V«* v\, I ..[.fv
sav to all, send yntir Ad vert icemen’s
ly ; state how much apace you wish jh* u ! o ov o>
directions, Ac. We hare a larp* ck ol T , -,- f
Cut* and nmteriai for uiaplaymp sh» t., anu ltd om i
dent of meriting the pairom-e ,i .-1 *., • r,, ,
Business Men. As soon as we ar;f' _ c st ts. •...
of matter and sizttof paper rei^uu■ and, w.: wdi u tke an
estimate, find publish the rate* f>- . ’vr* . i.v, j, it..
first, number. THEY WILL BE AS Lo\V as I »>-»-
BIBLE TO ALLOW Us To PUBLISH TmE P.'.l'tß
Deeiniug it superttnons to argue ttie b* n. fit ot this . - ■
terprise to the adve iising world, we lei te the %nbi c;
with it, feeling it will meet iu cordial co*operufa4» -tu .
support. , Address,
J. W. BL RulK A CO., Ua
Mcßride & dorbett,
coimv AS l) PHUIWIC BUOaflts
' •» * AND
General Cununl <sloa Jltrciocti,
(iT J. K. UAaMAM'a, CiUKi T HH-Bk T > ,
O -JJST 9 Cjr-A...., .4
WILL give their rrompt and oer on* -n to the
purchase ami aaJe of Itlltb ) 1 . i . v■■ . »
BONDrt, G-OLtk, MEttCHANUIXt and nlMtrti Ys if n t"
TRY PKOUUCK.
llavihi: am le fa-Rlftr* for aola«Te t’.-v lie*'
eonatgoments of MBR-HANUIZI font *U p >n* ot “•*■■■
I'uiuu. Con !giime..ta of cub .I.o' TROhLcX r*.*
fully aoliciied.
KisFitßKscKs.---1. W . Feftfs A 00., url J. I„ KiaMnrr
Macon, (ia J. 1$ Walker k ? >», I>. L vo ..... •. r’-.i s,
A. Aiisiey AOo., Ainata, Gif. R*e*
mood, Va. 8. ti li< u > & Gt., K,. *s>y» *
Colbert,'Cotnyir.us, (»a. W. Herrin 4 ; J V
houa, At!ant4,Oa. ..... (
jut<c )s—Util,*
The Arinnh IntelHjteTi?cr TrfH eo -y to". r t. ’t an i
S,ad hil. to t ! is <did ;c. ' tr,
WM. Sf. DUlffl. THOs’w. MANttliTvt
DU NN cl MA N GHAM,
Gfiiifral ?roV?*!f»
WIIOIaKSAIaIii AND UFFI'AH.,
OP AI. f£ rib IS
GpOCtfUtS AND PbJV.SIGNS SHUERALU.
VVE buy arK i Se ji Hiicon, Isard. H tod, So. o But *• ,
Cofitw, Hour, i00..c00, ftjeyt
mgß, Oanabivga, lung.
Silt, Leather, Chttr.v
etc., e'rs., etc.
t*r Consigiiments aud iiwue r. - jMttuily '' cite,].
RALSTON’S (;JtANITE RaNOi .
anrl-tf . f \I c .
R» B. CLAIYTON 6c CO.,
GENERAL INTELLIGENCE OF THE.
at tftc-ir B laud on Cherry Street, anil wl:i attend to t.. lurU 4
of Rentiha; of ITouh ‘. A
Information given regarding Laborer*. Ac, if eve/v
in scription, and satipfactorj iw lav meal, m* • o *t* •
Servants and Ma*’urn
Give ws a call and we w !! satisfy yen.
A/ucTloisr sales,
AS CoUAL ON KV££Y
Tuesdays, Thursday * ami .SaUi«ij
June . , juf
FURNITURE SND V/COR WORE
OF ALL KINDS MADSS 10 Oliii..:.
Furniture Meaused anJ Kefiirc.:.
COFFINS ALWAYS ON HANU,
AND LUMBER FOR BALE AT MV PAPTOHT. r
Third Street. GKKNMuLk. WOOD.
jane 2 -Bm* *
A Desirable Garden Let
FOR RALE.
T WILL »el<, on verv reason it> ter .i*. a rppy deidrsk 1 -
JL GaRDIiN LOT in V . 0 the •> e - .. 0 » .
lent well of W * TLU, and r»nc rs t « be • OKCHARDd-.;.
the city. The plae iis eae ore.! by a u»w Ita’e, : .. %
NFATtfOUSEoait.
Call and see u", as »e will telllow.
<*. F. AH. K. OLIVER:
je2L-tf
LAW NOTICE.
I HAYS resumed-the p*ictme ftf my r*' Vtslon, and wv;
attend to all business *-ntn * <’ •>mvc* .. ~ the: ,te.
HsTinir just reta r « i 'd frtiia Wesht rton t. part • 4*-
flriog udv ce »i c»’u.sel rets v- l i t).s l,<i »(*!.• r. :,f
paper*onder,tire It ociamnw» :i Ur 'it.rr ara
the status of cont/nCO an! tt> and ,u . r( y r . . e
last four years, e?.n consult me 1 y hrt«r .* to n •—»*
CiSi’e at t#» t>. i*L .*cc, i ear ih / «*. y t
Macon, Ga. O A? L iCf >
Young- Ladles Academy.
GA.
Th* wrdcrc roc". # f-*
Yurso Lad, :s, » boat the FIR. c t Os. *KFI Mt’gF
Inthe building fointerly u e<l by ti.m i r tb t t ... _ !r . \
Olicular,containi’-r ad tt.'«*e*r«ry a t r. ;u r- , \ I
to the School, R'iU ic is»utd in die Ui . j of
pupils wi 1 he Itmltrd.
i. a.FUaMUtt.
•m L t'ONXELIji,
atto jjiey at law.
ALE Aa2<r*X\ CiIiOWIA.
»«**• ? ?a, d *-^rew!l.RStT
lh“ Ci:CTNi- Cl V.-‘ Os tl C . St-vIU
fM ! -’ 3 0 .4rt.T^r-
J -* ,A- Vfi ‘
-■TNO'TICE.
THa VEIL-; ’"V*. '•» main Ike WAP
-1 uous.
JAM3 If. AXDr^fllf.
jyl-lao-i*