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vCted. Tlie wanton pillage or un
ited appropriation of individual property
.army, even in possession ot an enemy s
..frv, is against the usage of modern t'? 1 ® 3 -
Such a mode of proceeding at this day would e
_ —■ - ~ , <r: ™V”1 coudentfed bv the enlightened judgment ot .ne
i lined Stat< s. has laid h-fore the Prestuelit 1 he i vvorW utl!ess warranted hy special circumstance.,.
Declaration concerning Maritime Law," adopted j- v consideration which upholds this sentiment
A,istrla ‘ in regard to the conduct ot a war on land, favors
_ ..p prove 11
ri i ,, . . f lorir.T-nl , hy the Plenipotentiaries of Great Iiritiau. Ansti
■Y 9tl), 1 Cl, the Post-Mas _ ;„„*i i France, Prussia Russia, Sardinia, and Turkey, at
Paris, on the 16th of April, 1856, which the Count
the Confederate States “is authorized,
on and after a day to be named by lmn
for that purpose, to take the entire charge
and direction of the postal service in the
Confederate States,” and all conveyance
of mails within their limits from and after
such day, except hy authority of the
Post Master General thereof, is hereby pro
hibited :
. Now, therefore, I, .Tolm II. Reagan,
Post-Master General of the Confederate
States of America, do issue this my Pro
clamation, notifying all Post-Masters, Con
tractors, .and Special and Route Agents,
in the service of the Post-Oflice Depart
ment, and engaged in the transmission
delivery of the mails, or otherwise in any
manner connected with the service within
the limits of the Confederate, States of
America, that on and after the 1st day of
June next, I shall assume the entire con
trol and direction of the postal service
therein: And I hereby direct all Post-
Masters, Route Agents and Special Agents
within these States, and now acting under
the authority and direction of the Post
Master General of the United States, to
continue in the discharge of their respec
tive unties under the authority vested in
me hy the Congress of the Confederate
States, in strict conformity with such ex
isting laws and regulations ns are not in
consistent with the laws and constitution
of the Confederate States of America,
and such further instructions as may here
after he issued by my direction : And the
said Post-Masters, Route Agents and Spe
cial Agents are also required to forward
to this Department, without delay, their
names, with the names of the oiHces of
which they arc Post-Masters, (giving the
State and County,) to be directed to the
“Chief of the Appointment Bureau, Post-
Office Department, Montgomery, Alaba
ma,” io order that new commissions may
be issued under the authority of this
Government: And all Post-Masters are
hereby required to render to the Post-
Office Department at Washington, 1). C.,
their final accounts and their vouchers for
postal receipts and expenditures, up to the
31st day of this month, taking care to
forward with said accounts all postage
stamps and stamped envelopes, remaining
on hand, belonging to the Post-Office De
partment of the United States in order
that they may receive the proper credits
therefor in the adjustment of their ac
counts ; and they are further required to
retain in their possession, to meet the or
ders of the Post-Master General in the
United States, for the payment of mail
service within the Confederate States, all
revenue which shall have accrued from the
postal service prior to the said 1st day of
June next.
All Contracts, Mail Messengers, and
Special Contractors for conveying the
mails within the Confederate States under
existing contracts with the Government of
the United States, are hereby authorized
to continue to perform such service under
my direction, from and after the day last
above named, subject to such modifications
and changes as may he found* necessary,
under the powers vested in the Post.-Mas-
ter general by the terms of said contracts
and the provisions of the second section of
an act approved May 9th, 1S61, conforma
ble thereto: And the said Contractors,
Special Contractors, and Mail messengers,
are required to forward, without delay, the
number of their route or routes, the nature
of the service thereon, the schedules of
arrivals and departures, the names of the
officers supplied, and the amount of annual
compensation for the present service, to
gether with their address, directed to the
‘ Chief of the Contract Bureau, Post Office
.Department, Montgomery, Alabama.
Until aj/ostal treaty shall be made with
the Government of the United States for
the exchange of mails between that Gov
ernment and the Government of this Con
federacy, Post-Masters will not be authori
zed to collect United States postage on the
maii matter sent to or received from those
States, and until supplies of postage stamps
and stamped envelopes are procured for
the repayment of postage within the Con
federate States, all postages must be paid
in money, under the provisions of the first
section of an act approved March 1 st,
1S61.
Given under my hand and the
seal of the Post-Office Depart-
L S. inent of the Confederate States
of Ainer ica, at Montgomery,
Alabama, tbe 13th day of May,
in the year 1861.
JOHN H. REAGAN,
Post-Master General.
Senator Bayard, of Delaware.—This
gentleman, a Senator of tbe United States,
who lias lately been threatened with mob
violence for his political opinions, has pub
lished an address to the people of Dela
ware. He declares his attachment to the
Union, bdt in order to avoid civil war fa
vored, in a speech made in March last, a
peaceful separation of a part of the Stales
from the Union, leaving that l nion un
broken as to the greater number, and the
Federal Government as the government
of a powerful and great nation. Time and
progress of events will, he confidently be
lieves, vindicate the wisdom of his coun
sel. In conclusion he says :
I am one of your Representatives in the
Senate of the United States, and my term
of office does not expire until March,
1863. I view, however, the relation of
constituents and representative as one of
confidence, and when I am satisfied that
civil war carlnot be averted, and find tliat
the public sentiment of my State prefers
such a result to the peaceful separation of
those States which have withdrawn from
the Union, I shall cheerfully and gladly
resign into vour hands an office which I
obtained without solicitation, and which
neither my sense of duty nor my self-re
spect would permit me to hold when I as
certain that 1 differ in opinion with you on
so momentous and vital a question as
peace or war.
It can require but few days after Con
gress has assembled to determine whether
the last hope of peace has fled, if indeed
the hope can linger until then, and before
that time I shall become fully satisfied as
to your will. r Do not fear that I wilTbe-
tray the confidence you have reposed in
me, or be capable of misrepresenting that
will. If I cannot conscientiously obey
your mandate, I will not use the position
1 occupy, as your representative, to pre
vent its performance by another agent,
lint the right of private opinion and its
expression is a personal right, beyond
public control. It is secured to every free
man under a government of laws alone, or
it will end in anarchy or despotism. I
have no faith either in the government of
the sword or the mob, and shall resist the
establishment of either.
Moremmt of Troops.—Richmond, May
22.—Gen Bonham’s Booth Carolina Brig
ade has been assigned tbe district between
Alexandria and Harper’s Ferry, with their
f quarters at Manassas Junction.
‘h Carolina Brigade, consisting
and Col. Kershaw’s Regi-
’ow in Richmond, will
bat post.
ohnson has been ap-
Harper’s Ferry.
Beauregard ia
pi hie to insist that be is a ecuuuu,*..
de Sartiges. Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
Plenipotentiary of France, lias presented, in be
half of the Emperor of the French, to the Gov
ernment of the United States, for the purpose oi
obtaining its adhesion to the principles therein
contained.
Nearly two years since, the President submitted,
not only to the Powers represented in the late
Congress at Paris, but to all other maritime
nations, the second and third propositions con
tained in that ‘ declaration,’’ and asked their as
sent to them as permanent principles of inter
national law. The propositions thus submitted
by the President were :
“1. That free ships make free goods—that is to
say, that the effects or goods belonging to subjects
or citizens of a power or “State at war, are free
from capture or confiscation when found on board
of neutral vessels, with the exception of articles
contraband of war.”
“2 That the property of neutrals on board an
enemj’s vessel is not subject to confiscation, un
less the same be contraband of war”
It will bepreceivcd that these propositions are
substantially the same as the second and third
in. the “declaration,” of the Congress at Paris.
Four of the governments with which negotia
tions were opened on the subject by tbe United
States have signified their acceptance of the fore-
goiug propositions. Others were inclined to defer
acting-on them until the return of peace should
furnish a more auspicious time for considering
such intrenational questions Tbe proceedings of
the Congress of the Plenipotentiaries at Paris
will, as a necessary consequence, defeat the pend
ing negotiations with the United States, if the
two following propositions contained in protocol
No. 24 are acceded to: first, that the tour princi
ples shall be indivisable; and, second, that the
powers which have signed or may accede to the
“declaration” shall not entet into any arrange,
meut in regard to the aplication of the right of
neutrals in time of war, “which does not, at the
same time, rest on the four principles which are
the subject of said “declaration.” As the indivisi
bility of the four principles and the limitation upon
the sovereign attribute of negotiating with other
powers are not a part of tne “declaration.” any
nation is at liberty to reject either or both, and to
act upon the “declaration,” without restriction
acceding to it in whole or in part. In deliberating
on this important subject, it behooves all powers
to consider, and, if they think proper, to act upon
this distinction. All the powers which may accede
to that‘ declaration" and the subsequent restric
tions contained in the 24th protocol, will assume
on obligation which takes from them the liberty of
assenting to the propositions submitted to them
by the United States, uuless they at same
time surrender a principle of maritimeiaw which
lias never been contested*^be*right to employ
privateers in the time of war.
1 he second and third principles set forth in the
“declaration” being those submitted to other mari
time powers for adoptiou by this Governmentt it
is most anxious to see incorporated, by general
consent, into the code of maritime law, and thus
placed beyond future controversy or question.
Such a result, securing so many advantages to the
commerce of neutral uatiuns, might have been
reasonably expected but tor the proceedings of
the Congress at Paris, which require them to be
purchased by a too costly sacrifice—the surrender
of a right which may well be considered as es
sential to the freedom of the seas.
The fourth principle contained in the “declara
tion,” namely: Blockades, in order to be binding
must be effective ; that is to say, maintained by a
force sufficient really to prevent access to the
coast of ,'lic enemy t” can hardly be regarded as
one falling within that class with which it was the
object of Congress to iuteifere; tor this rule has
not, for a longtime, been regarded as uncertain,
or the cause of any “deplorable disputes.” If
there have been any disputes in regard to block
ades, the uncertainty was about the facts, but not
the law. Those nations which have resorted to
what are appropriately denominated “paper block
ades,” have rarely, if ever, undertaken to justify
their conduct upon principle; bnt have generally
admitted the illegality of tho practice, and indem-
uifiedthe injured parties. What is to be adjudged
“a force sufficient really to prevent access to a
coast of the enemy,” has often been a severely
contested question : and certainly the “declara
tion,” which generally reiterates a general undis
puted maxim of maritime law, does nothing to
wards relieving the subject of blockade from that
embarrassment What force is requisite to con
stitute an effective blockade, remains as unsettled
and as questionable as it was before the Congress
at Paris adopted the “declaration.’'
In regard to the right to employ privateers,
which is declared to be abolished by the first prin
ciple put forth in the “declaration,” there was, if
possible, less uncertainty. The right to lesort to
privateers is as clear as the right to use public
arnn j ships, and as incoutestihle as any other
right appertaining to beligereuts. The policy of
that law has been occasionally questioned, not,
however, by the best authorities; hut the law
itself has been universally admitted, and most
nations have not hesitated to avail themselves of
it; it is as well sustained by practice and public
opinion as any other to be found in the maritime
qode.
There is scarcely any rule of international law
which particular nations in their treaties have not
occasionally suspended or modified in regard to its
application to themselves. Two treaties, only, can
be found in which the contracting parties have
agreed to abstain from the employmant of priva
teers in. case of war between them. The first was
a treaty between the king of Sweden and the
States Genaral of the United Provinces, in 167*7.
Shortly after it was concluded the parties were
involved in war, and the stipulation concerning
privateers was disregarded by both. The second
was the treaty of 1785, between the United States
and the King of Prussia. When this treaty was
renewed, in 1799, the clause stipulating not to re
sort to privateering was ommitted. For the last
half century there has been no arrangements, hy
treaty or otherwise, to abolish the right, until the
recent proceedings of the Plenipotentiaries at
Paris.
By taking the subject of privateering into con-
the application of the same rule to the persons and
property of citizens ot belligerents found upon
tbe ocean. , . .
It is fair to presume that the strong desire to
ameliotate the severe usages of war by exempting
tbe private property upon the oceau from hostile
seizure to the extent it.is usually exempted »n
land, was the chief inducement- which led to the
“declaration” by the Congress at Paris, that “pri
vateering is, ana remains abolished.”
The undersigned is directed by the President to
say, that to this principle of exempting private
property upon the ocean, as well as upon the
land, applied without restriction, he yields a most
ready and willing assent. The undersigned can
not better express the President’s views upon the
subject than by quoting the language of_his an
nual message to Congress. December 4, lbo4 :
“The proposition to enter into engagement to
force a resort to privateers, in ease this country
should be forced into a war with a great naval
power, is not entitled to more favorable conside
ration than would be a proposition to agree not to
accept the services of volunteers for operations on
laud. When the honor and rights of our country
require it to assume a hostile attitude, it confident
ly relies upon the patriotism of its citizens, not
ordinarily devoted to the military profession, to
augm-nt the army and navy, so as to make them
fully adequate to the emergency which calls them
into action. The proposal to surrender the right
to employ privateers is professedly founded upon
the principle that property ol unoffending non-
combatants, though enemies, should be exempt
from the ravages of war; but the proposed sur
render goes but iittle way in carrying out “that
principle, which equally requires that such pri
vate property should not be seized or molested by
national ships of war. Should the leading powers
of Europe concur in proposing, as a rule ot inter
national law to exempt private property upon the
ocean from seizure by public armed cruisers as
well as by privateers, the United States will
readily meet them upon that broad ground.”
The reasons in favor of the doctrine that private
property should be exempted from seizure in the’
operations of war are considered in into enlight
ened age so controlling as to have secured its par
tial adoption by all civilized nations ; Ijpit it would
be difficult to find any substantial reasons for .the
distinction now recognized in its application to
such property on .and, and not to that which is
found upon the ocean.
If it be tbe object of the declaration adopted at
Paris to abolish this distinction, and to give the
same security from the ravages o' war to the prop
erty of belligerent subjects on llie ocean, as is
now accorded to such property upon the land, the
Congress at Paris lias fallen short of the proposed
result) by not placing individual effects of bellig
erents beyond the reach of public armed ships as
well as privateers. If such property is to remain
exposed to seizure by ships belonging to tlie navy
•of the adverse party, it is extremely difficult to
perceive why it should riot, in like mariner, be ex
posed to seizure by the privatgers, Vliich are in
fact but another branch of the public force of tbe
nation commissioniug them.
If the prinriple of capturing private property on
the ocean and condemning it as prize of war, b»
given up, that property would and of right ought
to be as soenre from molestation by public aimed
vessels as by privateers ; but if that principle bo
adhered to. it would be worse than useless to at
tempt to confine the exercise of the right of cap
ture to any paiticular description of the public
force of the belligerents. There is no sound prin
ciple by which such a distinction can lie sustained;
no capacity w hich could trace a definite line of
separation proposed to bo made; and no propet
tribunal to which a disputed question on that sub
ject could be referied for adjustment. The pre
tence that the distinction may be supported upon
the ground that ships not belonging permanently
to a regular navy are more likely to disregard the
lights of neutrals than those which do belong to
such a navy, is not well sustained by modern ex
perience. If it Be urged that a participation in the
prizes is calculated to stimulate cupidity, that, as
a peculiar objection, is removed by the fact that
the same passion is addressed by the distribution
of prize money among the officers and crews of
ships of a regular navy. Every nation which
authorizes privateers is as responsible for their
conduct as it is for that of its navy, and will, as a
matter of prudence, take proper precaution and
security against abuses.
But if such a distinction were to be attempted,
it would be very difficult, if not impracticable, to
define the particular class of the public maritime
force which should fie regarded as privateers.—
“Deplorable disputes,”more, in number and more
difficult of adjustment, would arise from an at
tempt to discriminate between privateers and pub
lic armed ships.
If such a discrimination were attempted, every
nation would have an undoubted right to declare
what vessels should constitute its navy, and
what should be requisite to give them the
character of public armed ships. These matters
could not be safely or prudently left to the
determination or supervision of any foreign pow
er, yet the decision of such controversies would
naturally fall into tho hands of predominant naval
pow. rs which would have the ability to enforce
their judgments. It cannot be offensive to urge
weaker powers to avoid as far as possible such an
arbitrament, and to maintain with firmness every
existing barrier, against encroachments from such
a quarter.
No nation which has a due sense of self-respect
will allow any other, belligerent or neutral, to de
termine the character of the force which it may
deem proper to use in prosecuting hostilities : nor
will it act wisely it it voluntarily surrenders tho
right to resort to any means, sanctioned by inter
national law, which, under any circumstances,
may be advantageously used for defenffe or aggres
sion.
The United States consider powerful navies and
large standing armies, as permanent establish
ments. to be detrimental to national prosperity and
dangerous to civil liberty. Ti e expense of keep
ing them up is burdensome to the people; they
are, in the opinion of this government, in some
degree a menance to peace among nations. A
urge force ever ready to be devoted to the purpo
ses of war, is a temptation to rush into it. The
policy of the United States lias ever been, and
countenance and resist a measure which fosters
tlie growth of regular naval establishments.
In discussing the effect of the proposed measure
—the abolition of privateering—a reference to the
existing condition of nations is almost unavoida
ble. An instance will at once present itse
gard to two nations where tbe commerce
isabout equal, and about equaWy wid<
over the world. As commercial powers they ap
uroachtoan equality, but as naval pow ers there
is great disparity between them. 1 he regular
navy one vastly exceeds that of the other.. In
case of a war between them, only an inconsid
erable part of the navy of the one would be re
quired to prevent that of the other from being
used lor defence or aggression, wln.e the re
mainder would be devoted to the unembarrassed
employment of destroying the commerce ot t >e
weaker in naval strength. The fatal consequnces
of this great inequality of naval force between
two such belligerents would he in part remedied
by the use of privateers; in that case, while either
might assail the commerce of the other in every
sea, they would be ooliged to distribute and em_
ploy their respective navies in the work ot pro.
tection. This statement only illustrates what
would be the case, with some modification, in
every war where there^nay be considerab.e dis
parity in the naval strength of the belligerents.
History throws much light upon this question.
France, at an early period, was without a navy,
and in her wars with Great Britain and Spam, both
then naval powers, she resorted with signal good
effect to privateering, not only for protection, but
su?cessful aggression. She obtained many priva
teers from Holland, and by this force gained de
cided advantages on the ocean over her enemy
Whilst in tha| condition,* France could hardly
have been expected to originate or concur in a
proposition to abolish privateering. Tire condi
tion of many of the smaller States of the world is
now, in relation to naval powers, not much unlike
that of France in the middle of the Sixteenth
century. At a later period, ^during the reign of
of Louis the Fourteenth, several expeditions were
fitted out by him, composed wholly of privateers,
which were most effectively employed in prose
cuting hostillities with the naval powers
Those who may have at any time a control on
tlie ocean will be strongly tempted to regulate its
use in a manner to subserve their own interests
and ambitious projects. The ocean is the com
mon property of alP nations, and instead of yield
ing to a measure which will be likely to secure to
a few—possibly to one—an ascendancy over it,
each should pertinaciously retain all the moans it
possesses_to defend the common heritage. A
predominant power upon the oceau is more
menacin^t-o the well-being of others than such
a power on land, and all are alike interested in re
sisting a measure calculated to facilitate the per
manent establishment of such a domination,
whether to be wielded by one power or shared
among a few others. *
The injuries likely to result from surrendering
the dominion ol the seas to one or a few nations
which have powerful navies, arise mainly from the
practice of subjecting private property on tbe
ocean to seizure by belligerents. Justice and
humanity demand that thi« practice should be
abandoned, and that the rule in relation to such
property on land should Ue extended to it when
found upon the high seas.
The President, therefore, preposes to add to the
first proposition in the “declaration” of tlie Con
gress at Paris, the following words; “And that
the private property of the subjects or citizens of
a belligerent on the high seas shall be exempted
from seizure by public armed vessels of the other
belligerent, excep! it be contraband.” Thus
amended, the Government of the United"6tates
will adopt it, together with the other three prin
ciples contained in that “declaration.’
i am directed to communicate the approval of
ihe President to the second, third, and fourth
propositions, independently of the first, should the
amendment be unacceptable. The amendment is
commended by so many powerful considerations,
and the principle which calls for it has so long had
the emphatic sanction of all enlightened nations
in military operations on land, that the President
is reluctant to believe it will meet with any serious
opposition. Without the proposed modification
of ihe first principle, he cannot convince iiiin-elf
that it would he wise or safe to change the exist
ing law in regard to the fight*)! privateering.
If the amendment should not be adopted, it will
be proper for the United States to hqye some un
derstanding in regard to the treatment of their pri
vateers when they shall have occasion to visit
the ports of those powers which are, or may be
come, parties to the declaration of the Congress at
Paris. The United States will, upon the ground
of right and comity, claim for them the same con
sideration to which they are entitled, and which
are extended to them, under the law of nations,
before the atttempted modification of it by that
Congress.
As connected, with the subject herein discussed,
it is not inappropriate to remark, that a due regard
to the fair claims of neutrals would seem to re
quire, some modification, if not an abandonment,
of the doctrine in relation to contraband trade.
Nations which preserve the relations of peace
should not be injuriously affected in their commer
cial intercourse by those which choose to involve
themselves in war, provided the citizens of such
peaceful nations do not compromise their character
as neturals hy a direct interference with the mili
tary operations of the belligerents. The laws of
siegeand blockade.it is believed, afford all the
remedies against neutrals that the parties to the
war can justly claim. Those laws interdict all
trade witti the besieged or blockaded places. A
further interference with tho ordinary pursuits of
neutrals, in no wise to blame for an existing state
of hostilities, is contrary to tlie obvious dictates of
justice. If this view of the subject could be
adopted, and practically observed by all civilized
nations, the right of search, which has be n the
source of so much annoyance and oi so many in
juries to neutral commerce, would be restricted
to such cases only as justified a suspicion of an at
tempt to trade with places actually in a state of
siege or blockade.
Humanity and justice demand that the calami
ties incident to war should be strictly limited to
from** as a ruse to draw our attention ,
-As this u the season
nost unavoida- they now
■nt itself :n re- j logiuj tr0m tht . €ager * ess displayed by “
imerce of each *“.'►! they will to perfection if the Yank
f wide-spread | will only give .1™, a cll £,, e .
Hower""!. P ° iUt ® f ,,10re importance to the enemy- f or our farrri^s and gardeners to sav<; IjJtatc Rights, and Southern Rights,
unavailing 18 “V be - tlie Y wi » like, y tkeir turhipiset d. jvo would advise them
^ ^ our People now begin to realise that „ d g ve a „. as w#fU as all
■otheiGdndof garden seads, as they become
fit to gather. It is more than probable
that next season wc will need them, as all
Xorthernj^fcgdi? will be ent off.
What is ia Store for as?
-iu __ r _ r The National Republican issued in Washington and
return their fire,”they anchored near by to deter | regarded as tlie representative of tlie Lincoln govera-
°ur folks from working on it. We rather suspect ment, thus announces the policy and the .purposes ot
the answer they got from the Sewell’s Point bat-
iery yesterday evening took them somewhat by
surprise.
to do, which,
by “the
Yankees
i, j Aw them a chance.
■J. 01 * 11 )’® it is surmised that the attack on that
- , battery was intended merely to demoi-
j.. 1 ’ that they did not know it was there till they
i covered it on Sunday, whilst in pursuit of the
steamer Kahukee and finding it unprepared to
Ffll ilftt i* _ . . x m •» t /l ft ♦«e
Captain Colquitt, City L'ght Guards —We see
Jrom a dispatch to the Columbus Times, that tho
von federate forces at Fort Beauregards Seweli s
Pomt y in the tight on the 19th, with the United
v. a * e . 8 steamship Monticello, consisted of three
\ irgitiia companies and lU^ City Light Guards
iroin Columbus, Ga. The dispatch stated that all
were under the command of Captain P. T. Col
quitt of the Guards. The steamer fired forty shells
intending to make Woody work of it. But alter
an hours hard fighting she had to hoist distress
signals to obtain help. Our troops made five holes
in the ship, and the dispatch say: “Three of the
five shots which took effect were aimed and fired
hy Capt. Colquitt. The flag of the City Light
Guards floats to-night triumphantly and gloriously
over the first battle field. There was ‘nobody
hurt’ on our side.”
A dispatch of tho 21 st. to the Savannah Republi
can, says there were six men killed on board the
Monticello, and several wounded on our side. Wo
presume Capt. Colquitt was in command during
the three engagements. As the dispatch to the
Republican says “recent engegement,” it is possi
ble there was greater loss than is reported.
bitIkb.
Dearest Butler ! thou hast leTt t-s,
We thy loss most deeply feel.
The late lamented Butler, commonly
knows as “Strychmine” Butler, took his
3epavture from this city, with his command,
this morning, about ten o’clock, his desti
nation and present location, as we are in
formed, being the Relay House—the order
received yesterday, directing his departure
to Fortress Monroe, having been revoked,
in consequence, as is supposed, of General
Scottis unwillingness to trust the eccen
tric “Picayune” at such a distance. Ac
cordingly, at the hour named, the troops
under his command, having struck their
tents and packed their kits, left their en-
ca'nipmnt on Federal Hill, with its “water
arrangements” nice and handy, just finish
ed at the expense of the city, and mar
ched to the Camden station, where cars
were in waiting to convey them to the Re
lay House. Our reporter, who witnessed
their departure, states that the only mani
festation of grief on tlm occasion that he
was able to discover, was on the part of
sundry venders ot cakes and beet* and
such “small wares”—weeping for the loss
of their very profitable custom. He
also noticed the physiological fact, hith
erto unrecorded, that one-third of the
Massachusetts regiment have red hair.—
South. •
that government: • . -
■There is to be no pence, except upon the oasis ot
THE UNQUALIFIED SUBMISSION OK THOSE
IN REVOLT. There is to be no recognition of any
pretended Southern Confederacy. There is to be no
ih'.accable assent to a separa'ion of these States.
The Government is to be maintained in that plain,
straightforward way iu which all governments are
maintained—BY COERCION. The leaders of Urn
conspernov are to be DRIVEN OUT OF Til E COUN
TRY, OR’TO BE HANGED; and never did conspira
tors anywhere, and at any time, more richly deserve
the fate which awaits them. They have attempted the
everthrow of the freest and best government on earth
bv the most flagitious means, and with a view 'he
establishm ent of a grinding military despotism. Their
crime has been gigantic, and theik punishment r® to
BE SIGNAL.”
We shall keep this standing for southern men to
gaze at uutil their work is done and their indepen
dence of a foul dominion complete.—Savannah let-
publican. 4th.
SOUTHERN FEDERAL UNION.
(Corner of Hancock and IVitkimon streets, 1
OPPOSITE THE COURT HOUSE.
B91ICHT0Y, HISBET K B.IR\ES, State Printers
Terms—$2J>© Per Annum, in Advance.
Tuesday Morning Maj 23, 18G1.
SPECIAL NOTICES.
CLOVE ANODYNE TOOTH ACHE DROPS.—
The excruciating torment of tooth ache can Tie speedi
ly relieved by this delightful remedy, without tear ol
injuring the gums or teeth. Eminent Dentists say they
use it daily iu their practice, and that it has enabled
them to preserve many valuable teeth that must other
wise have been drawn. Try it yourself, and‘ recom
mend it to others. Prepared and sold by A. B. <V D.
SANDS,, Druggists, 100 Fulton street,New Aork
Price 25 cents per V»l. Sold by Grieve d^Cjarke
Milledgeville, and by all Druggists. J
It
Jacob’s Cholera, Oyoentery anil Oiarrlia-n
Cordial.—The great value of this medicine, now be
coming so widely known, consists not only in its cer
tainty of cure, but the quietness with which it does its
work. It is very seldom that the third dose is taken,
the first or second generally effects the cure.
Sold bv Herty it Hail, also by Grieve it Clarke.
We would particularly call the attention of our read
ers to a remedv known ns McLean’s Strengthening
Cordial and Blood Purifier. It is certainly a valuable
remedy. We therefore snv to all, call at the agent’s
and test for yourselves its intrinsic merits. It is deli
cious to take. We ask our lady readers to try it. See
the advertisement in auother column.
Arm;/ and. Navi'/ Resignations.—We
doubt whether any other county in the
country, can compare witlf Talbot, in the
galaxy of distinguished Army and Naval
officers, who have resigned rather than
light against their fellow-countrymen of
the South. We subjoin a list of these offi
cers: Commodore Franklin Buchanan,
Lieut. R. L. Tilgliam, Lieut. Edward
Lloyd Winder, Lieut. John W. Bennet,
Lieut. Miere, Dr. Chas. Lowndes and
Purser John N. Hambleton, U. S. N., are
absent on duty. Surgeon N. Pinkney, U.
S. N., we understand will follow the des
tinies of Maryland, and resign, should he
be ordered on^ duty against the South.—
Easton Star.
“Old Caesar,” as his friends delight to
call Governor Hicks—probably in honor
of some dog—certainly not after the great
Roman, appears to have a hard time of it
generally. Like his canine prototype he
gets nothing but kicks all around. No
body believes him—everybody despises
him—there are none sunk so low as to do
him honor. He ran away from Baltimore
for fear of being hung hy the people for
his treason to the State, and the Northern
papers threatened him with a halter for
deceiving the Administration.. Ha
a Proclamation calling otu lour Regiments
of Volunteers, and appointing Brig. Gen.
John K. Kenly to the command, and the
New York Tribune, contemptuously rejects
him and his troops, and Capt. J. G. Mc
Connell, “commanding 1st Reg’t Md.
Vol’s” publishes a notice in thismorning’s
American that “the Proclamation issued
by Gov. Hicks, in relation to calling out
R. R.
Rcmrdira are tbe true allira
Eel the Hick be roniforletl!
Dr. Katlnay
of Nature.
In all diseases the first object in to remove pain:—
Uadway’s Ready Relief does this quicker than anv
other preparation known, and when narcotics, atcohol
ic stimulants, and even chloroform are useless. As n
defence against sudden attacks of all maladies, it
eluitns a place in every home. J)euth often enters be
fore a doctor can arrive, The Relief re inforces the
vital principle, enabling nature successfully to resist
tlie first tremendous onset of Cholera, Bilious Cholic,
tli
Scarlet Fever, Typhus, amt Typhoid fever, Small Pox,
Measles, Convulsions, Malarious fever, spasms, and
other fierce diseases until further aid can be adminis
tered. For Rheumatism, Neuralgia, Intermittent and
Remittent Fevers in their early stages, it is a positive
cure, and as an application for external injuries, it has
never been approached in efficacy. Administered as
a diffusive stimulant, it restores suspended animation,
when alcohol has no effect whatever.
RADWAY S RENOVATING RESOLVENT
RICH pure and healtliv blood secured to all—Lep
osy, Syphilis, Old Sores, Ulcers, cured with maveloui
rosy, Syphilis, Old Sores, lilccrs, cured with mavelous
speed.—Radway‘s Renovating Resolvent separates
and discharges from the blood the principle of ulcer
ous disease, and its wonderful effect in putrid sore
throat, bronchitis, tnlrcculgr consumption and other
malignant diseases of the organs of respiration, have
thrown the modern “regular” treatment for these com
plaints into the shade. It is the only genuine specific
for scrofula, fistula, syphilitic sores, eruptions, boils
and tumors. It clears the skin, restores elasticity to
stiffened joints, and replaces corruntion with sound
flesh. The Resolvent reaches beyond the physique to
the constitution, repairing and renewing its vigor.
RADWAY S REGULATING PILLS.
Are the only vegetable substitute for Calomel, Mer
cury and Quinine.—Radway’s Regulating Pills are
giving the death-blow to ajl mineral cathartics. They
operate invariably within six hours. No wholesale
doses are required. One PiU ia often sufficient, and
more than six are never necessary. Dyspepsia, Bil
ious complaints, and every disturbance of the bowels,
stomach and liver, are eontroled amicured by this in
approachable family laxative.
Rad way’s Regula’ing Pills are superior to all other
Pills or purgative mWfcines in use—.hey posses vir
tue that all other Pin Age deficienlfc, viz: during
their process of purginffthey impa it to the diseased
and exhausted body nonrRhuqent md strength, the
longer you continue to tale t\i '*4 Pills, the greater
you increase in strength. Ladies suffering from sex
ual difficulties: irregularities,&e.. are speedily restor
ed to health. Persons suffering from nervousness, rest
lessness, bad dreams, may rely upon sound and heal
thy sleep by taking one of Radway’s Pills on going t<
bed—Price 25 cents.
Radway s Remedies are sold by druggists every
where.
RADWAY & CO., 23 John Street, N. Y.
ACEWT8,
HEfifY Si HA'LL, Milledgeville; DAVIS &
GREEN, Eatqnton,- J. C. BATES, Louisville; A. A
TTUL 037) ~S anders ville. 1 4t.
The .Honing next Wednesday.
We invito especial attention to the call in this
paper, for a meeting of the people of this county,
at tho State House next Wednesday, to respond
to the Appeal of otir worthy Governor. Gov.
Brown has set a noble example. Let our people
come np to this meeting. The time for action
has come. Tlie ladies are respectfully invited.
They are quite as useful in this the day of our
trial, as the men are. Their hearts are right and
their hands are ready. Merchants, farmers, Me
chanics, come; come one, come all
The Governor-’» Apprnl in Working.
We have heard of many instances within the
last week, of patriotic devotion to country, on
the part of the Ladies of this city and county.
Among those who have come forward with very
liberal donations, for tlie soldiers who will be
fighting our battles, are Mrs. Wm McKinley,
Mrs. I‘rof. Lane, and Mrs. Gen. Myrick. We
donbt not. in a few days, we shall hrrv-e the pleas
ure of publishing a roll of honor, composed of the
galltnt men and patriotic ladies of this county,
whith will show to *tlie World what old Baldwin
camlo when the time of trial comes.
sideration that Congress has gone beyond its pro- | never more than now, adverse to such establish-
fessed object, which was. as it declared, to remove J merits: and they can never be brrnglit to ac-
the uncertainty on points of maritime law, and
thereby prevent “differences of opinion between
neutrals and belligerents, and. consequently,
serious difficulties and even conflicts.” So far as
tbe principle in regard to privateering is con
cerned, tbe proceedings of the Congress are in the
nature of an act of legislation, and seek to
change a well settled principle of international
law.
The interest of commerce is deeply concerned
in the establishment of the two principles which
the United States had submitted to all maritime
powers, and it is much to be regretted that the
powers represented in the Congress at Paris, fully
approving them, should have endangered their
adoption by uniting to another inadmissable prin-
cible, and making the failure of all tbe necessary
consequence of the rejection of any one. To
three of the four principles contained in the
“decl-iration," there would not probably be a
serious objection from 'any quarter, bat to the
other, a vigorous resistance must have been an
ticipated
Tbe policy cf tbe law which allows a resort to
privateers lias been questioned for reasons which
do not command the assent of this Government.
Without entering into a full discussion on this
point, the undersigned will confront the ordinary
and chief objection to that policy, by an authori
ty which will be regarded with profound {respect,
particularly in France. In a commentary on
the French ordinance of 1081, Valin says :
“However lawful and time-honored this mode
of warfare may be, it is nevertheless disapproved
by some pretended philosophers. According to
their notions, such is not the way in which the
State and the sovereign are to be served: whilst
tbe profits which inviduals may derive from the
pursuit are illicit, or at least disgraceful. But
this is the language of bad citizens, who, under
the stately mask of a spurious wisdom, and of a 1
craftily sensitive conscience, seek to mislead the
judgment by a concealment of the secret motive
which gave birth to their indifference for tlie
welfare and advantage of the State. Such are as
worthy of blame, as are those entitled to praise
who generously expose their property and their
lives to tbe dangers of privateering.”
In a work of much repute published in France
almost simultaneously with tlie proceedings of
the Congress at Baris, it is declared that—“The
issuing of letters of marque, therefore, is a con
stantly customary bellegerent act. Privateers are
bona Jide war vessels, manned by volunteers, to
whom, by way of reward, tlie sovereign resigns
such prizes as they make, in the same manner as
lie sometimes assigns to tbe land forces a portion
of the war contributions levied on the conquered
enemy.”—Ristoye et Durerdtj, des Prises Maritimes
It is not denied that annoyanaes to neutral
commerce, and even abuses, have occasionally re-
„ulted fiom the practice of privateering; such
was the case formerly more than in recent times ;
but when it is a question of changing a law, the
incidental evils are to be considered in connection
with its benefits and advantages. If these bene
fits and advantages can be obtained in any other
way, without injury to other rights, these oc
casional abuses may then justify the change,
however ancient or firmly established may he the
law.
The reasons which induced the Congress at
Paris to declare privateering abolished are not
stated, but they are presumed to be only sucli as
are usually urged against the exercise of that bel
ligerent right.
The prevalence of Christianity and the progress
of civilization have greatly mitigated the severi
ty of the ancient mode of prosecuting hostilities.
War is now au affair of Government. “It is the
public authority which makes and carries on war;
the individuals are not permitted to take partin
it, unless authorized to do so by their Government.
It is a generally received rule of modern warfare,
so far ai least as operations upon land are concern
ed. that tlie persons and effects of noq-combatents
L
jiiiesce in any change in international law which
may render it necessary for them to maintain a
powerful navy or large regular army in time of
peace. If forced to vindicate their rights by arms,
they are content, in the present aspect of inter
national relations, to rely, in military operations
on land, mainly upon volunteer troops, and for the
protection of their commerce, in no inconsiderable
degree, upon their mercantile marine. If this
country were deprived of tbesq resources, it
wnald be obliged to change its policy, and assume
a military attitude before the world. In resisting
an attempt to change the existing maritime law
that may produce such a result, it looks beyond
its own interest, and embraces in its view the in
terest of all such nations as are not likely to he
dominant naval powers. Tlieir situation, in this
respect, is similar to that of the United States,
and to them the protection of commerce, and the
maintenance of international relations of peace,
appeal as strongly as to this country, to withstand
the proposed change in the settled law of nations.
To such nations the surrender of the right to
lesort to privateers would be attended with con
sequences most adverse to their commercial pros
perity, without any corresponding advantages.
Most certainly no better reasons can be given for
such a surrender, than by foregoing the right to
receive the services of volunteers; and the
proposition to abandon the former is entitled, in
tlie judgment of the President, to no more favor
than a similar proposition in relation to the latter.
This opinion of the importance of privateers to
the community of nations, excepting only those
of great naval strength, is not only vindicated
hy history, but sustained by high authority. The
following passage in the treaties on maritime
prizes to which I have heretofore referred, de
serves particulor attention :
‘ Privateers are especially useful to those pow
ers whose navy is inferior to that of their enemies.
Belligerents, with powerful and extensive naval
armaments, may cruise upon the seas with tlieir
national navies; hut should those States whose
naval focres are of less power and extent,
be left to their own resources, they could not hold
out in a maritime war; whilst, by the equipment
of privateers, they may succeed in inflicting upon
ihe enemy an inju-iy equivalent to that which
they themselves sustain. Hence governments
have frequently been known, by every possible ap
pliance, to favor privatftring armaments. It has
even occurred tliat sovereigns, not merely satis
fied with issuing letters of marque, have also
taken, as it were, an interest m the armament.
Thus did Louis the Fourteenth frequently lend
out his ships, and sometimes reserve for himself a
share in the prizes.”
It certainly ought not to excite the least sur
prise that strong naval powers should he willing
to forego the practice, comparitatively useless to
them, of employing privateers, upon condition
that weaker powers agree to part with their most
effective means of defending their maritime
rights- It is, in the opinion of this govern
ment, to be seriously apprehended that if the
use oY privateers be abandoned, the dominion
over the seas will he surrendered to those powers
which adopt the policy and have the means of
keeping np large navies. The one which has a
decided naval superiority would be potentially the
mistress of the ocean, and by the abolition of
privateering, that dominition -would be more firm
ly secured. Such a power engaged in a war with
a nation inferior in naval strength, would have
nothing to do for the security and protection of its
commerce but to look after the ships of the regu
lar navy of its enemy. These might be held in
check by one-half, or less, of its naval force, and
the other might sweep tlie commerce of its enemy
from thW)cean. Nor would the injurious effects
of a vast naval superiority to weaker States be
much diminished if that superiority was shared
among three or four great ^O' 'rs. It is nnque
tionably the interest of such er States to •’
the militia of this State, lias been counter-
the belligerents themselves, and to those who vol- mani l e d by order o/Capt. J. C. McConnell.
therefore no more recruiting will be carried
on in this State except by the United
States Arm}*.” Alas for Hicks!
. (South.
untarily take part with them: but neutrals abstain
ing in good faith from such complicity ought to he
left to pursue their ordinary trade with either
belligerent, without restrictions in respect to the
articles entering into it
Though the United States do not propose to
embarrass the other pending negotiations relative
to the rights of neutrals, by pressing this change
into the law of contraband, they will be ready to
give it their sanction whenever there is a prospect
of its favorable reception hy other maritime pow
ers.
The undersigned avails himself of this opportu
nity to renew to the Count de Sartiges the assur
ance of his high consideration.
W. L. MARCY.
TheCorxT de Saio-iges, tfce., &c., &c.
[From the Norfolk Day Book, May 20th.]
THE EYUAUOEYT AT SEWELL'S POI.YT.
Additional Particulars.
Y esterday (Sunday) evening, about fourorfive
o clock, a small schooner from below passed tip,
and when near the Monticello she fired a gun
which passed over the battery. It is not known
positively whether she tired at theschooner or the
battery; though it is asserted by some that the
schooner was acting in the capacity of a look-out
for the steamer, and had sent a boat alongside of
her before she fired the gun. The idea is, that the
schooner got as near the fort as posable, and sent
a man up on her mast head to spy intojdie fort,
those inside being unconscious of what was going
on. and deeming her a friend. However, that first
gun was taken as a banter, and the battery an
swered it with as much spirit and rapidity as con
venience would allow, the second ball, we under
stand, taking effect in her rigging, much of which
was cut away. The firing continued for some con
siderable time, by both the steamer and the bat-
tery.
'i he two rifle-cannon, it is said, done the most
execution, a shell from one of which it is reported
bursted on striking tbe steamer's rigging, though
it is not known whether it proved fatal. The
steamer was struck in her hull several times,
nearly amidships, and one hole we understand was
knocked into her side, largo enough for a flour bar
rel to enter. The steamer’s battery was finally
silenced, and about that time the two little steam
ers, tbe Yankee and the Y'oung America, came up,
both of which we understand fired a few balls at
the fort. They all three then started off down the
river, towards Old Point.
It is the general impression that the Monticello
is seriously crippled, from the manner in which
she was careened over when she left, and probably
from her Laving ceased her fire so quick.
The shot and shell from the steamers flew over
the battery, many of them striking a mile in the
rear. One shell bursted near the battery without
injury. A piece of it, weighing four or five
pound, we saw last night. The tops of the pine
trees in the neighborhood were pretty well cut
down by the shot and sheil from tbe Y'ankees, and
tlie houghs and splinters W6re scattered about with
a good deal of activity, though with no bad re
sults, except the scratching of the hand of one
of the staff officers who was present.
It gives us pleasure to hear so glowing a report
of the spirit of bravery which was brought out in
this engagement. YY’e feel satisfied that our cause
is in hands of the right kind of men
During the cannonadiug, we understand, some
of the infantry rallied out on the beach and dis
charged their small arms, (Minnie rifles, we pre
sume,) at tfie Monticello she being, what was eon
sidered at the time, within range. It is said that
every man engaged on shore acted the part of a
hero; the only regreat being that they were not
more thoroughly prepared for the occrtsiou, by hav
ing their heavy ordinance in better condition for
the reception of the enemy.
The only injury, we understand, with the ex
ception of the staff officer, was that received by Mr.
Wm. Morris, of the Woodis Rifle corps, who got
his ankle bruised hy the rebound of one of the big
guns. \Vg understand the injury is very slight.
Not a sliot of the enemy struck the works to injure
them, most of them passing far overhead. “No
body hurt” on our side, though we don’t believe
we can say the same thing for tbe enemy, as the
apparent confusion on board seemed to indicate
herwise.
thought by some that tLis attack on ourbat-
To Consumptives.')
T HE Advertiser having been restored to health in
a f*w weeks by a very simple remedy, after
having suffered several years with a severe lnugaffec
tion, and that dread disease, consumption—is anxious
to make known to his fellow-sufferers the means ot
God Save the Mouth.
God bless our Southern land !
Guard our beloved land !
God save the South !
Make us victorious,
Happy and glorious ;
Spread thy sliieldover tis ;
God save the South !
God of our sires, arise !
Scatter our enemies,
YYho mock Thy truth ;
Confound tlieir politics,
Frustrate their knavish tricks;
In Thee our faith we fix ;
God save the South !
In the fierce battle hour.
With Thine almighty pow er,
Assist our youth ;
May they, with victory crowned,
Joining our choral round,
With heart »nd voice resound,
“God Save the South !”
Clue ok Drunkenness—There is a
prescription in use in England for the cure
of drunkenness, by which thousands are
said to have been assisted in recovering
themselves. The recipe came into notoriety
through the efforts of John Vine Hall,
father of Rev. Newman Hall, and Captain
Vine Hall, commander of the Great East
ern steamship, lie had fallen into such ha
bitual drunkenness that his most earnest
efforts to reclaim himself proved unavailing.
At length he sought the advice of au emi
nent physician who gave him » prescrip
tion which he followed faithfully for seven
months, anfl at the end of that time had
lost all desire for liquors; although he had
for many years led captive by a most deba
sing appetite. The receipe, which lie af
terwards pub^shed, and by which many
other drunkards have been assisted to re
form, is as follows: Sulphate of iron, five
grains; magnesia, ten grains ; peppermint
water, eleven drachms; spirit of nutmeg,
one drachm ; tw ice a day. This prepar
ation acts as a tonic and stimulant and so
partially supplies the place of the accus
tomed liquor, and prevents that absolute
physical and moral prostration that follows
a sudden breaking off from the use of
stimulating drinks.
Remedy for Rheumatism.—Dr. Bon
net, of Graulhct, in France, states in a let
ter to the Abeille Medicale, that lie has
long been in the habit of prescribing the
essential oil of turpentine for frictions
against rheumatism, and that he has used
it himself with perfect success, having al
most instantaneously got rid of rheumatic
pains in both knees and in the left shou-
der. He adds, that having several times
soiled his hands with coal tar and other
sticky substances of the same nature and*
used the essence of turpentine freely, like
water to wash his hands in, and then
•washed them again in soap and water. He
after drying them well, always experien
ced a pricking sensation, similar to that
which is felt on receiving electrical sparks
on one’s knnckles. This sensation would
last about two hours, and it is to this
exciting action of oil of turpentine that he
attribntes its efficacy in rheumatism.
To all who desire it, he will send a copy of the
prescription used (free of charge) with the directions
for preparing and using the same, which they will
find a sure Cure for Consumption, Asthma, Bron-
kitis,The only object of the udvertiser in send
ing the prescription is to benefit the afflicted, and
spread information which he conceives to be inval
uable, and he hopes every sufferer will try his remedy,
as it will cost them nothing, and may prove a bles
sing.
Parties wishing the prescription will please address
Rev. EDWARD A. WILSON,
Willinmsburgli,
Kings county, New York.
Oct. 0,1860. (c. i mca.) 20 1 v.
Encourage Home Literature !!
THE
SOUTHERN FIELD AND* FIRESIDE,
D EY'OTEl) to Literature, Agriculture, and Horti
culture, edited hy gentlemen of eminent ability,
in their several departments, is published every.
SATURDAY', nt Augusta Georgia.
EXPRESSIONS OF THE PRESS.
“Its writers are the most distinguished in the South.”
Delta, ,Yw Orleans.
Stands in the very first rank.”
Presbyterian, Charlrslon,
“A paper, indeed, for the South.”—.V<■«•» , Savannah.
“A most accceptable paper.”
Christian Index, Macon.
“Equalled by few, surpassed by none.”
Times, Columbus.
“The best investment of two dollars that could be
made.”—Missourian, St. Lams.
“Deserves the most liberal patronage.”
Baptist. Atlanta.
“We cordially commend it to Southerners.''
Enquirer, Richmond.
“Its contents are varied and agreeable.”
C hr attain Ailcocate Seir Orleans.
“Calculated, eminently, to improve tlie soil nod the
mi nd. ”—E m/u irer Mem phis.
“Filled with the choicest reading matter.”
Journal dj- Messenger‘ Maeon, (ia.
“An excellent journul. edited by competent gentlemen.”
Chronicle .j- Sentinel. Augusta, Ga.
“Best Literaryjournal in the country.”
Journal Bouiscillc.
“A Southern blessing ’’-—.-leg”*, Norfolk. ~
“Every rending mau.in the country should tak'eTt.’'
Republic, Ausrnsta.
“Gives full value for the money.”
Southron, Jackson Miss.
“YVorth ten times its subscription price.”
Gazette Chaltanooga.
“YVithout a rival—the best that comes to us.”
Express, Yicksburgh, Miss.
“Invaluable to every manor literary taste..' 1
Register, Mobile.
“The best family paper published.”
Courier Charleston.
“Equal, if not8iiperior, in literary merits, toauy journal
published.”— Standard, Ralrigh.
“A welcome guest at every fireside. ”
Advertiser, Montgomery, Ala.
TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION—PAYABLE AL-
YVAY’S IN ADVANCE.
Single copj-, per annum S> ‘J.
Six copies, “ IO.
Ten copies, “ 1.1,
Twenty copies. “ 44.
Specimen copies sent gratis.
The FIELD AND FIRESIDE will shortly enter
upon its third volume, and is now FIRMLY' ESTAB
LISHED. It is handsomely printed, in folio form, for
binding, on fine paper, and with clear type. Every ex
ertion is made to vindicate its claim to’be
THE FIRST WEEKLY PAPER IN THE SOUTH
JA.TOKS GARDNER.
Proprietor.
Augusta,Ga., April, Utli, 1861.
MOTHERS! MOTHERS!!
Y’ou are all nurses, in one sense of the word, yet can
yon determine and treat the diseases of your children?
or do you not call in a physician when theynre ailing?
Accept, then, the aid Dr. EATON brings vou in his
INFANTILE CORDIAL. He is a regular physi
cian, and from much experience in Infantile Com-
plaints, has compounded this preparation—without pa
regoric or opiate of any kind—so as to be a sure re
lief to your suffering little ones in nil the ills attending
their teething; and for roughs, or cronp, or convulsions
nnd also for Summer complaints, it is a certain cure —
Yfoti iqav rely <>n it with perfect confidence, that Dr.
Eaton’s Infantile Cordial could never have attained the
celebrity it has in the United States, if it were not tbe
very best article for Infantile Complaints that is put
up. It is fast superseding all others.
Dr. Bronson’s Blood Food, advertised with tbe Cor
dial, is tire most invaluable necessity to every Mother
as well as every unmarried lady. Buy it ana read the
circular enveloping the bottle, and you will get the par
ticular information yon want. For sale by all Drag-
gists everywhere. 49 4t
Got- Brown’s Refusal to Arm Companies.
The refusal of Governor Brown to arm volun
teer Companies in this State which tender direct
ly to the President in disregard of the constituted
authority of the State, lias caused some complaint.
La^us look to the facts and see whether the com
plaint is just. Gov. Brown has, we venture to say,
witliont drawing invidious distinctions, responded
to avery call made on him by the Secretary of
War for troops, with less delay than any other
Governor in the Confederacy. Including the Reg
iment of Regulars, and the Regiment of Savan
nah Volunteers which is to be mustered into ser
vice very soon, which lias been armed by the State,
andjcouutiug the two Batallions, now- iu the ser
vice as a Regiment, the Governor has armed and
fully equipped nine fti 1 Regiments for the field,
wliiiih have been received into the service of tho
Confederate States. He is now in Atlanta arming
and equipping Col. Gartrell’s Regiment, which
makfs the tenth. The Governor has furnished
each of these Regiments with the very best arms
of the service, and with knapsacks, blankets and
full Accoutrements of every kind including a vpry
considerable quantity of clothing. The Confed
erate Government has not furnished either of these
ten Georgia Regiments with a single article of its
outfit for the field. \Y r hat other Governor or State
has done as much ! YVe understand that tho Gov
ernor intends to continue to arm and equip as
many Regiments as he is able to arm without
leaving the State entirely destitute of arms for her
defence; and that he will respond to each call
madeon him for a Regiment hy the Secretary of
War with the utmost promptness. lie cannot,
howeTer, do justice between the different volun
teer companies of this State, if he arms companies
which are tendered direct to the President and ac
cepted without the consent of the Governor.
There are a vast number of companies anxious
tbrservice. When each has an equal opportunity
to tender its services the Governor gives the pre
ference to the company which has exercised the
greatest diligence in preparing itself for the field
and making its tender. This is fair as between
the companies. Apply the other rule and look to
the result. Two companies from the same place
tender their services. One has been diligent in
getting ready, and has made an early tender, tho
other has been indolent, and makes its tender at a
much later day, and sees that it w ill come in two
or three Regiments later than the first. It de
mands, however, that the Governor let it iivahead
of the company making the first tender. He re
fuses. The Captain at once writes to Montgomery
and maltes his tender direct to the President and
is accepted. He then calls on the Governor to
arm his company first, and put it in the field,
ahead of the company which had made the first
tender. Is this right as between these two com
panies ? YVe think not. In such case the Gov
ernor does not say to the last company you shall
not go, but he does say if you tender to the Pres
ident to get in before a company which is justly
entitled to go in before you, and he accepts you.
and gives you an unjust preference, he must arm
and equip you. The Gov. will arm first the company
which tendered to him first. Tiffs we say is right.
What say State rights raenand volunteer companies
to all this ? Again a company tenders to the Gov.
from a very exposed point in the State, andh:
sees if he accepts them and sends them out ot that .
State that he will have to send other troops to the
same place to protect their homes while they aro
gone. He refuses to accept them, and tells them
they are needed at home. They think more of
hunting glory in Virginia than of protecting their
homes, and they tender their services to the Pres
ident, and are accepted. They then call on the
Governor to arm them, and abuse him if he refu
ses. Is this right ?
The Oglethorpe Light Infantry cf Savaunali,
may be mentioned as an instance of the last class
of cases. Capt. Bartow tendered his company to
Gov. Brown to go to Y'irginia. Tlie Governor re
plied, that Savaunali was a very exposed point,
and that he was having to send troops to Savan
nah from other parts of the State to protect it, ahd
did not think those living there, accustomed to
:he climate, should leave. This was not satisfac
tory. Capt. Bartow made bis tender to the Pres
ident, ;wbo accepted the company to go to Vir
ginia. The Capt., it is said, is to receive a Colo
nel’s Commission from tlie President, and has lef;
his home with his company, carrying off the
State’s arms, in disobedience to the orders of the
Governor. The climate of Savannah is not so
pleasaat in Summer, and this compmy prefers to
spend the Summer in the more pleasant climate ot
Virginia, where there is more prospect of glory.
Their homes, wives, children, and property, in
Savannah, must be protected however, and to do
this. Georgia troops from the country must be
stationed about Savannah to fight rausquitces,
yellow fever, dkc, while the Oglethorpes are pleas
antly quartered in Y T irgina. Is this right I It is
a fair specimen of the justice of the law which au
thorizes a company over the head of the Execti-
tive of a State, to tender its services direct to the
President. We say the Governor is right iu re
fusing to arm companies in all such cases, fie
does not propose to withhold a single gun belong,
iug to the State from the service. YY’hsn called on
by the Secretary of War under the authority of
an act of Congress for troops, he will furnish them
promptly, and as long as he has guns, lie will arm
them fully, but lie will arm only such as are ten
dered through him. If the President aceep ®
troops under circumstances like those above
named, over tha head of the Executive of the
State.it is but just that he arm them out of the
arsenals turned over to him by tbe States. YVe
may in a future article, notice this act of our Con
gress, in connection with its effect upon Sta-o
Rights. Tlie maintainance of the doctrine ot
State rights is all that saved us from absolute sub
jection to abolition rule, and we are not prepared
to go as far as a few Georgians who have advo
cated the obliteration of all State lines, and the con
centration of all power in the federal or genera*
Government.
The Eleventh Star.
North Carolina hafseeeded from tbe Old Union,
and shines resplend^it no the Southern- Co*'**’'!**^.
tion. Hnrihli for the Reliant old y-etb Btatey
Her Convention adopted theOrd**" 1 ® of sect*
tion unnmnumsly. Tire (
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