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SOUTHERN FEDERAL UNION.
Milled*'-eville, O-a.
1-clirr rori tbr C®n*pfr®llrr Cirneral to ihr
■floa. T. Iliiadiuau. of Arknu«nH.
The 1Ioq» T. 0. Hindman, of Arkansas,
on the 29th ult., by letter, asked to be in
formed by the proper oiiiccr of Ge< rgia, as
to the “rate of taxation"in said Stale, “be
fore and since secession.'’ The following
is the response of Peterson Thweatt, Esq,
the Comptroller General of Georgia :
Comi’troi i.er General’s Office, |
Milledgeville Ga.. April 13. )
Hon. T. 0. Hindman, Helena, Ark.
Dear Sir: Yonrs of the 29th uli., asking
to be informed officiallyas to the “rate of
taxation” in Georgia “before and since
secession” is at hand, and i hasten to reply
to the same.
Our taxes in Georgia, are levied upon
the ad valorem principle generally, as to
property : Banking and railroad capital,
however, paying a specific tax, the former
paying 39-1 6-100 cents on the *100, and
the latter paying one-half of one per cent,
upon its net annual income. Our poll tax
is 25 cents each; professions &c., and free
persons of color are raxed *5 each.
With the exceptions, then, of bank and
railroad capital, the rate of taxation in
Georgia for the past two years and at
present, is six and a half cents on the hun
dred dollars (or about one-fifteenth of one
per cent.) There has been no increase of
taxation in Georgia xmre the State seceded.
The 6.4 cents on the *100 raised last year
$400,000. In view of the State seceding,
and the authorized issue of SI,000,000 of
Bonds for her defence, the legislature, in
December last, authorized the Governor
and Comptroller General to raise $600,000
on the tax of 1*61.—Provided the same
amount of property is returned, this would
only make the whole .State or general tax
nay a lew of about ten cents on the one
hundred dollars, or one-tenth of one per
cent. Beyond the raising of the $600,000,
we cannot go. But the levy is not author
ized to he made until after the 1st of Au
gust next. The Governor and Comptrol
ler General have not determined nor will
they determine until that time, (at which
time they can best judge of the wants of
the State) whether or not they will in
crease much the per cent, upon last year.
As, however, our taxes are so very low,
and as we have had to purchase about
$320,000 worth of arms and munitions of
war besides paying other military expen
ses, it is probable that we may deem it
necessary or proper to raise the $600,000,
and if the same amount of property is re
turned that was returned last year, we may
have to levy about ten cents on the one
hundred dollars, or one-tenth of one per
cent. Of course, if the same amount of
property he returned at a less value than
it was returned last year, the per cent
levied must he higher, to raise the same
amount of money. But even if we do this,
our taxes then will not he as high as
that, paid by other States a year or two
ago, when there was no war or other dis
turbances of the public peace. As perti
nent to this matter I deem it not inappro
priate to present the following, contained
in the report from this office in October,
lSd9, to-wit:
“With the slight glance I have been
able to give the late Tax Acts, within my
reach, of several Southern States, I find,
that in South Carolina, upon lands, in ci
ties, towns, villages, boroughs, &c., the
tax is 12£ cents on the $100, and upon
other lands it is 60 cents, and slaves pay
70 cents per head. In Kentucky, real
and personal estate is taxed at 20 cents
on the $100, iu xexas, 724 cents on the
$100. In Mississippi, 16 cents on the $100
on lands, 20 cents on money, Ac., and 40
cents on each slave. In 1 lorida, 16g
cents on the $100. In Virginia, 40 cents
on $100. real and personal estate, and
$1,20 on each slave. In Alabama, 20
cents on the $100 on real estate and other
property, 50 cents on money at interest,
and au average tax of 60 cents on eacli
slave, (those between Id and 30 years of
The Armstrong Gun.—We have no pre-J federate States Flag, made by the true
cise information, say a the London Jour-1 aud noble hearted ladies of Bollingbrook
nal, respecting the experiment conducted j street, as a token of their appreciation of
recently with an Armstrong gun against the generous efforts they were about to
a martill© tower at Eastbourn. The guns j make to achieve a successful defence of
employed were a 40-pounder of 63 cwt.,! Virginia soil and principles. The enth ti
mid a short 100-pounder, weighing only siasm at this point, among the voluntee rs,
•13 cwt. The distance was 1032 yards,
and the projectiles employed wer partly
! soiid shot partly percussion shells. The
I tower was built of very strong brick-work,
the thickness of the wall being 7 feet 3 in-
I ches on the land side, and nine feet on the
side next the sea. The roof or platform
consisted of a massive vault of great
strength, supported by the walls and by
a solid pillar of brick-work occupying the
centre of the tower. The $0 pounder
shot was found to pass quite through the
wall into the tower, piercing 7 feet 3 in
ches of brick work; the other lodged in
the wall at the dep'h of about five feet.
Five shells were then fired, and with so
much effect, that after eight or ten rounds
from each gun, the interior of the tower
became exposed to view. The centre pil
larsupporting the bomb-proof was speed
ily knocked away, hut the structure was
so compact that the vault continued to
; tand and was only brought down by a
succession of shells exploded in the brick
work. Nothing could exceed the precision
with which these shells were thrown.
The broken section of the vault was itself
but a small object to hit, but this was
done with such unerring certainty that the] departure,
very spot selected was almost invariably | dred.
struck. The total number of shot and shell! Much feeling was shown, and many af-
fired against the tower was 170, of which j fecting scenes was witnessed between the
only a small portion was from the 100-! friends at parting.—Petersburg Express,
pounder. The 100 pounder gun used on 1 2d>th hist.
this occasion throws shells which weigh i ~
100 pounds and contain S pounds of pow-j M<*SS<lgC of tllP Pr6Sid(*Qt«
der, and yet the weight of the gun with] To t i u Special Session of the Congress Con
vened at Montgomery, April 29th, 1801.
2 pounder the weight of which is 32 j Gentlemen or mil C ongress:
It is my pleasing duty to announce to
i you that the Constitution framed for the
was unbounded, and gave partial bent in
three rousing cheers for the ladies.
Charles Tinsley, one of their number,
stepped forward to receive the dag, and
in reply said—“We are willing to aid ^ ir-
ginia’s cause to the utmost extent of our
ability. We do not feel that it is right for
us to remain here idle, when white gen
tlemen are engaged in the performance of
work at Norfolk that is more suitable to
our hands, and of which it is our duty to
releive them. There is not an unwilling
heart among us, nor a man hut will tell in
the work before us; and we promise un
hesitating obedience to all orders that may
he given to us.” In referring to the dag,
he said—“I could feel no greater pride, no
mere genuine gratification, than to bo able
to plant it first upon the ramparts of For
tress Monroe.”
This was truly a patrotic speech, com
ing from the source it did, and was received
with a general outburst of cherring and
applause.
The men were then marched down
Sycamore street to the tune of “Dixie,”
to the depot, where iu the presence of an
immense crowd of darkies, they took their
They numbered just one hnu-
which these tremendous projectiles are
discharged is less than that of the ordina
ry
cwt.
Amount of Absence Proper for Husbands.
—The Home Journal gives credit to Miss
Muloch for the following invaluable hints,
which husbands will please take under es
pecial consideration :
“A lady of my acquaintance gives it as
her sine yua von of domestic felicity, that
the‘men of the family should always he
against foreign aggression, has been grad
ually perverted into a machine for their
control in their domestic affairs: the crea
ture lias been exalted above its creators;
the principal* have been made subordinate
to the agent appointed by themselves.
The people of the Southern States,
w hose almost exclusive occupation was ag
riculture, early perceived a tendency in
the Northern States to render the common
government subordinate to their own pur
poses, by imposing burthens on commerce
as a protection to their manufacturing and
shipping interests. Long and angry con
troversy grew out of these attempts, often
successful, to benefit one section of the
country at the expense of the other; and
the danger of disruption arising from this
cause w'as enhanced by the fact that the
Northern population was increasing by
immigration and other causes iu a greater
ratio than the population of the aouth
By degrees, as the Northern States would
gain preponderance in the National Con
gress, self-interest taught their people to
yield ready assent to any plausible advo
cacy of their right as a majority to govern
the minority without control; they learn
cd to listen with impatience, to the sug
gestion of any constitutional impediment
to ihc exercise of their will; andsoutter-
ly have the principles of the Constitution
been corrupted iu the Northern mind, that
in the inaugural address by President
Lincoln in March last, he asserts as an ax
iom which lie plainly deems to be unden’a-
ble, that the theory of the Constitution
requires that in all cases the majority shall
govern; and in another memorable in
stance, the same Chief Magistrate did not
hesitate to liken the relations between a
State and the, United States to those
which exist between a county and the
State in which it is situated and by which
it was created. This is the lamentable
and fundamental error on which rests
the policy that has culminated in his de
claration of war against these Confederate
States.
In addition to the long continued and
deep seated resentment felt by the South
ern States at the persistent abuse of the
powers they had delegated to the Con
gress, for the purpose of enriching the man
ufacturing and shipping classes of the
North at the expense of the South, there
has existed for nearly half a century an
other subject of discord, involving inter
ests of such transcendent magnitude, as at
supplied not only with bodily comfort but with
careful religious instruction. Under the supervi
sion of a superior race, their laboi had been so di
rected as not only to allow a gradual and marked
amelioration of their own condition, hut to convert
■ituidreJa-.ef thousands of square miles of the wil
derness into cultivated lands, covered with a pros
perous people; towns and cities had sprung into
xisteucu, and had lapidly increased in wealth and
population under the social si stem of the South;
white population of the Southern slaveholditig appearance of the hostile fleet off Charleston
’ Fortunately not a life was lost on our side, and we
were gratified iu being spareu the necessity ot a
useless effusion of blood by the prudent caution ot
establishment of a Permanent Government
for the Confederate States, has been ratifi
ed by Conventions in each of those States
to which it was referred. To inaugurate
the Government in its full proportions and
upon its own substantial basis of the popu
lar will, it only remains that elections
should be held for the designation of the
absent at least six hours in the day.’ And j officers to administer it.
truly, a mistress of a family, however! There is every reason to believe that at
strong her affection for the male members no distant day, other States identified iu j ail times to create the apprehension in the
of it, cannot but acknowledge that this is j political principles and community of in- j minds of many devoted lovers of the
a great boon. A house where ‘papa’ or ] terests with those which yon represent will Union, that its permanence was impossi-
join this Confederacy; giving to its typi- j hie.
cal constellation increased splendor—to its j Y\ hen the several States delegated cer-
government of free, equal and sovereign j tain powers to the United States Congress,
States a wider sphere of usefulness—and a large portion of the laboring population
to the friends of constitutional liberty a j consisted of African slaves imported into
greater security for its harmonious and j the colonies by the mother country. In
perpetual existence. j twelve, out of thirteen States, negro sla-
It was not,however, for the purpose of j very existed, and the right of property in
making this announcement, that I
the ‘hoys’ are always ‘pottering about,’
[topping in and out at all lionrs, everlas
ting by wanting something, or finding fault
with something else, is a considerable trial
ever, to feminine patience. And I bog to
ask my sex generally—in confidence, of
course—if it is not the greatest comfort
possible when the masculine half of the
family being cleaied out for the day, the
house settles down into regular work and
orderly quietness until evening? Also, it
is good lor them as well as for us, to have
all the inevitable petty domestic ‘bothers’
go over in their absence; to effect which
ought to he one of the pricipal aims of the
mistress of a family. Let them, if possible,
return to a quiet, smiling home, with all
its small annoyances brushed away like
the dust and cinders from the grate-which.
en passant, is one of the first requisites
to make a fireside look comfortable. It
might he well, too, if the master himself
could contrive to leave the worldly mud of
the day at the scraper outside his door.”
No Stomach for the Fight.—\Ye are
glad to learn from the following brief, hut
well put article from the Argus, that the
Democracy of the Western portion of the
Stare will enter upon no war against the
South. In this portion of the State, we
are happy to proclaim, that the universal
sentiment of the Democracy is to take no
part in a civil war, unless it be on the side
of State Sovereignty. Hcres what 'I he
\rgus says :
“if the reports of the near approach of
a bloody conflict should prove correct, it
will he one satisfaction to those who have
age being $110 each.) In Tennesseee, it j persistently warned against it and opposed
is 134 cents on the aT00, while in Georgia j its consummation that the fight will have
the taxon land and slaves aud other prop- j to he carried on on this side by tho<e who
erty, (except hank and roilroad capital,,1 | have preached lor it, voted for it and pre
cipitated it upon us.
ed in the idea of war
is now 6^ cts. on the $100.
It will therefore be seen while the tax
in Texas wants hut one-halt cent on the
$100 of double our tax, the per. cent tax
in the various other Southern States above
named is more than double that ol Geor
gia, while Alabama and Kentucky arc
more than three times larger; Louisiana j teer for battle,
is more than four times larger, and the per
cent, tax in Virginia is more than six times
larger than it is in Georgia.
In Wisconsin it is 124 cents on the $100,
nearly double; New Hampshire and Maine,
it is 20 cents on the $100, over three
times as large.—In Pennsylvania it is 2'>
cents on the $100, nearly four times as
large, and in Minuessota it is 26 cents on
the $100, being four times larger than our
tax.
In Ohio, the per ceut., 31 cents on the
$100, is nearly five times larger, and in
They have delight-
and bloodshed, and
announcement, that I have
deemed it nty duty to convoke you at an
earlier day than that fixed by yourselves
for your meeting. The declaration of war
made against the Confederacy by Abra
ham Lincoln, the President of the United
States, in his proclamation issued on the.
fifteenth day of the present month, ren
dered it necessary, in my judgment, that
you should convene at the earliest practi
cable moment, to devise the measures nec
essary for the defense of the country.
The occasion is indeed an extraordinary
one. It justifies me in a brief review of
the relations heretofore existing between
us and the States which now unite in war
fare against us, and in a succinct state
ment of the events which have resulted in
this warfare; to the end that mankind
may pass intelligent and impartial judg
ment on its motives and objects.
During the war waged against Great
Britain by her colonies on this continent,
a common danger impelled them to a close
alliance, and to the formation of a Confed
eration, by the terms o f which the colonies,
stylingthcmselvcs States,entered ‘severally
into a firm league of friendship with each
otherfortheir common defense,the security
of their liberties, and their mutual and gen
eral welfare, binding themselves to assist
each other against all force offered to. or
attacks made upon them or any of them,
on account of religion, sovereignty, trade
or any other pretense whatever.’
In order to guard against any miscon
struction of their compact, the several
, ' MIUCUUU V»I Uicil V'Xi liljitiv l y UIV POClill
then they will have to shoulder their raus- gf a tes made explicit declaration, in a dis-
ket and take the realities of war. I hey j tiuct article, that “each State retains its
will not, fd course, ask Democrats to take
sovereignty, freedom and independence,
part in such a fight. I hey will not hesi-| an( j ev(?r y power, jurisdiction and right
iatc to go forward themselves- to volun-1 wn ; c h is not by this Confederation cxgress-
If they do hesitate to en- I /,/ delegated to the United States in Con-
list they will be kicked out of the country ' ~ PSS assembled.”
I by the boys and women. Democrats who
, have always fought the battles of their
: country against foreign foes will have no
j relish for killing their Southern brethren
j and will “decline the honor,” leaving it
i all to those who have enjoyed the antici
pation of it with so much apparent gusto,
i YVc are sorry to say that in some few in-
] stances abolitionists have looked rather
i blank when informed that Democrats could
not he compelled into such a war—that
. there is no law for it—but the sole reliance
Underfill's contract of alliance, the war
of the revolution was successfully waged,
i slaves was protected by' law. This prop
erty was recognized iu the Constitution,
and provision was made against its loss hv
the escape of the slave. I he increase in
the number of slaves by further importa
tion from Africa was also secured by a
clause forbidding Congress to prohibit the
slave trade anterior to a certain date ; and
in no clause can there be found any dele
gation of power to the Congress author
izing it in any manner to legislate to the
prejudice, detriment or disconragemcnt of
the owners of that species of property, or
excluding it from the protection of the
government.
The climate and soil of the Northern
States soon proved unprojiitious to the
continuance of slavery, whilst the con
verse was the case at the South. Under
the unrestricted free intercouse between
the two sections, the Northern States con
sulted their own interest by selling their
slaves to the South, and prohibiting sla
very within their limits. The South were
willing purchasers of a property suitable
to their wants, and paid the price of the
acquisition without harboring a suspicion
that their quiet possession was to be dis
turbed by those who were inhibited, not
only by want of constitutional authority,
but by good faith as vendors, from dis
quieting a title emanating from them
selves.
As soon, bow'ever, as the Northern
States that prohibit African slavery with
in their limits had reached a number suf
ficient to give their representation a con
trolling voice in the Congress, a persistent
and organized system of hostile measures
against the right of the ow r ners of slaves
in the Southern States was inaugurated,
and gradually extended. A continuous
series of measures was devised and prose
cuted for the purpose of rendering insecure
the tenure of property in slaves: fanatical
organizations, supplied with money by
and resulted in the treaty of peace with ] voluntary subscriptions, were assiduously
Great Britain in 17S3, hv the terms of I engaged iri exciting amongst the slaves a
which the several States were, each by
name, recognized fo he independent.
The articles of confederation contained
a clause whereby all alterations were pro
hibited, unless confirmed by the Legisla
tures of every State, after being agreed to
bv the Congress: and in obedience to this
spirit of discontent and revolt; means were
furnished for their escape from their own
ers, and agents secretly employed to en
tice them to abscond; the constitutional
provision for their rendition to their own
ers was first evaded, then openly denoun
ced as a violation of conscientious ohliga-
Iilinois, the per cent, tax 67 cents on the \of the president in a conflict of this kind must\ v ^ ^ j ie y[ st 0 f February, 1787, the several
provision ntider the resolution of Congress j f ion and religions duty; men were taught
$100, is over ten times larger than it is in
Georgia.
Thus it will be seen that the tax of
Georgia is so far below that of other
•States, that it may be termed almost a
nominal tax.”
But this is not all. As I have seen it
stated in some of the Northern Abolition
prints, that forced loans have boon exac
ted in the Confederate iStafee of the South,
i be upon abolition volunteers \
Money for the Nary.—We are antbori-
i zed by a patriotic gentleman of intelli-
] gence and high standing, of Thomas coun
ty, to say that he will be one of one thou
sand citizens in the Confederate States to
i give *1000 for the building of a navy for
immediate service. 'The suggestion has
been made that subscription lists be open-
sincc they have seceded, 1 take this oc- : ed in the various newspaper officers
casion to say that, no forced loans have throughout the South for this purpose, in
been exacted in Georgia of any character order to afford opportunity to all who de-
whatmer. The public debt of Georgia, sire to subscribe money for the immediate
on the 20th of October last, was $2,670,- | construction of ships of war to protect our
750. To redeem this, besides her taxes, ] commerce and drive the Abolition fleets
(which have been annually applied to the from the blockade of our harbors,
payment of the interest and reduction of More will he added on the subject next
the public debt) this State owns the Wes- week. Exchanges please copy and corn-
tern and Atlantic Railroad supposed to meat. Southern Enterprise.
be worth $7,000,000, which lias been pay- -
ing into the State Treasury $430,000 per ; Departure of Negroes for Norfolk.—A
annum after paying all expenses and she [ very interesting scene was witnessed iu
owns also $790,000 of good hank and rail- jour streets yesterday morning, previous
road stock—in all $7,790,900. The late to the departure of our dark regiment for
Legislature, however, iu view of the an* j Norfolk. At an early hour in the day th“
ticipated troubles now upon the land, au- jmemlcrs were busy receiving their provi-
thorized the issue of six per cent. State
Bonds, payable at 20 years, for the de
fence of the Mate. Up to this date the
banks of this State and individuals, have
already voluntarily and patriotically taken
$330,000 of those bonds at par, and as
Georgia lias abundant means to meet any
emergency, (which fact is well known to
her own people) if we need more, we h tve
no fears about getting what money we
want at home.
Hoping to see Arkansas and every oth
er border Southern State again free and
with their friends who are note free, and
far removed from an Abolition government,
Abolition rule and Abolition dominion and
destruction,
I have the honor to be,
Ver3 r respectfully,
Yonr obedient servant,
FETEIISUN THWKATT,
Comptroller General.
North Carolina Calls a Convention.—
Wdmmgton, May 1—6 p. m.—The Legis
lature of North Carolina met at II o’clock
to-day, at Raleigh.
The House, at 1 o’clock passed an un
restricted Convention bill, unanimously.
The bill was sent to the Senate, aud will
he certain to pass this evening.
The election of delegates is to take
place on the 13th, and the Convention is
to meet on the 20th inst.
sions, blankets aud shoes; afterwards col
lecting in the vicinity of the Court House.
A dense crowd of negroes, composed of
friends, relatives and interested lookers-on,
! gathered round and almost blockaded
j Sycamore and the street leading to the
Temple of Justice. At length, about 11
[o’clock, when everything was in readiness,
the men were drawn up in line on th
Court House Square, in the presence of
a large assemblage of whites, to listen to
an address from John Dodson, Esq , who
congratulated them upon the commenda
ble spirit they had shown in this crisis,
and complimented them in merited terms
upon their w illingness, aye, their anxiety
to aid in any manner in the defence of
our State against her Northern Enemies.
He felt that Virginia could depend upon
the strong arms and ready hearts of those
he was addressing, and he bid them do
their duty in such a manner as would effec
tively tell in the defence oi the State, and
when they returned they would reap a
rich reward of praise and merit from
thankful people. Mr. Dodson was fre
quently interrupted by hearty cheers from
the negroes.
Mr. Wm. Fenn next addressed them
upon their duties, apt only to the State,
hut to him as their’temporary master, ex
pressing the hope that he should in no case
have to complain of a single member. He
States appointed delegates who attended
a Convention “for the sole and express pur
pose of revising the articles of confedera
tion, and reporting to Congress and the
several Legislatures, such alterations and
provisions therein as shall when agreed to
in Congress, and confirmed by the States,
render the Federal Constitution adequate
to the exigencies of government and the
preservation of the Union.”
It was, by the delegates chosen, by the
several States, under the resolution just
quoted, that the Constitution of the United
States was framed in 1787, and submitted
to the several States for ratification, as
shewn by the 7th article, which is in these
words :
“The ratification of the Constitution of
nine States shall be sufficient for the estab
lishment of the Constitution BETWEEN the
States, so ratifying the same.”
I have italicised certain words in the
quotations just made, for the purpose of
attracting attention to the singular and
marked caution with which the States en
deavored. in every possible form, to ex
clude the idea that the separate and inde
pendent sovereignty of each State was
merged into one common government and
nation ; and the earnest desire they evin
ced to impress on the Constitution in its
true character—that of a compact be
tween independent States.
The Constitution of 17 87 having, how
ever, omitted the clause already recited
from the articles of Confederation which
provided, in explicit terms, that each State
retained its sovereignty and independence,
some alarm was felt in the States when
invited to ratify the Constitution, lest this
omission should be construed into an
abandonment of their cherished principle,
aud they refused to be satisfied until
amendments were added to the Constitu
tion, placing beyond any pretence of
doubt, the reservation by the States, of all
their sovereign rights and powers—not ex
pressly delegated to the United States by
the Constitution.
Strange indeed must it appear to the
impartial observer, but it is none the less
true, that all these carefully worded
clauses proved nnavailing to prevent the
rise and growth, in the Northern States,
of a political school which has persistent
ly claimed that the Government thus form
ed was not a compact between States, but
was in effect a national government, set
up above and over the States. An organi
zation, created by the States to secure the
also presented them with a beautiful Con* blessings of liberty and independence
that it was a merit to elude, disobey, and
violently oppose the execution of the laws
enacted to secure the performance of the
promise contained in the constitutional
compact; owners of slaves were mobbed
and even murdered in open day, solely for
applying to a magistrate for the arrest of
a fugitive slave; the dogmas of these vol
untary organizations soon obtained control
of the Legislatures of many of the North
ern States, and Jaws were passed provid
ing for the punishment by ruinous fines
and long continued imprisonment in jails
and penitentiaries, of citizens of the South
ern States who should dare to ask aid of
the officers of the law for the recovery of
their property. Emboldened by success,
the theatre of agitation and aggression
against the clearly expressed constitution
al rights of the Southern States was trans
ferred to the Congress; Senators aud Rep
resentatives were sent to the common
councils of the nation, whose chief title to
this distinction consisted in the display of
a spirit of ultra fanaticism, and w hose bu
siness was, “not to promote the general
welfare or ensure domestic tranquility,”
but to awaken the bitterest hatred against
the citizens of sister States by violent de-
nunciath n of their institutions: the trans
action of public affairs was impeded by re
peated efforts to usurp powers not delega
ted by the Constitution, for the purpose of
impairing the security of property iu
slaves, and reducing those States which
held slaves to a condition of inferiority'.
Finally, a great party was organized for
the purpose of obtaining the administra
tion of the government, with the avowed
object of using its power for the total ex
clusion of the slave States from all partic
ipation in the benefits of the public do
main, acquired by all the States in com
mon, w hether by conquest or purchase; of
surrounding them entirely by States in
which slavery sLould be prohibited; of
thus rendering the property in slaves so
insecure as to be comparatively wortljess,
and thereby annihilating in effect property
woith thousands of millions of dollars.
This party, thus organized, succeeded in
the month of November last, in the elec
tion of its candidate for the Presidency of
the United States.
In the meantime, under the mild and genial cli
mate of (lie Southern States, and the increasing
care and attention for the well-being and comfort
of the laboring class, dictated alike by interest and
humanity, the African slaves had augmented in
DtflRker from about fittOJlOO, at the date of the
adoption of the constitutional compact, to upward*
of 4,006,Boo. In moral and social condition, they
had been elevated from brutal savagea into docile,
intelligent aud civilized agricultural laborers, and
it
•Slates had augmented from about l.25u,l)(.U at the
'late of the adoption of the Constitution, to more
than 8,5lM!.0t!y in IMiC; and the prodneiion of the
■South in cotton, rice, sugar and tobacco, for the
bill development and continuance of which, the
labor of African slaves was, and is iudispensable,
bad swollen to an amount which formed nearly
three-fourths of the exports ot the whole United
States, and had become absolutely necessary to
the wants of civilized mau.
uli interests of such overwhelming magnitude
imperilled, the ptople of the Southern States were
driven by the conduct of the North to the adoptiou
of some course of action to avert the danger with
which they were openly menaced. With this view,
the Legislatures of the several States invited the
people to select delegates to Conventions to he
held for the purpose ol determining fur themselves
w hat measures were best adapted to meet so alarm
ing a crisis in their history.
Here it may be proper to observe that from a
period as early as I71H, theie had existed in all of
the States of the Union a party, almost uninterrup
tedly in the majority, hased upon the creed that
each State was in the last result, the sole judge as
well ot its wrongs, as of the mode and measure of
redress. Indeed, it is obvious, that, under the
laws i>l nations, this principle is an axiom as appli
ed to the relations o( independent sovereign States,
such as those which had united themselves under
the constitutional compact. The Democratic par
ty of the l nited States, repeated in its successlul
canvass in 1*56, the declaration made in numer
ous pterions contests, that it would “faithfully
abide by and uphold the principles laid down in
the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1798,
and in the report of Mr. Madison to the Virginia
Leislature in 179J; and that it adopts those prin
ciples as constituting oue of the main foundations
of its political creed.”
The. principles thus emphatically announced,
embrace that to which I liavo already adverted,
the right of each State to judge of. and redress the
wrongs of which it complains. These principles
were maintained by overwhelming majorities of
the people of all the States of the Union at differ
ent elections, t specially in the elections of Mr.
Jefferson in I .'•On, Mr. Madison in 1899, and Mr.
Pierce in 1852.
In the exercise of a right so ancient, so well es
tablished. and so necessary for self-preservation,
the people ot the Confederate States iu their Con
ventions, determined that the wrongs which they
had suffered, and the evils with which they were
menaced, required that they should revoke the
delegation ot power to the Federal Government
which they had ratilied in their several Constitu
tions. They consequently passed ordinances re-
uming all their lights as sovereign and independ
ent States, and dissolved their connection with the
other Slates of the Union.
Having done this, they proceeded to form anew
compact amongst themselves, by near a nicies of
Conlederation, which have broil also ratified by
the Conventions of the several States, with an ap
proach to unanimity far exceeding that of the Con
ventions which adopted the Constitution of J7r?T.
I hey have organized their new Government in all
its departments: the functions of the Executive,
as well as the Legislative and Judicial Magis
trates, are pel formed in accordance with the will
ot the people, as displayed, not merely in a cheer
ful acquiescence, bnt iu the enthusiastic support
of the Government thus established by ihemselves;
aud, hut for t’ e interference of the United Stales
in this legitimate exercise of the right of a people
to self-government, peace, happiness and prosper
ity would.t.ow smile on our land.
That peace is ardently desired by this Govern
ment and people, has been manifested in every
possible form. Scarce had you asseml led in Feb
ruary last, when, prior even to the inauguration of
the Chiel Magistrate you had elected, you passed a
resolution expressive of your desire for the appoint
ment of Commissioners to be sent to the Govern
ment of the United (States, “for the purpose of ne
gotiating friendly relations between that Govern
ment and the Confederate States of America, and
for the settlement of all questions of disagreement
between rlie two Governments upon principles of
right, justice, equity and good faith."
It was my pleasure, as well as my duty, to coop
erate with you in this work of peace. Indeed, in
my address to you on taking the oath of office, and
betore receiving from you the communication of
this resolution, I had said, “as a necessity, not a
choice, we have resorted to the remedy of separa
tion, and, henceforth, our energies must be direct
ed to the conduct of our own affairs and the perpe
tuity of the Confederacy which we have formed.
If a just perception of mutual interest shall permit
us peaceably to puisue our separate political ca
reer, my most earnest desire will have been ful
filled.”
It was in furtherance of these aecordaut views
of the ( ongress and the Executive, that I made
choice ot three discieet. able and distinguished cit
izens, who repaired to Washington. Aided by
their cordial cooperation, and that of the Secretary
ot State, eveiy effort compatible with self-respect
and the dignity of the Confederacy was exhaust-
id before I allowed myself to yield to the
tiwu that ihe Government of the United States was
determined to attempt the conquest ot this people,
and that our cherished hopes of peace were unat
tainable.
On the arrival of our Commissioners in Wash
ington, on the -'th of March, they postponed at the
suggestion of a friendly intermediary, doing more
than giving informal notice of their arrival. This
was done with a view to afford time to the Presi
dent, who had just been inaugurated, for the dis
charge ot other pressing official duties in the or
ganization of his administration, before engaging
his attention in the object of their mission. It was
not until the 12th of the month that they officially
addressed the Secretary ot State, informing him of
tin* purpose of their arrival, and stating, in the
language of their instructions, tiieir wish “to make
to the Government of the United States overtures
for tiie opening ot negotiations—assuting the Gov
ernment of the United States, that the President,
Congress and people of the Confederate States
earnestly desire a peaceful solution of these great
questions; that it is neither their interest nor their
wish to make any demand which is not founded
on the strictest justice, nor do any act to injure
their late confederates.”
To this communication, no formal reply was re
ceived until the Mil of April. During the interval,
the Commissioners had consented to waive all
questions of form. With the firm resolve to avoid
war, if possible, they went so far, even, as to hold,
during that long period, unofficial intercourse,
through an intermediary, whose high position and
character inspired the hope of success, and through
whom constant assurances were received from the
Government of the United States of peaceful in
tentions; of the determination to evacuate Fort
Sumter: and, further, that no measure changing
the existing status prejudicially to the Confederate
States, especially at Fort Pickens, was in contem
plation, hut that, in the event of any change of in
tention on the subject, notice would be given to
the Commissioners. The crooked paths of diplo
macy can scarcely furnish an example so wanting
iu courtesy, iu candor and directness as was the
course of tl;e United States Government towards
the United States was to place the besieging force
at Charleston between the simultaneous tire of the
fleet and the fort There remained, theaefore. no
alternative hut to direct that the fortshonld at once
be reduced. This order was executed by General
Deauregaid. with the skill and success which were
uaturally to be expected from the wellkuovrn char
acter of that gallant officer: and although the bom
bardment lasted hut thirty-three hoars, ottr flag did
not naive over its battered walls until alter the
tinns, that it would seem incredible . •
could have been issued by authority \ *'
conceding this to be the case, so far
Executive is concerned, it will be
difficult
to satisfy the people of tbe.se Static -i
their late confederates will sanction jj i at
clarations,. will determine to ignore*th
usages of civilized nations, and will ^
gurate a war of extermination on toll'
rides, by treating aspirates, open pnc,V '
acting tinder the authority of commit H
the officers who commanded the fleet, in abstain-1 issued by an organized Government
: r .l- i .i_ - •" ...... ,i... i jUC i, proclamation was issued, it
If
ing from the evidently futile i ffort to cuter the
harbor for the rebel of Major Anderson. I refer to
the report of the Secretary of War and the papers
which accompany it for furlher details of this bril
liant affair.
In this connection I cannot refrain from
a well-deserved tribute to the noble State,
the eminent soldierly qualities of whose
people were so conspicuously displayed in
the port of Charleston. For months they
had been irritated by the spectacle of a
fortress held within their principal harbor,
as a standing menace against their peace England, France, Russia ami He!
and independence. Built in part w ith since j our ad journment, to ask otn-,
their own money, its custody confided t nition as a member of the family of na
with their own consent to an agent who JtionB, and to make with each of those port
held no power over them other than sncli j ers treaties of amity and commerce
as they had themselves delegated for their j Further steps will be taken to enter bl
own benefit, intended to be used by that j like negotiations with the other Europe-’
agent for their own protection against for-; powers in pursuance of vour resolution,
eign attack, they saw it held with persist-1 passed at the last session. Sufficient tii
only have been published under th e
den-influence of passion, and we renv
assured mankind will be spared tlie hoi•
of the conflict it seems to invite.
For the details of this administration
the different departments, i refer to the
ports of the Secretaries which aecomp a ] "
this message. The State department In'
furnished the necessary instruction, t;,'.
three commissioners who have been sent t *
has not yet elapsed since the departure (l -
these commissioners for the receipt of arv
intelligence from them. As I deem it dj.
sirable that commissioners or other diplo
matic agents should also be sent at an
early period to the independent American
ent tenacity as a means of offense against
them by the very Government which they
had established for their protection. They
had beleaguered it for months—felt entire
confidence in tbeir power to capture it—
yet yielded to the requirements of discip
line, curbed tbeir impatience, submitted powers South of our Confederacy, with '
without complaint to the unaccustomed ] of whom it is our interests and farm.-
hardships, labors and privations of a pro-! wish to maintain the most cordial an !
traded siege; and when at length theiri friendly relations, I suggest flic expeffi.
patience was rewarded by the signal for, ency of making the necessary approjuia.
attack, and success had crowned their j tions for that purpose,
steady and gallant conduct—even in the' Having been officially notified by tbo author -
very moment of triumph—they evinced n 1 'ties of the State of V irginia that she hml u ,- .
, - , j e .i e i- O .L drawn trom the Union, and desired to uwiiii.rn
chivalrous regard for the feelings ot the the closest political .elations with us which j,
brave but unfortunate officer who had been ; possible at this time to establish, I cotun,1
compelled to lower his flag. All manifes- ] *A e Hon. Alexander II. Stephens, Vice Pn-sidcnt
tations of exultation were checked in his] of th«Confederate States, to represent this Gov.
. ernment at Kiemnoiul. I am happy to inform v#
presence.^ I heir commanding general, j t |, at j ias concluded a convention with the State
with their cordial approval and the con- j of Virginia, by which that honored Conmuanveauii
sent of his Government, refrained from I so long and justly distinguished among U i a^ter
imposing any terms that could wound the ! States, and so dear to the hearts ot thousand,. •
sensibilities ot the commander ot the fort. \ her power and her fortunes with ours, and he-r,-..
He was permitted to retire with the hon
ors of w ar—to salute his flag, to depart
freely with all liis command, aud was es
corted to the vessel in which he embark
ed, with the highest marks of respect from
those against whom his guns had been so
recently directed. Not only does every
event connected with the siege reflect the
highest honor on South Carolina, but the
forbearence of ber people and this govern
ment from making any harsh use ofa vic
tory obtained under circumstances of such
taken in connection with further facts,
which I now proceed to relate.
Early in April, the attention of the whole coun
try. as well as that of our Commissioners, was at
tracted to extraordinary preparations for an exten
sive military and naval expedition, whose destin
ation was concealed, only became known when
nearly completed, and, on the 5th. Ctli and 7th of
April, transports and vessels of war, with troops,
munitions and military supplies, sailed from North
ern ports, hound booth wards. Alarmed by so ex
traordinary a demonstraaon, the Commissioners
requested the delivery of aa answer to their official
communication of the 12th of March, and thereup
on received, on the 8th of April, a reply dated on
the 15th of the previous month, from which it ap
pears that, during the whole inteival, while the
Commissioners were receiving assurances calcula
ted to inspire hope of the success of their mission,
the Secretary of the State and the President of the
United States had already determined to hold no
intercourse with them whatever: to refuse even to
listen to any proposals they had to make, and had
profited by the delay created by their own assu
rances, in order to prepare secretly the means for
effective hostile operations.
That these assurances were given, has been vir
tually confessed by the Government of the United
States by sending a messenger to Charleston, to
give notice of its purpose, to use force, if opposed
in its intention of supplying Fort Sumter. No
more striking proof of the absence of good faith in
the conduct ot the Government of the United States
towards this confederacy can be required than is
contained in the circumstances which accompani
ed this notice. According to the ngnal course of
navigation, the vessels composing the expedition
designed for the relief of Fort Sumter, might be
expected to reach Charleston harbor on the 9th of
April: yet with our Commissioners actually in
Washington, detained under assurances that no
tice should he given of any military movement, the
notice was not addressed to them, but a messenger
was sent to Charleston to give the notice to the
Governor of South Carolina, and the notice was so
given at a late hour on the &th of April, the eve of
the very day on which the fleet might be expected
to arrive. That this tnana-uvre failed in its pur
pose was not the fault of those who contrived it.
A heavy tempest delayed the arrival ot the expe
dition, and gave time to the commander of our
forces at Charleston to ask and receive the instruc
tions of this government. Even then, under all
the provocation incident to the contemptnona te-
fnsal to listen to our Commissioners, and the tor
tuous course ot the Government of the United
States, I was sincerely anxious to avoid the effu
sion of blood, and directed a proposal to be made
to the commander of Fort Sumter, who had avow
ed himself to be nearly out of provisions, that we
would abstain from directing our fire on Fort Sum
ter if be would promise not to open on our forces
unless first attacked. This proposal was refused
and the conclusion was reached, that the design of
- r Commissioners in Washington. For prof J of j troops as an unconstitutional usurpation
.1 .. !■ of power to which they refused to respond,
I was not at liberty to disregard the fact
that many of the States seemed quite con
tent to submit to the exerc’se of the pow
er assnmed by the President of the United
$tates, and were actively engaged in levy
ing troops to be used for the purpose indi
cated in the proclamation.
Depi ived of the aid of Congress at the
moment, I was under the necessity of con
fining my action to a call on the States for
volunteers for the common defence, in ac
cordance with the authority you had con
fided to me before your adjournment. 1
deemed it proper further to issue procla
mation inviting application from persons
disposed to aid our defence in private
armed vessels on the high seas, to the end
that preparations might be made for the
immediate issues of letters of marque and
reprisal, which you alone, under the Con
stitution, have power to grant. 1 enter
tain no doubt you will concur with mein
the opinion that in the absence of a fleet
of public vessels, it w ill be eminently ex
pedient to supply tbeir place by private
armed vessels, so happily styled by tLc
publicists of the United States “the mili
tia of the sea,” and so often and justly re
lied on by them as an efficient and admi
rable instrument of defensive warfare. I
earnestly recommend Ihe immediate pas
sage of a' law authorizing me to accept the
numerous proposals already received
I cannot close this review of the acts of
the United States without referring to a
proclamation issued by tbeir President
under date of the 19th iusi. in which, after
declaring that an insurrection has broken
ont in this Confederacy against the Govern
ment of the United States, he announces
a blockade of all the ports of these States,
and threatens to punish «s pirates all per
sons who shall molest any vessel of the
United States under letters of marque is
sued by this Government. Notwithstand
ing the authenticity of this proclamation,
you will concur with me that it is bard to
believe it could have emanated from a
President of the United States. Its an
nouncement of a mere paper blockade is
so manifestly a violation of the law of va-
one of us. This convention, together with ti
ordinance of Virginia, adopting the I'rovisiona,
Constitution of ihe Confederacy, will la- laid be
fore you for your Constitutional action. I fi aT „
satisfactory assurances from other of our late Co:.,
federates that they are on the point of arii«pting
similar measures, and I cannot doubt that ere Tea
shall have been many weeks in session, the whoV
of the slaveholding States of the late Union, «;
respond to the call of honor and affection, and hr
uniting their fortunes w ith ours, promote our con:
mon interests and secure our common saf. tv.
In the Treasury Depaitnuiu. regulations have
been devised and put into execution for cam ing
. out the policy indii Med in your legislation on the
peculiar provocation, attest to the fullest : subject of the navigation of the Mississippi fiivtr.
extent the absence of .any purpose beyond as we U as * or l l* e collection ot revenue on the
»»•» a„d
sincere desire to avoid the calamities ot,g[ a ( e s; and delay and inconvenience have bem
war. i avoided as far as possible in organizing tlie rev-
Scarcely had the President of the Uni- cuneserviee for the various rail-ways.entering<v-:
l o. . J • j • . n* e .1 territory. As last as experience shall indicate th’
ted States received intelligence of the posgibi ,i ty of improvement in these regulations
failure of the scheme which he had devised n0 effort will be spared to free commerce from ;
fqr the reinforcement of Fort Sumter, j unnecessary embarrassments and obstructions.
1 Under your act authorizing a loan, proposih
were issued inviting subscriptions for live millions
of dollars, and the call was answered by the
prompt subscriptions of more than eight miiltoi.-
hy our own citizens, and not a single bid was made
under par. The rapid development of the purpo,-
of the President of the United States to invad ■
our soil, capture our forts, blockade our ports, and
wage war against us, induce me to direct that the
entire subscription should be accepted. It will
now become necessary to raise means to a m’n-ii
larger amount to defray the expenses of maintain
ing our independence and repelling invasion. 1
invite your special attention to this subject, and
the financial condition of the Government, with
the suggestion of ways aud means for the supply
<f the Treasury, will be presented to you in a
separata communication.
To the Department of Justice you have confide!
not only the organization and supervision of a.
matters connected with tiie course of justice, b ::
a ! so those connected with patents and with the
hnreau of public, printing.
Since your adjournment all the cotuts, with : :
exception of those of .Mississippi aim Texas, have
been organized by the appointment of Mai.bxls
and District Attorneys, aud are now prepared n r
the exercise of"tbeir functions.
In the two States just named, the gentiemeu
confirmed as judges, declined to accept the Appoint
ment, and no nominations have yet been nude to
tiil the vacancies. I refer yon to the report of the
Attorney General,and concur in his lecommenda-
tion, for immediate legislation, especially on the
subject of patent rights. Early provision shoold
he made to secure to the subjects of icreign na
tions the enjoyment of their property in valuable
inventions, and to extend to our own citizens p.o-
tection, not only for their own invi litions, hut for
such as may have been assigned to them, or may
hereafter he assigned by persons not alien enemies.
The patent office business Is much more cxt-i -
sive and important than had been anticipated.
The applications for patents, although confined
under the law exclusively to citizens ot cur Con
federacy, nlready average seventy per month,
showing the necessity for the prompt organization
of a bureau of patents.
The Secretary of War, in his report and accom
panying documents, conveyed full information
concerning the fores, regular, volunteer and pro
visional, raised and called for under the several
acts of Congress, their organization and distribn
tion. Also, an account of ihe expenditures al
ready made, and ;lie further estimates for the fiscal
- ear ending on the I'.h February, 1862. rendered
necessary by recent events. I refer to his report
also for a full history of the occurrences in Charge-
ton harbor, prior to and including the bombard
ment and reduction of Fort Sumter, and tie
measures,8ubsequeutly taken for common defeu-e,
on receiving intelligence of the declaration of wr-r
against us made by the President of the Ui-itc-I
States. There are now in the field at Ciiarlestc::.
Pensacola. Forts Morgan, Jackson, St Philip an 1
Pulaski, nineteen thousand men. and sixteen
thousand are now rn rutile for Virginia. It is pro
posed to organize and hold in readiness for inst.-r-t
action, in view of the present exigencies ot !ir<
country, an army of one hundred thousand m -n-
If further force should be needed the wisdom at- ’•
patriotism of Congress will he confidently ap; ’.
ed to for the authority to call into the field addi
tional numbers of our nobie spirited volunteers
who are constantly tendering service far in excess
of our wants.
The operations of the Navy Departments have
been necessarily restricted by the fact that snff
cient time has not yet elapsed for the purchase or
construction of more ti-an a limited number ol
vessels adapted to the public service. Two ves
sels purchased, have been named tlio “Sumter
aud “Macree,” and are now being prepared for sea
at New Orleans with all possible despatch. Con
tracts have also been made at the city with two
different establishments for the casting of ord
nance, cannon, shot and shell, with the view to en
courage the manufacture of these articles so indis-
pensihle for our defense, at as many points withm
our territory as possible.
I call your attention to the recommendation of
the Secretary for the establishment of a ntngazin
and laboratory for preparation of ordnance stores
and the necessary appropriation for that purpos .
Hitherto snch stores have usually been prepare '
at theNavy-yards, and no appropriation w as tnsd
at your last sessiou for this object.
The Secretary also calls attention to the ia'f,
that no provision has been made lor the payment •
the invalid pensions to our own citizens. M®".'
of these persons are advanced in life, they h* va
no means of support, and by the secession ot thf' 1 ’
States, have been deprived of their claim•g® 1 ®**
the Government of the United States. I recen:-
tneiid tli3 appropriation of the sum necessary to
pay these pensioners, as well as those of the ® rII> -;
when he issued the declaration of war
against this Confederacy which has
prompted me to convoke you. In this ex
traordinary production, that high function
ary affects total ignorance of the existence
of an Independent Government, which,
possessing the entire and enthusiastic de
votion of its people, is exercising its func
tions without question over seven sover
eign States—over more than five millions
of people—and over a territory whose
area exceeds half a million of square miles.
He terms sovereign States ‘combinations
too powerful to be suppressed by the ordi
nary course of judicial proceedings, or by
the powers vested in the marshals by law.’
He calls for an army of seventy-five thou
sand men to act as a posse comitatus in aid
of the process of the conrts of justice in
States where no courts exist whose man
dates and decrees are not cheerfully obey
ed and respected bv a willing people, lie
avows that “the first service to be assign
ed to the forces called out,” will be, not
to execute the process of conrts, but to
capture forts and strong holds situated
within the admitted limits of this Confed
eracy, and garrisoned by its troops ; and
declares that “this effort” is intended “to
maintain the perpetuity of popular Gov
ernment.” lie concludes by commanding
“the persons composing the combinations
aforesaid,” to-wit: the five millions of in
habitants of these States, “to retire peace
ably to tbeir respective abodes within
twenty days.”
Apparently contradictory as are the
terms of this singular document, one point
was unmistakably evident. The Presi
dent of the United States called for an
army of seventy-five thousand men,
whose first service was to be to capture
our forts. It was a plain declaration of
war which I was not at liberty to disre
gard, because of my knowledge that under
the Constitution of the United States the
President was usurping a power granted
exclusively to the Congress. He is the
sole organ of communication betw een that
country and foreign powers, The law of
nations did not permit me to question the
authority ef the Executive of a foreign na
tion to declare war against this Confeder
acy. Although I might have refrained
from taking active measures for our de
fence, if the States of the Union had all
imitated the action of Virginia, North
Carolina, Arkansas, Kentucky, Tennessee
and Missouri, by denouncing the call for
whose claims can scarcely exceed tweury ibonsat- -
duilais per annum
1 he Postmaster General has already sucreedf*
in organizing his department to sueh an extent s-
to be in readiness to assntne the direction of ,irr
postal affairs, on the occurrence of the cont.ngru -
cy contemplated bv the Act of the 15th MaivB-
1861, or even sooner if desired by Congress
various books and circulars have been pnf* r t
and measures taken to secure supplies of ben i'
postage stamps, stamped enx’elopes, mail Wf. ’
locks, keys, etc He presents a detailed
cation and arrangement of his clr-ricsl forte, ® D ^
asks for its increase. An auditor of the tr sf,,r -
for this department is necefsary, and a plan is
mitted for the organization of his bureau-
great number and magnitude of the account* “
this department, require an increase of the co
ral force in the accounting branch in the '1 re** D • j
The revenues of this department ate collecttO *
disbursed in modes peculiar to itself, and requ»
special bureau to soeure a properaccountahd".'
ike administration ef its finances. . . n
I call yonr attention to the additional !egis ,: '
required for this Depaitnvent. to the rewmmeuo
tiou for exchanges in the law fixing the r» * ^
postage, on newspapers, and sealed pack®? .
certain kinds, and specially to the lecoromee _
of the Secretary, in which I concur, that you P
vide at once for the assumption by him ot too e
tiolofour entire postal service. . . „ rc -
In the military organization of the Mates. P
vision*is made for brigadier and majorff en
but in the army of the Confederate States,