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VOLUME XXXII.j
MILLED&E VILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, AUGUST 13, 1861.
[NUMBER 12.
IIATES «V -A DV6:RTIM.\G.
I’-r njunre of t'celaeliiM.
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continuance.
yho*eseut without the specification of the nuiaberof
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accordi ngly • _
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do not exceed Six Lises - $ 10 00
A literal con'rad trill be made with those trlto Irish to
Adrcrtise ly the year, occupying a specified space
LEGAL ADVERTISEMENTS.
Sale? of Lund and Negroes, l»y Administrators, Ejl
centers or Guardians, are required by law to be belt
, the first Tuesday in tiie month; between ibe hours ol
lOin the forenoon and three in tiie afternoon, at the
Courthouse in the county in which the property is sit
uated. ...
Jfotiee of these .ale* must be given in a public ga-
, e tt?4<) davs prv. ious to the day ofsale.
Xntices lor the sale of personal property must be giv
en in like manner 10 days previous to sale day.
Notices to the debtors and creditors of an estate must
also be published 40 days.
Notice that application will be made to the Court of
Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Negroes, must be
published for two months.
1 Citations for letters of Administration Guardianship,
A.... must be published 30 days—for dismission from
Adininistration, monthly six months—for dismission
jrom Guardianship, 40 days.
Kulw for foreclosure of .Mortgage must be published
monthlyf" r fOtar month*—for establishing lost papers,
for the full space of there months—for compelling t itle?
f-nm Executors or administrators, where bond has been
(riven by the deceased, the full space of three
months.
Publications will always be continued according to
these, the legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered
»t the following
RA’TES:
Citations, on letters of administration, Ac.
“ “ dismtssory from Adror’n.
“ “ “ Guardianship.
Leave to sell Land or Negroes
Notice to debtors and creditors.
Sales of persona! property, ten days, 1 sqr.
Sale of land or negroes by Executors, fee. pr sqr
Estravs. two weeks
For a man advertising his wife (in advance.)
SPEECH OF
or. laiiundjoiiuiii of liiiio, on liic Loan Bill.
^ a he Charleston Courier, in publishing
i‘iis speech, prefaces it with the following
remarks : “Rarely since the warning voice
°f 1 atrick Henry aroused And animated
the Burgesses of Virginia, has there been
t.ntcred in any American Legislature, a
more manly and eloquent appeal than was
made on the 10th inst., in the United
States House of Representatives, by Clem
ent L. \ allandigham.'of Ohio.”
V. e commend its perusal to our readers.
chase; were revived by the Hartford con I tedious delay, and with the utmost difficul I of interest and trade. The city of New
vention in 1814, and culminated, during i tv—sixty-five Republican members, with ! York, the gteat commercial emporium of
the war with Great Britain, in sending j the resolute and determined gentleman j the Union, began to clamor now loudly
commissioners to Washington to settle from Pcnnsyvania [Mr. Hickmanj at their
the terms for a peaceable separation of head, having voted against it and fought
New England from the other States of the \ against it to the very last.
Union. He forgets to remind us and the j And not this onjv, but, as a part of the
country, that this present revolution began ; history of the last session, let me remind
4.
4 III!
3 ltd
1 50
. 5 0(1
1 50
5 00
GENERAL ADVERTISED ENTS.
' J. A. & W. W. TURNER,
ATTORNEYS AT LAY,
Ealontoo, .Ga,
October, iS, 1859.
COATES & WOOLFOLK
ftlattljonse anil Commission
m MERCHANTS,
ARK now open and prepared for the re option of
Cotton ot their NEW FIRE PROOF WAREHOUSE,
opposite Hardeman .fc Spark 4 *. We will endeavor t*>
prove ourselves worthy of the patronage of those who
will favor u* with their business. Liberal advances
mu le on cotton when desired.
Macon Ga., Sept. 21,1859. 18 tf.
johsi a?. so^Dosrj,
ATTORNEY AT LAW.
BVTOX'FON, CL
Estonton, Ga., Feb. 14, I860. 38 tf.
BOARDING.
■^JY HOUSE will be open for transient end regu
lar boarders. JAMES E
Milledgeville, Jnu. 18tli, ISO!.
HAYGOOD.
35 tf.
NOTICE.
T HE UNDERSIGNED Laving bought the es
tablishment of his friend F. 8HOENBEIN,
deceased, respectfully informs the public, that he
will continue the business in the same form and
respectfully solicits a share of public patronage.
\VM. SCHEIH1NG.
Milledgeville, July 13, Ifcftl. 6 lyr.
$200 REWARD!
V s '
AKY, on the 23rd inst . the following Convicts •
WILEY MORRIS, ANDREW COX. CHARLES
HUMBOLDT alias CHARLES BAKER alias
CHARLES SCHROEDEIi, and JOHN JOHNSON
alias CHARLES THOMPSON.
The above Reward will be paid for their delivery at
the Georgia Penitentiary, or for their confinement in I
mime safe Jail in this State, so that I can get them
or $50 each for their apprehension and delivery a
above. JAMES A. GREEN,
Principal Keeper.
DESCRIPTION.
MORRIS—34 years old, G feet higl
ion. dark lair and hazel eyes.
C< IX—'-'3 years old. 5 feet 6 inches
plexion.dark hair and blue eve?.
HUMBOLDT—25 years old,5 feet 8 1-2 inolio
fair complexion, auburn hair and hazel eyes.
JOHNSON—22 years old. 5 feet G 1-2 inches higl
dark complexion, dark hair and black eves.
Milledgeville, July 2Gth, ISfil. * 103t.
dark complex-
high, fair eom-
1 high,
tv■ /%. KFE l "VST-A-iO-!! JU
VOLUNTEERS UNIFORMS
CTjm TO*
pllE Subscriber will, upon short notice, virit
any County in the State, and CUT UNIFORM*
for Companies, and warrant a good fit.
Orders respectfully solicited.
Address, THOMAS BROWN,
Merchant Tailor.
rull sett of Patterns for Uniforms
-ent to any part of the State, upon the receipt ot $5 00.
Milledgeville. Ga., July 15, 1801, 8 tf
In the House of Ilepresentalives, Congress.
Wednesday, July 10, 1561.
J be bill to authorize the Secretary of
the 1 leastiry to borrow money on the cred
it of the United Stales, a stun not exceed-
ing 8250,000,000, being under considera
tion.
Mr. \ allandigham said :
Air. Chairman : In the Constitution of
the United States, which the other day
we swore to support, and by the authority
of which we are assembled here to-day, it
is written :
“All Legislative powers herein granted
shall be vested in a Congress of the Unit
ed States.”
It is further .written also that the Con
gress to which all Legislative powers gran
ted are thus committed :
“Shall make no law abridging the free
dom of speech or of the press.”
And it is yet further written, in protec
tion of Senators and Representatives, in
that freedom of debate here, without
which there can be no liberty :
“That for any speech or debate in either
bouse they shall not be questioned in any
other place.”
Holding up the shield of the Constitu
tion and standing here in the place and
with the manhood of a Representative ofthe
people, I propose to myself, to-day, the an
cient freedom of speech used within these
walls; though with somewhat more, 1
trust, of decency and discretion than have
sometimes been exhibited here. Sir, I do
not propose to discuss the direct question
of this civil war in which we are engag
ed. Its present prosecution is a foregone
conclusion ; and a wise man never wastes
| bis strength on a fruitless enterprise. My
position shaii at present, for the most part,
be indicated by my votes, and by the reso
lutions and motions w^ich I may submit.
But there are many questions incident to
the war and to its prosecution, about which
I have somewhat to say now.
Mr. Chairman, the President, in the
message before us, demands the extraordi
nary loan of 8400,000,000—an amount
nearly ten timesgreater than the entire pub
lic debt. State and Federal, at the close of
the revolution in 17S3, and four times as
much as the total expenditures during the
three years’ war with Great Britain, in
1812.
Sir, that same Constitution which I
again hold up, and to which I give my
whole heart and my utmost loyalty, com
mits to Congress alone the power to borrow
money and to fix tbe purposes to which
it shall be applied, and expressly limits
any appropriations to tbe term of two
3’ears. Each Senator and Representative,
therefore, must judge for hitnsell upon his
conscience and oath, and before God and
the country, of the justice and wisdom,
and policy of the President’s demand; and
whenever this house shall have become
but a mere office wherein to register tbe
decrees of the executive, it will be high
time to abolish it. But I have a right, I
believe, sir, to say that, however gentlemen
upon this side of tbe chamber tnay differ
finally as to the war, we are yet firmly and
inexorably united in one thing at least,
and that is, the determination that our
own rights and dignities and privileges,
as the representatives of the people, shall
be maintained in their spirit and to tbe
very letter. And be this as it may, I do
know that there are some here present
who are resolved to assert and to exercise
these rights, with becoming decency and
moderation certainly, but at tbe same time
fully, freely, and at every’ hazard.
Sir, it is an ancient and wise practice of
tbe English Commons, to precede all votes
of supplies by an inquiry into abuses amt
grievances, and especially into an infrac
tion of the constitution and tbe laws of tbe
BOOK-BINDING
The Subscriber is now pre
pared to do Eook-Sind-
ing, in all its branches.
Old Books rebound, &c.
MUSIC bound in the best, style. Blank Books
lnanotacturcd to order. Prompt attention "ill be
given to all vroik entiusted to me. .
S. J. KIDD.
Kindery in Honlhrrn l>rirrnl I nion dlur.
Milledgeville, March BJth, 1861. 43
forty years ago in the vehement, presis-
tent, offensive, most irritating and provok
ed agitation of tbe slavery question in tbe
North and NYest, from tbe time of tbe Mis
souri controversy, with some short- inter
vals, down to the present hour. Sir, if
bis statement of tbe case be the whole
truth, and wholly’ correct, then the demo
cratic party and every member of it, and
tbe Whig party, too, and its predecessors,
have been guilty for sixty years of an un
just, unconstitutional and most wicked
policy in administering the affairs of the
government.
But, sir, the President ignores totally
the violent and long-continued denuncia
tion of slavery and slaveholders, and espe
cially since 1835—I appeal to Jackson’s
message for the date| and proof—until at
last a political anti-slavery organization
was formed in tbe North and West, con
tinued to gain strength year after year,
till at length it had destroyed and usurp
ed tbe place of tbe Whig party, and final
ly obtained control of every free State in
illo Union, and elected himself, through
free State votes alone, to the presidency
ofthe United States. He chooses to pass
over the fact that the party to which he
thus owes his place and his present power
of mischief, is wholly and totally’ a section
al organization ; and as such condemned
by’ Washington, by Jefferson, Jackson,
Webster and Clay’, and by’ all the founders
and preservers of the Republic, and utter
ly inconsistent with the principles, or the
peace, the stability, or the existence even,
of our Federal Union. Sir, there never was
an hour, from the organization of this sec
tional party, when it was predicted by the
wisest and truest patriots, and when it
ought not to have been known by intelli
gent men in tbe country, that it must soon
er or later precipitate a revolution and the
dissolution ofthe Union.
The President forgets already that, on
tbe 4th of March, he declared that the plat
form of that party was “a law unto him,'’
by which he meant to fee governed in his
administration ; and yet that platform an
nounced that whereas there were two sep
arate and distinct forms of civilization in
the two dilferent sections of the Union,
yet that the entire national domain, be
longing in common to all the States,
should bo taken, possessed, and held by
one section alone, and consecrated to that
kind of labor and form of civilization alone
which prevailed in that section which by
mere numerical superiority’, had chosen
the President, and now has, and for some
years past has had, a majority in the Sen
ate, as from the beginning of the govern
ment it had also iu the House. He omits,
too, to tell the country and the world—for
he speaks, and we all speak now to the
world aud to posterity—that lie himself
and his prime minister, tbe Secretary of
State, declared three years ago, and have
maintained ever since, that there was an
“irrepressible conflict” between the two
sections of this Union ; that tbe Union
could not endure, part slave and part free;
ant] that ihp whole power an,l ii.llnono? tii‘
tbe Federal Government must henceforth
be put forth to circumscribe and hem in sla
very within its existing limits.
And now, sir, how comes it that the Presi
dent has forgotten to remind us, also, that
when tbe party thus committed to the prin
ciples of deadly bate and hostility to the
slave institution of the South, and the
men who bad proclaimed the doctrine
of the irrepressible coullict, an who, in the
dilemma or alternative of this conduct,
were resolved that “the cotton and rice
fields -of South Carolina, and tbe Sugar
plantations of Louisiana, should ultimate
ly be tilled by’ free, labor,” bad obtained
power and place in the common govern
ment of the States, the South except one
State chose first to demand solemn consti
tutional guarantees for the protection
against the abuse of the tremendous power
and patronage and influence of the Feder
al Government, for the purpose of securing
the great end of the sectional conflict, be
fore resorting to secession or revolution at
all ? Did be not know—how could he be
ignorant—that at the last session of Con-
propose to consider the present state of tbe
nation, and supply also some of the many
omissions of the President in the message
before us. Sir, be has undertaken to give
ns information of the state of tbe Union,
as tbe constitution requires him to do;
and it was ltis duty, as an honest execu
tive, to make that information full, impar
tial and complete, instead of spreading be
fore us a labored and lawycrly vindication
of his own course of policy which has pre-
SLATIN6—SLATING. Mi«LY.r? le “ DdM °° iy
executive. Let us follow this safe prac- gress, every substantive proposition for ad-
tice. We are now in the committee of justment ana compromise, except that oil-
the whole on the state of the Union; and f ,ec | Ly the gentleman fron Illinois, |-Ir.
in the exercise ot my right aud my duty j Kellogg]-and we all know how that was
as a representative, and availing myself j received came .tom the South . Stop a
ofthe latitude of debate allowed here, I j moln ent, and let us see.
Tbe committee of thirty-three was mov-
W. E. ELLIOTT, I in the midst of a general civil war. not
PRACTICAL SLATER AND I1EILF.R IT now a pretty insurrection, to he suppress-
I3E ST StT. A T 1 TTB 9 ed in twenty days by a proclamation
RECENTLY FROM RICHMOND, VA., - and a posse e vomit at us of three months mil-
I S now ready to do any work in his lire of httsi- itia.
ness—Slating, and wat ran ted free from Leak-; yj ri has been the misfortune ofthe
! President from the beginning that lie has
Bepair. to Old^su^e Uo*f. nt.rnded to J tola] iy au d wholly underestimated the
... f , j magnitude and character of the revolution
W.E. E. is Acrent for an extensive Manufactory ® , .11
of Iron Railing. Verandah, Balconies, Iron Stairs, with which he had to deal, or surely he
Fountains. Settees, Chairs, Tables, Tree Boxes, j never would have ventured upon the wick-
Uigure?. &c,&c, and all other JronMorkoi a i e( ] all J hazardous experiment of calling
decorative character. _ thirty millions of the people to arms among
Cncladu Caeclrr, L»l» will rcctire hi» par- J , ,
flcrtar Afi<-ntiou. J themselves Without tbe counsel and au
W. E. E. is Agent for an extensive Marble I tliority of Congress. But when at last he
Monument Works, likewise for the Steam Marble j found himself hemmed in by tbe revolt!
Mantle Works. . .. 11ion, and this city in danger, as be de-
Dcigns of all, with prices, can be seen^aMiis j c j arg c an( j W aked up thus, as the procla-
Xc "'' \ ■»*«•« .»A P ,n. p*.™, i-»
A eppeimonjof our work maybe seen on the 1 have waked up to the reality and signih
Depot building in Milledgeville
Refereii;e—G. VV. Adams, Superintendent C.
R- R. Savannah. ^3 dds&wtf.
50 Saw Cotlon Gin for Sale.
ONE of WATSON'S best 50 Saw Cotton Gins,
is offered for sale. This Gin is new, and is equal
to any in use. Sold for 110 fault, the present ow
ners having no use for it. Any planter wanting a
good Gin, can have a chance to get one at a re
duction on the regular price. Apply al this office,
‘ 1 olN. Tift, or J. H. Watson, at Albany.
Confederate
r pREA8URYNoten and Bonds taken at PAR fo*
Furniture or Notes ami Acconnts
WOOD & CO., Macon,Ga.
Americas, Albany. Cuttibert. Fort Gains, Griffin and
Milledgeville papers will please copy six months and
*ndbili. (4 h mi.) W ACO.
FOR SALE.
S uperior vbxtt cloth,
weighing 12 ozs per yf.rd, 30 inches wide,
in Bales containing about 620 yards, mnuufac-
tured by Ocmulgee Mills.
Apply to ISAAC SCOTT,
July 18th, 1831. (9 6mos # ) Macon. Ga.
If you are afflicted with Piles, send to Herty
* Hali and get a box of Sturdevant’s pile oint-
***t, ud be eased. Friee #1 a box.
canco of the movement, why did lie not
forthwith assemble Congress, and throw
himself upon the wisdom and patriotism
of the representatives of the States and of
the people, instead of usurping powers
which the constitution has expressly con
ferred upon us? ay, sir, and powers which
Congress had but a little while before re
peatedly and emphatically refused to ex
ercise, or to permit birrs to exercise. But I
shall recur to this point again.
Sir, the President, in this message, has
undertaken also to give us a summary of
the cau?es which have led to this present
revolution. He has made out a case—he
might, in my judgement, have made out a
much stronger case—against tbe secession
ists and and disuuionisls of the South.—
All this sir, is very well as far as it goes.
But the President does not go back far
enough, nor in the right direction. He
forgets the still stronger case against tbe
abolitionists and disuniouists of the North
and West. He omits to tell us that seces
sionists and disunionists had a New Eng
land origin, and begun in Massachusetts
in 1804, at the time of the Louisiana pur-
ed for in this house by a gentleman from
Virginia the second day of the session, and
received the vote of every Southern repre
sentative present, except only the members
of South Carolina, who declined to vote.
In the Senate the committee of thirteen
was moved for by a Senator from Ken
tucky, (Mr. Powell,) and received tbe si
lent acquiescence of every Southern Sena
tor present. The Crittenden propositions,
too, were moved also by another Senator
from Kentucky, [Mr. Crittenden,J now a
member of tiiis house, a niau venerable
for his years, loved for bis virtues, distin
guished for his services, honored for his pa
triotism ; for forty-four years a Senator; or
in other public ofiiee; devoted from the first
hour of his manhood to the union of these
States; and who, though be himself proved
his courage fifty years ago upon the battle
field against the foreign enemies of his
country, is now, thank God, still for com
promise at home to-day. Fortunate i:i a
long and well spent life of public services
and private worth, he is unfortunate only
that be has survived a union, and, I fear,
a constitution younger than himself.
Tbe border State propositions also were |
projected by a gentleman from Maryland
not now a member of this House, anti pre
sented by a gentleman from Tennessee,
| Mr. Ethridge] now tiie clerk ofthe House.
And yet all these propositions, coaling
thus from the South, were severally anil
repeatedly rejected by the almost united
vote of the Republican party in the Sen
ate and the House. Tiie Crittenden prnp-
you that bills were introduced into this
house proposing to abolish and close up
certain Southern ports of entry ; to author
ize tbe President to blockade the South
ern coast; anil to call out the militia and
accept the service, of volunteers, not for
three months merely, hut without any lim
it as to either numbers or time, for the
very purpose of enforcing the laws, collect
ing the revenue, and protecting the pub
lic property ; and were pressed vehemently
and earnestly in this house prior to the
arrival of the President in this city, and
were then, though seven States had sece
ded and set up a government of their own,
voted down, postponed, thrust aside, or in
some other way disposed of, sometimes by
large majorities in this house, till at last
Congress adjourned without any action at
all. Peace then seemed to be the policy of
all parties.
Thus sir, the case stood at 12 o'clock
on the 4th of March last, when, from the
Eastern portion ofthe Capitol, and in the
presence of twenty thousand of his country
men, hut enveloped in a crowd of sol
diery, which no other American President
ever saw, Abraham Lincoln took the oath
of office to support the Constitution ; and
delivered his inaugural—a message, I re
gret to say, not written in the direct and
straight forward language which becomes
an American President aud an American
statesman, and which was expected from
the plain, blunt, honest man ol the North
west, hut with the forked tongue and
crooked counsel of the New York politi
cian,! eaving thirty million of people in
doubt whether it meant peace or war.—
But whatever may have been the secret
purpose and meaning of the inaugural,
practically for six weeks the policy ot
peace prevailed ; and they were weeks ol
happiness to the patriot, and prosperity to
the country. Business revived ; trade re
turned ; commerce flourished. Never
was there a fairer prospect before any peo
pie.
Secession in the past languished and
was spiritless and harmless ; secession in
t Ire future was arrested, and perished.—
By overwhelming majorities, Virginia,
Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee,
and M issouri, all declared for the old Un
ion, and every heart beat high with hope
that in due course of time, and through
faith aud patience and peace, and by ulti
mate and adequate compromise, every
State would be restored to it. It is true,
indeed, sir, that the republican party, with
great unanimity and great earnestness and
determination, had resolved against all
compromise and conciliation. But, on the
other hand, the wdiole Democratic party,
and the whole Constitutional Union party
were equally resolved that there should
be no civil war upon any pretext; and
both sides prepared for an appeal to that
great and final arbiter of all disputes in a
free country—tbe people.
Sir, 1 do not proposed to inquire now
whether the President and his cabinet
were sincere and in earnest, aud meant
pm-lly tn prworvo tn t!i»> r »nd in the policy
of peace ; or whether from the first they
meant civil war, and only waited to gain
time till they were fairly seated in power,
and had disposed, too, of that prodigious
horde of spoilsmen and office seekers,
which came down at first like an avalanche
upon them. But I do know that the peo
pie believed them sincere, and cordially
ratified and approved of the policy of peace,
not as they subsequently responded on
the policy of war, in a whirlwind of
passion and madness, but calmly and
soberly, and as the result ot their
deliberate and most solemn judgment;
and believing that civil war was ab
solute and eternal disunion, while seces
sion was but partial and temporary, they
cordially indorsed also the proposed evac
uation of Blunter aud the other forts and
public property within the seceded States.
Nor, sir, will I stop now to explore the
several causes which either led to a change
in the apparent policy or an early devel
opment of the original and real purposes
ot the administration.
But there are two which I cannot pass
by. And the first of these was party nec
essity, or the clamors of politicians, aud
especially of certain wicked, reckless and
unprincipled conductors of a partisan
press. Tlic peace policy was crushing out
the Republican party. Under that policy,
sir, it was melting away like snow before
the sun. The general elections in Rhode
Island and Connecticut, and municipal elec
tions in New York and in the Western
States, gave abundant evidence that the
qeople were resolved upon the most ample
and satisfactory constitutional guarantee
to the South as the price of a restoration
of the Union. And then it was, sir, that
the long and agonizing howl of defeated
and disappointed politicians came up be
fore the administration. The newspaper
press teemed with appeals and threats to
the President. T he mails groaned under
weight of letters demanding a change of
policy; while a secret conclave of the
Governors of Massachusetts, New York,
Ohio, and other States, assembled here,
promised men and money to support the
President in the irrepressible conflict
which they now invoke. And thus it was,
sir. that the necessities of a party in the
pangs of dissolution, in the very hour aud
article of death, demanding vigorous meas
ures, which could result in nothing but
civil war, renewed secession, absolute and
eternal disunion, were preferred and hark
cned to before the peace aud harmony
and prosperity of the whole country.
But there was another and yet stronger
impelling cause without which this horrid
calamity of civil war might have been
posptoued, and, perhaps, finally averted.
One of the last and worst acts of Congress.
for a repeal of the pernicious and ruinous tar
iff. Threatened thus with the loss of
both political power and wealth ; or the
repeal of the tariff, and at last of both.
New England-and Pennsylvania, too, tha
land of Penn, cradled in* 1 peace—demand
ing now coercion and civil war, with all
its horrors, as the price of preserving eith
er from destruction.
Ay, sir, Pennsylvania, the great key
stone of the arch, of the Union, was wil
ling to lay the weight of her iron upon
that saert d arch and crush it beneath the
load. The subjugation of the South—
ay, sir, the subjugation of the South ] I am
not talking to children or fools ; for there
is not a man iu this house fit to be a repre
sentative here who does not know that the
South cannot be forced to yield obedience
to your laws and authority until you have
conquered aud subjugated her—the sub
jugation of the South, and the closing up
of her ports, first by force, iu war, and
afterwards by tariff laws in peace, was de
liberately resolved upon by the East. And,
sir, when once this policy was begun, tbe
self-same motives of waning commerce
and threatened loss of trade impelled the
great city of New York, and her merchants
and her politicians and her press, with
here and there an honorable exception,
to place herself in the very front rank
among the worshippers of Moloch. Much,
indeed, of that outburst and uprising in
the North, which followed the proclama
tion ofthe 15th of April, as well, perhaps,
as the proclamation itself,was called forth,
not so much by the fall of Fort Sumter—
an event long anticipated— as by the no
tion that the “insurrection” might be crush
ed out in a few weeks, if not by the dis
play, certainly, at least by the presence
of an overwhelming force.
These, sir, were the chief causes which,
along with others, led to a change in the
policy of the Administration, and, instead
of peace, forced us headlong into civil war,
with all its accumulated horrors.
But whatever may have been the cau
ses or the motives of the,act. it is certain
that there was a change in the policy
which the Adininistration ment to adopt,
or which at least they led the country to
believe they intended to pursue. I will
not venture now to assert what may yet
some day be made to appear, that the sub
sequent acts of the Administration, aud
its enormous and persistent infractions of
the Constitution, its high-handed usurpa
tions of power formed any part of a delib
erate conspiracy to overthrow the present
form of the Federal Republican Govern
ment, and to establish a strong consolida
ted government in its stead. No, sir,
whatever their purposes now, I rather
think that, in the beginning, they rushed
heedlessly and headlong into the gulf, be
lieving that, as the seat of war was then
far distant and difficult of access, the dis
play of vigor in reinforcing Forts Sumter
aud Pickens, and in calling out seventy-
five thousand militia upon the firing of the
first gun, and above all, in that exceeding
ly happy and original conceit of command
ing the insurgent States to “disperse in
twenty days,” would not on the one hand,
precipitate a crisis, while upon the other,
it would satisfy its own violent partisans,
ami thus revive and restore the falling for
tunes ot the Republican party.
I can hardly conceive, sir, that the
President and his advisers could be guil
ty of the exceeding folly of expecting to
carry on a general civil war by a mere
posse comitatus of three months militia.
It may be, indeed, that, with wicked and
most desperate cunning, the President
meant all this as a mere entering wedge
to that which was to rive the oak asunder,
or possibly as a test, to learn the public
sentiment of the North and West. But,
however that may be, the rapid secession
and movement of Virginia, North Caroli
na, Arkansas, and Tennessee, taking
with them, as I have said elsewhere, four
millious and a half of people, immense
wealth, inexhaustable resources, five hun
dred thousand fighting men,- and the
graves of Washington and Jackson, and
bringing up too, in a single day, tbe fron
tier from the Gulf to the Ohio, and the
Potomac, together with the abandonment
by tbe one side, and the occupation by
tbe other, Harper’s Ferry and Norfolk
Navy yard, and the sudden gust and
whirlwind of passion in the North, com
pelled either a sudden waking up the Presi
dent and advisers to the frightful signli
cance of the act which they had commit-
ed in heedlessly breaking the vase which
imprisoned the slumbering demon of civil
war, or else a premature , but most rapid
developeinent of the daring plot to foster
and promote secession, and then to set up
a new and strong form of government in
the States which might remain in the Un
ion.
Congress was not assembled at once, ns
Congress should have been, and tbe great
question of civil war submitted to their
deliberations. The representatives of the
of the States and of the people were not
all owed the slightest voice in this the
most momentous questions ever presented
to any Government. The entire respon
sibility of the whole work was boldly as
sumed by tbe Executive, and all tbe pow
ers required for tbe purposes in band
were boldly usurped from either tbe
States or tbe people, or from tbe legisla
tive department ; while the voice of the
judiciary, that last lefuge and hope of
liberty, was turned away from with con
tempt.
Sir, the right of the blockade—and
l begin with it—is a belligerent right, in
cident to a state of war, and it cannot be
exercised until war has been declared or
recognised ; and Congress alone can de
clare or recognise war. But'Congress has
not declared or recognised war. Ou the
contrary, it had but a little while before
expressly refused to declare it, or to arm
tbe President with the power to make it.
And thus the President, in declaring
which, born in bitterness and nurtured iu 1 blockade of certain ports in the Slates
convulsions, literally did those things
which it ought not to have done, and left
undone those things which it ought to
ositions, for which Mr. Davis, now Presi- have done, was the passage of an obscure,
dent of the Confederate States, and Mr. ill-considered, ill-digested, and uustates
Toombs, bis Secretary of State, both de
clared in the Senate that they would be
satisfied, and for which every Southern
Senator and Representative voted, never,
on any one occassion, received one solitary
vote from the Republican party in either
House.
The Adams or Corwin amendment, so
called reported from the committee of
thirty-three, and the only substantive
amendment proposed from the Republican
side, was but a bare promise that Congress
should never be authorized to do what no
one man ever believed Congress would un
dertake to do—abolish slavery in the
States where it exists; and yet even this
proposition, moderate as it was, and for
which every Southern member present vo
ted, except ods, was carried through this
House by but one majority, after long and
manlike high protective tariff.” Just
about the ssme time too, the Confederate
Cougress at Montgomery adopted our old
tariff - of 1857, which we had ju3t rejected
to make ivay for the Morrill act, fixing
their rate of duties at five, fifteen and
twenty per cent, lower than ours. The
result was as inevitable as the laws of
trade are inexorable. Trade and com
merce—and especially the trade and com
merce of the We3t—began to look to the
South. Turned out of their natural course
years ago, by the canals and railroads of
Pennsylvania and New York, and diverted
eastward at a heavy lost to the West, they
threatened now to resume their ancient
and accustomed channels—the water-cour
ses—the Ohio and the Mississippi. And
political association aud union, it was well
known, must soon follow the directions
ot the South, and in applying to it the
rules governing blockades as between in
dependent Powers, violated the Constiu-
tion.
But if, on the other hand, he meant to
deal with these States as still ill the Un
ion, and subject to Federal authority, then
he usurped a power which belongs to Con
gress alone—the power to abolish aud
close up ports of entry; a power too,
which Congress had also refused a few
weeks before to exercise. And yet, with
out the repeal or abolition of ports of en
try, any attempt by either Congress or
the President to blockade these ports, is
a violation, of the spirit if not of the letter,
of that clause of the Constitution which
declares that “no preference shall be giv
en by auy regulation of commerce or reve
nue to tbe ports of one State over those of
another.”
Upon this point, I do not speak without
the highest authority. In the very midst
of the South Carolina nulification contro
versy, it was suggested that in tbe recess
of Congress, and without a law to govern
him, the President, Andrew’ Jackson,
ment to rend down a fleet to Charleston
and blockade the port. But the bare sug
gestion calk-d forth the indignant protest
of Daniel Webster, himself the arch ene
my of nulification, and whose brightest
laurels wete won in three years conflict
in the Senate Chamber with its, ablest
champions. In an address, in October,
1S32. at Worcester, Massachusetts, before
a National Republican Convention—it
was before the birth, or christening at
least, of the Whig party—the great ex
pounder of the Constitution saidi
“We arc told, sir, that tin? President
will immediately employ the military
force, and at once blockade Charleston.
A military remedy, a remedy by di
reel belligerent operation, has thus been
suggested, aud nothing else has been sug
gested, as the intended means of preserv
ing the U nion. Sir, there is no little rea
son to think that this suggestion is ture.
YVe cannot he altogether unmindful of the
past, and therefore wc cannot be altogeth
er unapprehensive of the future. For
one, sir, I raise my voice teforeliand
against the unauthorized employment ol
military power, and against superseding
the authority of the laws, by au armed
force tinder pretence of putting down nul
lification The President has no authority
to hloekade Charleston.”
Jackson ! Jackson, sir 1 the great Jack-
son did not dare to do it without authori
ty of Congress ; but our Jackson of to-day,
tbe little Jackson at the other end of the
avenue,and the minuie Jacksons around
him, do blockade, not only Charleston
harbor, but tbe whole Southern coast,
three thousand miles in extent, by a sin
gle stroke of the pen.
“The President lias no authority tn
employ military force till he shall be du
ly required”—
Mark the word :
“required, so to do by law and the civil au
thorities. His duty is to cause the laws
to be executed. His duty is to support
the civil authority.”
As iu the Merry man case, forsooth ; but
I shall recur to that hereafter:
“His duty is, if the laws be resisted, to
employ the military force of the country,
if necessary, for their support and execu
tion ; but to do all this in compliance only
with law and with decisions of the tribunals.
If, by any ingenious devices, those who
resist the laws escape from tiie reach of
judicial authority, as it is now provided
to be exercised, it-is entirely competent
to Congress to make such new provisions
as the exigency of the case may demand.”
Treason, sir, rank treason, all this to
day. And yet, thirty years ago, it was
true Union patriotism and souud constitu
tional law'! Sir, I prefer the wisdom and
stern fidelity to principal of the fathers.
Next after the blockade, sir, in the cata
logue of daring Executive usurpation,
comes the proclamation of tbe 3d of May,
and the orders of the War and Navy De
partments in pursuance of it—a proclama
tion and usurpation which would have
cost any English sovereign his head at
any time within the last two hundred
years. Sir, the Constitution not only
confines to Congrss the right to declare
war, but expressly provides that “Con
gress (not the President) shall have pow
er to raise aud support armies;” and to pro
vide and maiuta : n a navy.” In pursuance
of this authority Congress, years ago, had
fixed the number of officers, and of the
regiments, of the different kinds of service ;
and also the of ships, officers, maiiues
and seamen which should compose
the Navy. Not only that, but Congress
repeatedly, within the last five years, re
fused to increase the regular Army. More
thau that still ; in February and March
last, the House, upon several test votes,
repeatedly and expressly refused to au
thorize the President to accept the ser
vices of volunteers for the \cry purpose
of protecting the public property, enforc
ing the laws aud collecting tbe revenue.
And yet the President, of his own mere
will and authority, and in violation of the
Constitution, has proceeded to increase,
and has increased, the standing army bv
25,000 men ; the navy by eighteen thou
sand, and lias called for and accepted the
tbe services of forty regiments of volun
teers for three years, numbering forty-
two thousand men, and making thus a
grand army or military force, raised by
executive proclamation alone, without
sanction of Congress, without warrant of
law, and in direct violation of the Con
stitution and of his oath of office, of eighty-
five thousand soldiers enlisted for three
and five years, and already in the field.
And yet the President now asks us to sup
port the Army which he has thus raised ;
to ratify bis usurpations by a law ex post
facto, and thus to make ourselves parties
to our otvn degradation, and to his infrac
tions of the Constitution. Meanwhile
however, he has taken good care, not on
ly to enlist the men, organize the regi
ments, and muster them into service, but
to provide in advance fora lot of forlorn,
wornout, and broken down politicians of
bis own party, by^ippointing.eitlier by him
self, or through the Governors of States,
Major Generals, Brigadier Generals, Col
onels, Lieutenant Colonels, Majors, Cap
tains. Lieutenants, Adjutants, (Quartermas
ters, and Surgeons, without any limit as to
numbers, and without so much as once say
ing to Congress—“By your leave, gentle
men.”
Beginning with this wide breacli of the
Constitution, this enormous usurpation of
the most dangerous of all powers—the
purse and the sword—other infractions
and assumptions were easy ; and after pub
lie liberty, private right soon fell. Tbe
privacy of tiie telegraph was invaded in
the search after treason and traitors ; al
though it turns out significantly enough,
that the only victim, so far is one of the
appointees and especial pets of the Admin
istration. The telegraphic d»*patches,
preserved under every pledge ofsecresy for
the protection and safety of telegraph
companies, were seized and carried away
without search warrant, withou t probable
cause, without oath, and without descrip
tion of the places to be searched or of the
things to be seized, and in plain violation
of tbe right of tbe people to be secure in their
houses, persons, papers, and affects, against
unreasonable searches and seizures. One
step more, sir, will bring upon us search
and seizure of the public mails ; and final
ly, as in the worst days of English op
pression—as in the times of the Russells
and the Sydnies of English martyrdom—
of the drawers and secretaries of tbe pri
vate citizen; though even then tyrantB
had the grace to look to the forms of tbe
law, and tbe execution was judicial mur
der, not military slaughter. Bnt who
shall say that the future Tiberius of
America shall have the modesty of his
Roman predecessors, in extenuation of
whose character it is written by the great
historian avertit occulos, juttitique tcrlera
tpectavit.
Thus it is sir, that here, in America, jn
the seventy ihird year of the Repnblic,
that great writ and security of personal
freedom which it co?t the patriots and
freemen of England six hundred years of
labor and toil and blood to extort and to
hold fast from venal judges and tyrant
kings, written in the great Charter at
Runnymede by the iron Barons, who made
the simple Latin and uncouth words ofthe
time, nu/lus liber homo, iu the language of
C hatham, worth all the classics ; recovered
and confirmed a hundred times afterwards,
as often violated and stolen away, and final
ly and firmly secured at last by the great
act of Charles II, and transferred thence to
our own Constitution and laws, lias been
wantonly and ruthlessly trampled in tbe
dust. Ay, sir, that great wiit, bearing,
by special command of Parliament, those
other uncouth but magic words, per stratu-
turn ti icessimo primo Caroli ttcundi regis
which no English judge, no English minis
ter, no king or queen of England, dare dis
obey ; that writ brought over by our fath
ers and cherished by them as a priceless in
heritance oflibcrty. an American President
has contemptuously set at defiance. Nay,
more, lie lias ordered his subordinate mili
tary chiefs to suspend it at their discretion !
And yet, after all this, he coolly comes
before this House and the Senate aud the
country, and pleads that he is only pre
serving and protecting the Constitution ;
and demands and expects of this House
and of the Senate and the country, their
thanks for his usurpations of power , while
outside of this capitol. his myrmidons are
clamoring for impeachment of the Chief
Justice, as engaged in a conspiracy to
break down the Federal Government ?
Sir, I am obliged to pass by, for want of
time, other grave and dangerous infrac
tions and usurpations of the President
since the first of April. I only allude cas
ually to the quartering of soldiers in pri
vate houses without the consent of tha
owners, and without any manner having
been prescribed by law; to the censorship
over the telegraph, and the iufringemet
repeatedly, iu one or more of the States, of
the right the people to keep and bear arms
for their defence. But if all these things,
I ask, have been done in the first two
months after the commencement of. this
war, and by inen not military chieftnius,
and unused to arbitrary power, what may
we not expect to see done in three years,
and by the successful heroes of the fight ?
Sir, the power and rights of the States and
the people, and of their Representatives,
have been usurped ; the sanctity of the
private house and of private property has
been invaded ; and the liberty of the per
son wantonly and wickedly stricken
down ; free speech, too, has been repeated
ly denied; and all this under the plea of
necessity.
Sir, the right of petition will follow
next—nay, it has already been shaken ;
and the freedom ofthe. press will soon fall
after it, and let me whisper in your ear,
there will be few' to mourn over its loss,
unless indeed, its ancient high and honor
able character shall bo rescued and re
deemed from its present reckless mendac
ity and degradation. Freedom of religion
will yield, too, at last, amid the exulant
shouts of millions, who have seen its holy
temples defied and its white robes of a for
mer innocence trampled now under the
polluting hoofs of an ambitious and faith
less or fanatical clergy. Meantime na
tional banks, bankrupt laws, a vast and
permanent public debt, high tariffs, heavy
direct taxation, enormous expenditure,
gigantic and stupenduous speculation, an
archy first and a strong government af
terwards, no more State lines, no more State
governments, and a consolidate monarchy
or vast centralized military despotism, must
all follow in the history ofthe future, as iu
the history of the past they have, centuries
ago, been written. Sir, I have said nothing,
and have time to say nothing now, of the
immense indebtedness and the vast expen
ditures which have already accrued, nor
of the folly and mismanagement of the
war so far, nor of the atrocious and shame
less peculations and frauds which have
disgraced it in the State Government and
the Federal Government from the begin
ning. The avenging hour for all these
will come hereafter, and I pass them by
now. ******
The Cougress of the United States
meets here again to-day; but how chang
ed the scene. Instead of thirty-four
States, twenty three only, one less thau
the number forty years ago, are in tiie oth
er wing of the Capitol. Forty-six Sena
tors and one hundred and seventy-three
Representatives constitute the Congress
of the now United States. And of these,
eight Senators and twenty four Represen
tatives, from four States only? linger here
yet as deputies from that great South
which from tiie beginning of tbe Govern
ment, contributed so much to mould its pol
icy. to build up its greatness, and to con
trol its destinies. All the other States of
that South are gone. Twenty-two Sen
ators and sixty-five Representatives no
longer answer to their names. Tbe va
cant scats are indeed, still here ; and the
escutcheons of their respective States look
down now solemnly and sadly from these
vaulted ceilings. But the Virginia of
Washington, and Henry, and Madison, of
Marshall and Jefferson, of Randolph and
Monroe, the birthplace of Clay, the moth
er of States and of presidents ; the Caroli-
nas of Pinckney and Sumter, and Marion,
of Calhoun, and Macon ; and Tennessee,
the home and burial place of Jackson ;
and other States, too, once most loyal and
true, are no longer here. The voices and
the footsteps of the great dead of the two
ages of the Republic, singer still, it may
be in echo, along the stately corridors of
this Capitol ; but their decendants from
nearly one-half of the States of the Repub
lic will meet with us no more within these
marble halls. But in the parks and lawns,
and upon the broad avenues of this spa
cious city, seventy thousand.soldiers have
supplied their places; and the morning
drum-beat from a score of encampments
within sight of this beleagured capital,
give melancholy warning to the Represen
tatives of the States and of the people, that
amid arms luxes are silent.
Sir, some years hence, I would fain hope
some mouths hence, if I dare, the present
generation will demand to know the cause
of all this and some ages hereafter, the
grand and impartial tribunal of history
will make solemn md diligent inquest of
the authors of this terrible revolution.
Tomatoes far Children.—There is no
better remedy for the derangement of the
bowels in children while teething than
stewed tomatoes, fed to them plentifully ;
care being taken to keep the child’s ex
tremities warm. Be careful to cover its
neck and arms, especially of an evening;
give it crushed ice to assuage thirst if pos
sible, rather than give it water ; avoid cor
dials as they only produce fever. The to
matoes ought to be ripe and fresh, though
the vegetables preserved in cans have
been used with great success.
Deadly Implement of War.—The Raleigh
State Journal thus describes the model of a com
pound revolver, invented by Mr. T. F. Christman,
of Wilton, N. C.:
It consists of twelve rows of guns, twelve in
each, to each of which a revolver containing
seven balls is attached, and revolving on an axis
in one minute. At each revolution 144
ballets are fired, and, in seven revolutions, occu
pying the space of one minute, 1,008 bullets are
fired ; all ofwbich can be performed by a swasi-
ble lad of ten or twelve years, and one intelligent
man to point the guns, which he is wabled to do
with unerring certainty, by means of a contrivance
which need not here be explained.
Mr. Christman brought nis invention to Raleigh
to submit it to the Governor for examination, mad
to make a present of it to hie native State, yto-
vided it* utility be established by competent
judges.