About Southern federal union. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1861-1862 | View Entire Issue (Sept. 17, 1861)
United S*rnyrr for our Country. Various plans have b cn proposed tor securing concert of prayer for our country, and for those who have gone to fight our battles. Its some places daily prayer meetings are held. Of course, nothing could lie more commendable than tins . yet as a plan tor general adoption, it is insuffi cient, because, owing 10 the sparseness ot our population, there are comparatively few places wliero it is practicable; and even in cities and towns, but a small proportion ot the inhabitant* can attend. In other places weekly prayer meet ings are held. This plan is inadequate tor the same reasons as the preceding, and is liable to the additional objection, that in these times of peril, when every hour is fraught with utmost danger to our whole nation, once a week is not often enough to unite our prayers to God for his pro tection. If any plan for concert of action could be secured, doubtless praying men and women of all denominations and of no denomination, would gladly forget their differences, ami unite their pray er to our common Lord in behalf of our common country. . . To meet what is felt to be a public want, it is proposed that at precisely at one o'clock every day, until these calamities be overpast, a few min utes be set apart for prayer by each individual in the Confederate States, or in States which sympa thize with the Southern Confederacy. There need he no meeting for prayer at any particular place, hut let each one for himself, wherever he may he, at oue o'clock, spend a little while in devout sup plication to the Almighty. Let the merchant re tire for a moment from his counting-room, or if this he not possible, let him lift up his heart to God iu pious ejaculation; let the farmer stop Ins plow in the furrow; let the mechanic stay h;s hand from labor; let the physician pause for a moment on his errand of mercy ; iet the lawyer lay aside his brief; let the student vest from Ins toii; let the mother lay her babe in llie crcalo. let the busy housewife suspend her domestic cares, let every man whatever his calling or pursuits, suspend them; let ail business halt, and the whole land he still. .. , In ihat moment of quiet, in very mid-day, when stilluess is so unusal. when it will be therefore a. A PROCLAMATION. favailable steamer here as well as several smaller BY JOSEPH E. BROWN, sailing vessels have been employed. Nor is this vo- I the end of these vexations delays and uncertain- . Governor of Georgia. | ties. To a recent application for more guns, the J he Constitution of the Confederate States con- . a , lsWer came that they could not be had. The the following language in reference to the same mail that brought this answ er, brought a let- ike more impressive. let every praying soul re- purposes of the Lincoln Government from tli member his country and its delenders before God. , of the Northern press, and from its action i tt would behest if possible, to retire for the mo- late affair at Hatteras, in North Carolina, w • V WWW.W po , - inent to some private place, and on bended knees give oral utterance to the desires of the heart. But if this cannot tic done, the silent prayer may he sent up to God as we walk the street or pursue our journey, or even in the midst ot all the whirl and din ol"business life. Thus shall every heart he engaged, and every soul come to the rescue ; thus shall all the devout of the land be brought nigh to each other, for “Though sundered far, by faith they meet, Around one common mercy seat!” Thus shall all our praying energies be united, all our petty differences and party feelings be sifted out, ond the pure desires of our hearts go up to God together. Thus let our whole nation nrosirate itself'daily before the Almighty with right of a State to conduct warlike operations: “Nor shall any State keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into an agreement or compact with another State or with a foreign pow er, or engage in tear unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as trill admit oj no delay. ’ Soon after the adoption of this Constitution I was informed by the Secretary of War that the President assumed the control of all military ope rations in this State, which were to be conducted against any foreign powers. The President then appointed Gen. Lawton, and extended his com mand from Savannah to the Florida line, and as signed to Commodore Tattnall the coinuiaud of the small naval force upon our coast. Our own Convention, while in session at this place, paSsed an ordinance turning over the forts and arsenals of this State to the Confederacy. Fort Pulaski was not at that time sufficiently • quipped, and I have since expended about eighty thousand dollars from the Mate Treasury for heavy guns and other necessary equipments for the fort Gen. Lawton and Commodore Tattnall have been actively engaged in putting the coast in a defensive condition, and I have co operated with them to the extent of my ability, iu every case when they have called upon me for assistance. I have not felt, however, that I possessed the con stitutional power to call into active service troops other than those required by the Secretary ot Vi ar, and to conduct military operations upon the coast. Until the State is “actually invaded,” or in such “imminent danger” of invasion “as will not admit of delay,” the Constitution assigns that duty to other persons, whose rightful authority I have not wished to usurp. On account of the protection which our climate naturally affords to our coast against hostile attack during the sum mer months. I have up to this period been unable to say that the danger of invasion was so “im mincnl' as to “admit of no delay.” The season is now far advanced, and if we may judge of tim purposes of the Lincoln Government from the tone the e may reasonably conclude that the invasion of out own const is intended at no very distant day. While I desire to act in perfect harmony with the Confederate authorities, 1 feel that the period will very soon have arrived which action on mv part, as the Executive of the Mate, by the use ot the military force of the Stale, acting as State troops, ‘or the defence of the coast, will be justi fied noth by the language and spirit of the Cen ter from the Hon. T. M. Foreman, which stated, on the authority of the Secretary of War, that in order to obtain them, it was only necessary to make a requisition—all this—while the requisi tion was already shelved in a pigeon hole ot the Ordnance Bureau. The same special agent was immediately sent to Richmond again. Where, then, are our original pieces which were cast, or to be cast at Richmond 7 It is not known. They may have been sent to the lines of the Potomac as pieces of position, or elsew here. In July last, the exegicucies of the public ser vice caused the War Department to order away from this co rst, to Virginia, two Regiments— Williams' and Semiues’ and the period of enlist ment of our Savannah Volunteer Regiment ex pired not long after. The returns on the 31st July showed but a few hundred men composing the entire force on the coast of Georgia. Gen. Lawton protested, hut protests were unavailing. The telescopes at Richmond were all directed to wards the Potomac. They did not take the trou ble to reverse them in looking this way, and thus our claims appeared insignificent iu the far dis tance. The removal of two comparatively dis ciplined regiments seems at tho first blush to be an immense wrong done to this Department. The reply to such a charge might perchance suggest that of the gentle Sidney to the wounded soldier at the battle of Zutphen—“Thy necessities are yet greater than mine ’’ In the month of August, just past, no less than thirty-nine companies were received and mustered into service, and new companies are coming in al most daily. There is no man. not thoroughly in itiated in the business, who can conceive the amount of work there is in organizing and equip ping. in drilling and disciplining—ill marching and subsisting even a small column of 4,1100 or 5,000 men Of all possible things it is tiiat prob ably, of which the general public forms the most, incorrect idea. Were it otherwise, the art of war would hardly occupy so high a place as it does among human pursuits. The labor and the ener gy required iu receiving and organizing raw lev ies is much increased when they are to be posted and maintained on remote insular situations where they must still he taught their manifold duties, and their health and comfort looked after. Gener al Lawton has been called upon to educe order out of chaos, and to create everything, with means quite inadequate. This is easy work to the look er on, hecause he cannot possibly appreciate the difficulties—the obstacles and h ndrances, and the stitution. It will then be my duly to act, and lo ] multiplied embarrassments that lio in the way In order to secure a more general observance of the plan proposed, and also as liras possible to rotifv all classes and conditions ot people that the hour of national prayer has arrived, it rs sugges ted that at precisely one o'clock, P. M., every church bell in the Confederate States, or iu States wishing to join them, be rung. It would be well also for city and town councils, and proprietors ot schools and academics or other public institutions, to ring the bells under their control at the same hour. Even in the family let the hell which summons the inmates to their meals, summon each one, at one o'clock, to the family altar or to tire closet. Thus from Maryland to Texas, from Virginia to Arizona, from Florida to Missouri, shall the air he stirred with appeals to prayer: and thus from fire side to fireside, from steeple toste^ple, from village to village, from valley to mountain top and from mountain top to valley’, shall fiy the echoes telling to the winds and to ail the world, that there is act with promptness and vigor Preparatory to such action, I direct that the late order issued by the Adjutant Geneial of this State, for the more thorough organization and training of the militia be promptly obeyed, and the law strict ly entorced against all defaulters, except telegraph operators, persons employed iu the actual service persons employed in ' jpartinents connect- hereby exempt rder, on the produc- Chief Officer in charge of the affairs of such telegraph line, ex press company, or Railroad company, (including the State Road,) that the services of such persons are necessary to its successful operations. All clerks employed in any of the civil or military departments of the State, or Confederate Govern ment, are likewise exempt from military service, so long as their services are necessary to their re spective positions. And I further require the Captains of all vol unteer companies in this State not now in actual Still less can such a person ascertain or estimate, properly, all the relations and dependencies to be considered, or the infinite variety of subordinate details that must be encountered, even under the most favorable circumstances. To contemplative minds, it has appeared an easy task no doubt, for our army on the I’otomac to have made a forward movement towards Baltimore or Washington, at almost any moment, since the battle of the 21st July. During the past month more than a thousand laborers have been putting up intrenchments at nine different insular posts. The transportation, subsistence, etc., of these people, have increased the gravity of the combination just adverted to, and caused inevitable embarrassments. It is the never-ending transition and change, the ever re curring airivals and departures of troops that has caused the administration of this district to be at tended with so many complications and perplexi ties—more perhaps than with the entire old U. tv Army some years since Indeed the number ot posts, (we have seventeen in all) is greater than they will he expected to use, in case ot emergen cy, rill better arms can be placed iu their hands, which I trust I shall be able to do before much active service will be required. . , I Those who first report themselves armed, with lieieagreat, mighty union of hearts, and a pro ,^ 00 j rifles or double barrel shot guns, will be first digious putting forth of that faith to God, which j rece j ve( j j u j 0 service. , ervice to inform me, immediately, of the number all those on the Atlantic and Gulf ot Mexico twen- ! of men in each company ready tor active service, j ty-five or thirty years ago. To command a divison or, if not ready, within what time they can he j in the field of fitteen thousand men would proba- | ready, and of the number of good country lilies ; h’y be easier to work. There has been a want, or shot guns in possession of the company, w hich too. ot staff officers. Major W luting, assigned to ‘out of weakness makes strong, and puts to | flight the armies of 'he aliens.” Especially in down-trodden Maryland let our enemies hear on every side the peal of our bell—bells of rejoicing to us", but the death-knell of their wicked enter prise—and let them thus be reminded that though hy brute force they may restrain the phy sical energies of that brave people, they have no power to stop their prayers, nor to check the om nipotent energies of a Christian faith. Even in the camp the same observance might be regarded by our soldiers: and in lieu ot a bell, a signal gun might be fired at one o'clock to call to prayer; and the report of that dreadful gun would strike more terror into the hearts of our enemies than if it were loaded with grapeshot and aimed at their midst. As long as the prophet stretched out his hands in supplication, the armies of Israel prevailed against Am-riek, but when his band*, fell, the tide of battle turned. Lit us profit hy the example, and we shall not fail to secure an ally in Israel's God—in “the Lord of Hosts, mighty in battle”’ II. II." TUCKER Mercer University, June 20, 1801. N. B Will all papers in the Southern States, favorable to the above suggestion, be kind enough to cony the article? Wili ministers of religion publish it from their pulpits, and if agreeable to their people, cause their church bells to be rung? The writer, himself a minister of the Gospel, has proposed it to several of his congregations, and having requested those who would pledge them selves to observe the hour set apart tor prayer, to manifest their intention to do so, by rising, he has had the satisfaction of seeing whole congre gations of praying men and women, ho:h black and tcliite, rise simultaneously to their feet. One instance has come to the writer’s knowledge where all the servants on a plantation assembled of their ow n accord at the ringing of a bell hy one of their own number, and united their prayers to God for his blessing on their country and its de fenders; requesting their master to allow them them the privilege of assembling for the same purpose, every day. H. II. T. All volunteer companies hereafter formed for coast defense will also report their condition as soon as formed, with the number and quality of guns collected by each. It is expected that volunteer companies entering the seivice as State troops, for the defense of the coast, will bo mustered into service so soon as needed, after they can be armed and formed into regiments, to serve for six or twelve months, as the exigencies may require. The regiments will also be formed into one or more brigades, under the provisions of the act of tiie last Legislature. Given under my hand and seal, at Savannah, this 9th day ol September, 1861. JOSEPH E. BROWN. [From the Franklin (N. Y ) Gazette.] New I!ngI;!I:<1 IM-osci’iplion. “Publishing Secession”—anti-war—“papers in the New England -St3tes is becoming rather a dan gerous and unprofitable business.”—Palladium Ay«—and it was once “dangerous” for Baptists to be found in the same part of the world w here these things are happening. It was once “dan gerous” for peaceful and inoffensive Quakers to Jive in this same b'asted New England. “Free dom of conscience” was then no more respected there than “Freedom of speech” and “Freedom ol the press” are now. It was once “dangerous” in this same New England for a citizen to sustain the Government in a war with a formidable foreign power As it was this same New England which in that war. [opposed the Government, sided w ith the enemy, burnt blue light* upon liie coast to com municate with the enemy’s ships and pilot them in their dej r ’dations. and plotted and practiced trea son against the Government as long as the war las ted. In this same New England, too, a few years since. Catholic Convents were destroyed by mob violence, and Irishmen were not allowed to bear arms and keep up a military organization as uni formed militia ot the State: but now, when they are wanted to do the fighting in this abolition war. originated by New England, they are urged to form Irish regiments, and all sorts of compli ments are heaped upon them. And it is this same wonderfully patriotic New England which de clared the Union dissolved when Texas was an nexed, and has been ever since openly and defi antly resisting the enlorcement of material pro- visionsof the Constitution, and industriously sink ing the mine which lias at length blown up the Union A great place tor freedom and toleration —to all who think, speak, eat, drink, act and dress according to the orthodox standard, the pre vailing cant, and the puritanical notions of its pharisee pulpits—and always was. The “Civil Was-” in Connerlinn. A correspondent of the New York Times (Abo lition) gives the following account of a recent scrimmage at New Fairfield, Connecticut: On Saturday afternoon, an even more fearful riot than those at Stepney and Bridgeport was un der way. It seems that a number of tcries at New Fairfield had a white flag up, which certain Union men in Danbury determined to take down. Some thirty or forty of them, therefore, repaired to the location of the obnoxious rag, taking an American flag with them to putin its place. They surroun ded the poll for this purpose, when they were at From the Savannah Republican (Irnrgia Slm-coasl Ocfcncc. Mr. Editor:—The deliberate judgements of the citizens of this community, have almost al ways been discriminating and just. Departures from their h ibitual reserve, should be attributed, j no doubt, to exceptional causes—such as the un paralleled excitements and the passions of the hour, or to ignorance of facts. The state of for- J u ardness in which llie coast defences are at pres ent, may excuse some references to the illiberal ; strictures that have been leveled against tho mili tary administration of this department. It is to many a subject of surprise, that over one hundred miles of sea-coast were not long since in a complete state of defence—that forts bristling with cannon, and garrisoned by well trained soldiers, do not guard all its entrances.— It is licit otherwise in England after a thousand years of history—where to this city, the cry is raised, on every threatened invasion by the French, that the coast is not properly protected Such defences, to be thorough, require years of time, and millions of money. There are risks and adverse chances that must be accepted iu the great game of war, and ho would be rash and blamable who should undertake to assure the peo ple of this low country that they may fold their arms, secure against invasion from without. Last winter there was not a single gun in battery from Savannah to Fernandia, tiie twenty guns at Fort Pulaski, [of which the proper complement is one hundred and thirty-nine) were dismounted That fort is now in an adequate siate of defence True, if an enemy were in possession of Tybee. it could be shelled from thence by vertical fires, but its arches are bomb pi oof, its magazines, etc., are protected by traverses, and the fort is made to re sist sheils. but it cannot be battered iu breach from Tybee. Breaching batteries are never erected at that distance. Fort Jackson has received an armament It is not proposed to advert here to the accessi ble points which have been occupied and in trenched. It may suffice to say that there are eleven such points, to which one or two may he added. Some of these constitute a second or in terior line of defend’. Tiie guns are the best that could, by any possibility, be procured, many of them of long range, and more have been order ed. One of tliese redoubts guards an important entrance to Savannah, because an enemy making a descent in force, would rest upon a city as a base of operations, rather than upon a remote plantation or island. Whiie most of these works may not respond to the concentrated tire of a num ber i f heavily armed men-of war, they are gen erally so situated that they could hardly be ex posed to such odds. It is expected that they can prevent blockading vessels tiom mailing in to in sult or annoy us—that they will aid to keep open our internal navigation, give confidence to plan ters along the coast, and afford timely notice of a large invading force, w bile their garrisons will be provided with the means of escape or of concen tration, if need be. But it should never he forgot ten that the defence of this coast is mainly en trusted to brave hearts and strong arms, and that on this, or any other seaboaid whatever, an enemy may always land in suit boats, the weath er permitting if the shore lie not too precipitous. Mnce the affair of Hatteras Inlet, criticism has taken a new tendency. In July and August, it w as warmly urged thateartliwoiks should be com pleted for the reception of cannon at the earliest possible moment. The creation of such works does not demand much time, and it pre supposes the possession of guns for the armament, and ot men to work them. Up to this day, probably without one exception, the intrenchments have been completed before they cou'.d be armed. The guns, on their arrival here, have been sent down without delay, nor do those which were lying on the lower wharf constitute any exception to this remark. Not only weie their carriages not ready. engineer duty here, was ordered off after but tw elve hours service. Thai indispensible officer, the Acting Assistant Adjutant General, has been changed no less than seven times since the end of May. It is intolerable—this change of staff’ offi cers, ere some of them have acquired a knowl edge of their duties—this endless circle of organi zation ever renewing and repeating itself. It is the rolling stone of Sisyphus with the cop of Tan talus superadded—two infernal punishments com bined—when one was deemed by the ' Dii Mas jars."' enough for any mortal. This communication Is already too long to jus tify more than a passing allusion to the relative condition of this and the South Carolina coast—a theme often adverted to. We have about one hundred and ten miles of coast, and twice as many entrances to defend as Carolina has, while that State has had the advantage of having been on a partial war footing since last November. There, Governor Pickens has given his constant atten tion to defence of the coast, while he maintains camps of several thousand men at convenient points in the interior, from whence they can be precipitated upon the coast in ten to twenty hours. Carolina has had in her own pay, independently of Confederate officers, an organized corps of both Engineer and Ordinance officers. Still, we are making progress. The call for troops is answ ered in a prompt and patriotic man ner, and they are arriving rapidly and being em bodied. and our own volunteer regiment is again on loot in increased numbers. Horses are to be purchased, and the Chatham Artillery converted at once into a light battery, fully equipped. Such a battery may, in certain contingencies, prove equal Hj a thousand men Anoiher battery is to be formed of six excellent 18 pounders, which will accompany our colmuns, and can be used either in lioe-of-battle, with immense etleet. or as seige pieces. Another full battery of short Navy 32 s sometimes styled sea coast howitzers, will be organized and equipped. If we should be driven from our external coast defences, and lose the con trol of our internal navigation, Commodore Tatt nall stands ready, with his naval force, to man batteries on the main and give efficient co opera tion to our army. It is time to dismiss apprehen sions about those outer batteries, and gird our selves up for the contest. While no possible bat teries can be defended against attack, without danger to those occupying them, it is proper to remark, that none of the stations on this coast bear any but a remote analogy to those near Cape Hatteras. It is our duty to resolve that tio in vader shall plant his footsteps on these shores with impunity. To this end, ail prepartions in their power have been, or will be made, by those charged with our defences, and every citizen ca pable of bearing arms should rally to their snp pert. Let this be done with hearty good will, and we need not fear for the result. JUSTICE. . lit, „ . ueywereat- but in the great uncertainty and perplexity wbicl tacked by a parly of tones, some two hundred* ,i._ .... .: r i.„_ ro strong, and a general fight ensued, the weapons being spades, axes and clubs. Being soon over powered. though not until alter a ba,d tight, tiie Union men fled, carrying away with them Andrew Ku ii, John Allen and Thomas Kinney, of their party, all very badly cut about the bead with spades. The fl-st blow struck was by a “peace” man. who inflicted a learful blow upon one of the above. Of the tories two wero probably fatally wounded, (one report, and apparently authentica ted, states that tbe first one named is dead, and tlm other beyond recovery.) named Abialiam Wildman and Gorham. The Union men of course returned home to Danburry, and tho “peace” flag still waves. It may be mentioned as of interest, in connec tion witii the trouble iu Fairfipld county, that a “peace” flag was taken down in Easton on Thurs day ot last week, and brought into Bridgeport; and that preparations were making in Bridgeport on Sunday to proceed to Hatterstown (in Monroe) to day ( Monday) to take down another. . Reporter was informed that a body of a hundred men was being rapidly organized in Bridgeport, to take charge of the putting down of th“ public display of any flag 8ave the Nation al ensign. THE RUSSIAN ARMY.—The passage ot tbe Prutii by tl:e Russians on the id of July, amt tin- ,««•„- pat on of Jassy, together with the large sale of‘Jacob’s Coolers, Dysentery, and Diarrhoea Cordial,” and the thousan is of consequent ern es, and confirmed by authentic a lvices.—Daily Palladium. For Sale in Milledgeville by GRIEVE & CLARK and HERTY & HALL. 16 It. Message- of ftoTrniai' .tlnsafiiu to the Legis lature of KentueUy. Vt r e extract from the late message of Governor Magoffin to the Legislature of Kentucky now in session, as much as relates to FEDERAL RELATIONS. Looking to the Constitution of the United States, tiie nature of our institutions, the philoso phy of their construction, and the causes of this war, I think Kentucky has a right to assume a neutral position. Kentucky had r.o agency in the oiganization and fostering of that sectional party in the free States which has proven so disastrous to the Union, nor did she approve the separate action and secession of the Southern States at the time. We are noi responsible for the war, and ought not to be invoked by either section to involve her people or the State ill the struggle. Moreover, cur relations are such as to leave to the State no other position. The Presidents of the United States and ol the Confederate Stales are her chil dren, both natives of Kentucky. Many of the chief actors on both sides are Kentuckians. Our people have time and again manifested and proven their loveforand loyalty to the Union; but it cannot be controverted that their sympathies and and trade, their association-, and ties of blood and friendship, their institutions and interests, are mainly identified with the South, Northwestern and Southern States are peopled with our kin dred. Neither party ought to expect Kentucky at this time to abandon her chosen position of neu trality,and engage in the war against her breth ren and friends, and in violence to the sympathies feelings and convictions of her people. Especial ly ought not this to be asked or expected when it is manifest that, owing to the division among ourpeople, Kentucky, while benefittiiig neither party, would herself become a prey to civil war, the very acme of all social or political calamities. Let us, then, labor to avert the impending ruin. Let us preserve our position of neutrality as the only anchor of peace, of hope, and of safety.— Thus may w e avert civil war, and save onr soil from the desolation of tiie conflict of hostile arm ies Until recently, the neutrality of Kentucky has not been seriously aggressed upon by either of the belligerent powers. Lawless taids upon onr soil have been suffered from both sides, private prop erty has been seized, our commerce interrupted and onr trade destroyed. These wrongs have been borne by our citizens with great patience, and reparation obtained in all cases where it was possible. But recently a military force has been organized,equipped and encamped iu the central portion of the Mate, the officers are commissioned by an act under, the authority of the President of the United States, and the soldiers of which are arose from the non-reception of heavy oidnnnce expected from Richmond, it became necessary to | detain them with reference to their distribution. | The transportation and placing of a Columbiad is slow, cumbrous and expensive, and.ouce inbat- | tery, it should remain there. It is proper here to j show how far the Commanding General of this District is responsible lor the non-arrival of the cannon, long since ordered, and not long since re ceived. Early in May last, Gen. Lawton was notified that his command extended over the entire coast of Georgia. Requisitions were made by him lor heavy guns, and on the 25th ofMay, drawings were sent down from Montgomery to the Ordnance Officer here, with orders to construct gun earri-' are sworn into the Federal service. The authori- ages for particular guns therein described, which ! ties of the State were not consulted iu tiii-. lnove- w ere to be forwarded, as soon as possible, from the inent. It was done but a short time before the Tredegar works in Richmond. The services of! assembling of a Legislature fiesh from the peo- the best, workmen in tho city were at once called pie, and into whose hands and keeping lias been imo requisition, and on the 20th June, the Ord- ] committed the policy and destinies of the Corn- nance Department and the Department of War inonwealth. Under what provision of the Con- were advised that the gun-cartiages were nearly finished, but no guns came. Alter repeated un successful applications, a special agent was sent to Richmond about the middle of July, with instruc tions to remain there until he had succeeded in Iris mission. Arriving there in the midst of the excitement growing out of the battle of Manassas, this agent persevered until he saw the guns on board the cars at Norfolk. Most of these pieces are uow in position on the coast, but, as might have been expected, there was more delay, since the carriages made after another modd had to be altered somewhat. For this, and other transpor tation connected with the coast batteries, every •slitution, by w’lint laws of Congress or this Slate, the Federal Government has proceeded to raise volunteers in Kentucky, and quarter an army in our midst, I do not know. For what purpose their army is encamped in our State, what, good is expected to result from its presence, and what the plea of policy or necessity which has induced tho President and his advisers to disregard the thrice chosen position of neutrality on the part of our people, I am not advised. Is any protection need ed in Kentucky which the representatives of the people can not afford ? Do a majority of the citi zens of the State desire the presence of a Federal army in the State T I think not Is there a lar. ger force needed? Increase it. Is the piesent law defective ? Alter it—auic-nd it—give it effi ciency. Place a sufficient army in the field, if need be to make our position respected; but let it be done under tbe laws and Constitution of Ken tucky. I recommend that the law of last spring be so amended ns to enable the Military Board to borrow a sufficient sum of mouey to purchase the arms and munitions of war for defence. Soon after the organization and encampment of this force in the State. I commissioned two gen tlemen of Lexington Messrs W. A. Dudley and F. H. Hunt, to proceed to Washington City to urge upon the President either the disbanding of this toree, or its removal beyond tbe limits of the State. I also commissioned Mr. George W . John son, of Scott county, to proceed to Richmond, \ a , and urge upon the President of the Confederate States, a continued observance of our position. The report of the commissioners, with the entire correspondence upon the subject, is herewith sub mitted. In this connection. I submit a corres pondence between the Governor of Tennessee and myself on tho same subject. Iu his response to my communication, the Pres ident .of the United States says lie has “acted upon the urgent, solicitation of many Kentuckians, and in accordance with what” he “believed to be the wishes of a majority” of our people, and that lie does “not believe it is the popular wish ot Kentucky that the force shall be removed.” Thus impressed as to the wish of the people of Ken tucky, he respectfully declined to comply with my request. The inference seems to be fair, that it ad vised of the wish of the people of Kentucky lor (In’ removal, of this force, the President would comply with it. Believing that a large majority of the people of Kentucky, including a majority of the I nion men, never desired the establishment of these camps, and now desire their removal, that the presence of this military force iu our midst is without the sanction of the people or the authority of the Con stitution and that unless removed, our people will sooner or later be embroiled in tbe war, I re commend that you pass resolutions requesting tbe disbanding or removal from this Mate, of any and all military bodies not under tbe authority of the State. The tone ot the letter of the President in dicates that lie will respect your will in shaping the policy of the State ; and if duly advised by you through resolutions, I cannot doubt that this most alarming cause of the excitement and dan ger to the peace of the Commonwealth will be re moved. Kentucky is I believe, at this time the only State in the Union where the Constitution and laws of the country both State and National, are respected. W T e yet enjoy the freedom ot of speech and the press Our Stale is yet a safe retreat from the oppressions of hoth sections. Let us cling to onr position and policy as the only hope of peace and safety. The continued introduction of Federal guns in to the State, and the distribution to private citizens, unwarranted by law, is another source of constant irritation, and a fruitful cause of violence and trouble. You could in no way more effectually con tribute to the maintenance of peace within the State by arresting this prolific source of excite ment, irritation and violence. Numerous cases of aggression upon private rights by hoth the belligerent governments have been reported io me. but in many eases I have had no right or power to afford the redress claimed. The seizure of the steamers “\Y. B. Terry” by a Fed eral gun boat from Cairo, the “Orr” by private parties, who have carried her into Tennessee, and of the “Pocahontas” by Confederate soldiers, are referred to as eases of recent occurrence, l'o cm body the reports in reference to all those cases of wrong, would swell this paper beyond its proper dimensions. In reference to the twocasesof seiz ure of the steamers “Terry” and “Orr” I submit the ri port of Dr. John M. Johnson, and a letter troin Gov. Isham G Harris, of Tennessee, to both of which your attention is invited. In this con nection I mention also a case of recent violence in Harrison county, involving the killing of one mail and the wounding ot another. My orderto Gen. Crittenden, and his prompt and ready exe cution of it, as shown by his report, are submitted to you. I would recommend this whole subject to your attention, and do not doubt that in your wisdom will take some action to secure to the person and property of our citizens the much needed protection. In regard to our national difficulties, my action from first to last lias been dictated by an earnest wish to preserve the neutrality and peace of Ken tucky. I am not conscious of any lack of vigi lance or effort on my part, in maintaining the peaceful attitude of neutrality’ which the people of the State have determined to occupy. The very corner stone of the theory of the States Rights party, to which I have always adhered, is tiie right of the p ople of a State, by a lawful ex pression of a majority theieof, to determine the policy and the relations of tiie Commonwealth.— My (unctions are purely executive, and I am bound by my oath of office to carry out the law ful will of tiie people, whether the policy they’ pre ter accords with my own views or not. The Con stitution is the only barrier between the people and the Executive which I recognize. I was elected Governor by a majority of the people, who well knew my political sentiments. Since my election great questions have arisen, which, if contemplated in the canvass, it was hoped would be settled by adjustment in the councils of the Federal Coverninent; and these questions unhap pily involve the external relations, the peace and prosperity of Kentucky. I deprecate the intro duction of these questions, and did all I could to avert the issues. No man lives, or ever did live, who more honestly and earnestly desired to up hold and perpetuate the Union, by a faithful exe cution of the Federal Constitution. In the can vass which led to my election as Chief Executive Magistrate of the State, I contended for the prin ciple, to which I had ever been faithful, that the people of a State, of a distiuet aggregate sove reignty, had the rightful authority to regulate their internal policy, and to define their external relations, according to their own pleasure. Since then the peo; le of this State have thrice been summoned to the polls, and. according to my in terpretation of their votes, have expressed them selves in favor of preserving the neutrality and peace of the State. I have construed these ex pressions as signifying that the people were not yet prepared to dissolve their relation to the old Union, and were not to be employed in any way. directly or indirectly, as partisans for or against either of tho he! igerents in the unhappy fraetieida! war between the Federal and Confederate States. 1 have also construed them as emphatic refusals to Le made Hie instru ments of coercing the people of the seceded States by force of arms. I have never been able to con strue the votes of the people of Kentucky as meaning that unconstitutional aggressions could he sanctified by any display of numercial or mili tary power. The Constitution would be a snare, a fraud, a mockery,if the rights which it under takes to protect may he violated by any majority, however large. When a sectional party was enthroned in power, pledged not. only not to cease the dangerous agi tation, but to continue it regardh-ss of the Consti tution and the judiciary—when the sectional party had, through its representative official leaders, an nounced ils purpose to wage an irrepressible con flict till all the States should be free or all slave States, meaning thereby that all should be free— even then, the statesmen of Kentucky, earnestly anxious to preserve and perpetuate the Union and the Government established by onr fathers, pre sented tbe olive branch to their Northern breth ren in the form of proposed amendments to the Constitution. These amendments, presented by a distinguished Senator from Kentucky, proposed no aggression upon any Northern rights. They asked no new rights lor the South. They simply required fresh guarantees for existing rights; and they demanded less for the South iliau the Su preme Court had solemnly decided the South to be constitutionally entitled to enjoy. These amend ments, accepted hy the North, would have been satisfactory to the South. The now President and the lale Secretary of State of the Confederate Siates, then Senators of the United States avowed their willingness to accept the Crittenden amend ments as satisfactory to the South. Their accept ance by the dominant party in Congress would have diminished no earthly right or enjoyment of the North, nor added one earthly right to the South, except a pledge of future tranquility in the enjoyment of existing constitutional rights. The olive branch thus tendered was rudely repelled by the North. All other proposals of compromise, adjustment and peace were arrogantly rejected and the insolent menace of coercion was insult ingly held iu terrorem over a free people! Now, I have glanced at these facts as pertinent to a coireet interpretation ot the will of the peo ple of Kentucky, signified by their late votes.— Undoubtedly, the people of Keutucky are ardently attached to the Union established hy tlu-ir fathers, and operated according to the rule of the Consti tution. Undoubtedly, they have meant that all civil remedies shall he exhausted before they will relinquish the fond hope of its restoration and perpetuation. Undoubtedly they have meant to wait the exhastion ol all civil remedies before they will even consider the question ol assuming new external relations. All this I peifectly understand as the sense of the people, and I have cordially respected their meaning. But I have never understood the proud and brave and just minded freemen of Kentucky to mean that they will tamely submit to unconsti tutional aggressions upon their sacred rights. I have never understood them to renounce the s-mli inent and feeling of sympathy with the people of aggrieved sister States. Nor can I interpret any of their expressions to mean an approval of the war to subjugate the South. Still less can 1 con strue any ot their votes as meaning that they will submit themselves as joint instruments iu prose cuting a coercive war against tlreir Southern brethren. They have only meant to say that they still have some hope of the restoration and perpet uation of the Union ; and until that hope is utter ly blasted, they will not alter their existing rela tions. It was in this view that they have strug gled to preserve the neutrality and peace of the State, and hold her in position to exercise a niedi- torial office between tli2 belligerents. Should ail such hopes and offices fail they will then assume such attitude as their own judgment may sanc tion, and they will maintain it with tl o valor and fortitude characteristic of Kentuckians. Their final decision will be law to me. Every constitutional act of thoir lawlul representatives will be executed by me with as much vigilance and fidelity as if it originated in my own brain." - No true States Rights man can tver set luinselt iu factions opposition to tiie will of the people of his .■state, however honestly he may be opposed to her policy. I have no consciousness that, in auy thought, word or act of mine, I have thwarted the lawful purposes of the people of Kentucky. On the contrary, I have used unceasing vigilance and efforts to preserve the neutrality and peace of the State. In proof of this, I refer to every act of mine, public or private, since the day of my in auguration. Some of the acts were reported to the former sessions of the Legislature. Others have gone to the public in other forms ; and others still are herewith reported. And no word or act of mine can be cited inconsistent with those uow and heretofore reported. Whatever the rancour of dis tempered partisans may suggest, the judgment ot my ucimpassionod fellow citizens and impartial history will render him justice and vindicate my motives, acts, and good name against all un favorable criticism. It is scaicelv necessary, bat n brief reference will establish the averments above made. I cite the de clarations of my inaugural; the reports and exhibits of a!! my messages;my correspondence with Commiss ioners of Kentucky from Southern States my effort to procure a National Convention; then to procure a Convention of the Slave States; then of the Bolder Slave.States; then my Correspondence with the Cov entors of Ohio and Indiana to keep peace on our bor ders, then my endeavour, associated with Gen. Tlios L. Crittenden to interpose the meditorial offices of Ken tacky between tiie belligerents; the missions of Gen Buckner and Senator Johnson to Cairo. Columbus, and Tennessee; the arrangement between Gen. Buck ner and Gen. McClellan; the assurances I have reei eved, nnd which have never been violated, from the Governor ofTenne-see, of his purpose not to violate the neutrality of Kentucky; the conference between Gen. Ruekuer and the President of the United States; and lastly, though I might cite many other nets, all inspired by the same purpose of preser ving our neutrality and pence, the missions herewith reported to the Federal and Confederate States. The honest people of Kentucky will correctly interpret the spirit and purpose of all these acts; nor can calumny deny nor malice successfully distort them Neither can any act public or private, inconsistent with the spirit and purpose of these efforts to preserve the peace and neutrality of the State, ever he brought home to my door. But mv earnest endeavors to save the State from the horrors of civil war are established hy evidences which will remain a perfect historic re cord: and which I owe it to my own good name, t« my fellow citizens of Kentucky, and to my children to leave among the archievesof the Stale. The President’s war proclamation, of April 15, in which he culled for 75,000 militia, was in my opinion il'egal. even in view of the professed objects of the call, and I did not then doubt the real object of it was the prosecution of an unconstitutional wir of coercion against the South. I did net and cold 1 not hesitate, therefore in returning a peremptory refusal to the de mand upon me for Kentucky troops Constitution of the United States mast be construed rationally. The powers given to Congress were not intended to be exer cised hy the President without the intervention of Congress. For instance, the power to declare war is given to Congress. This implies that the President constitutional!V cannot doctor, erni without the consent of Congress. Tin- act of 17115 was passed hy Con gressto provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, to suppress insurrection nnd to r.-pel invasions. Upon a careful consideration of this act. it is manifest that tire calling forth of the inditia contemplated was where there lmd been a iudicinlin- vestigntiou, a decission of the court and execution swarded, and the power of the courts and the mar shal's power not being sufficient, the President being officially informed, should call out the militia. This act, therefore, did not authorize the President to call out 75,Ot 0 men,for two reasons : first, there had been by the courts no judgement or decision, or efforts on the part of the marshals to execute the law; second, the alleged insurrection consisted of a number of States of tho Confederacy withdrawing from the Union, and could not lie coerced baek without milking war on them; and Congress alone having the war making power, and having declined a short time before, after full consid eration of the proposition, the President’s call was the initiatory step to the war which he had not the con stitutional power to make. If parts of the States have no other than a revolutionary right to separate from the others,it was not provided in the Constitution that the remaining States should have the right and the power to eoerce them baek, unless it be under the power to declare nnd make war, which, it is fair to be lieve, was intended for foreign nations, and not partofonr own as it is a part of the history of the Constitution, that tbe convention which formed it re fused to grant the power to coerce hack a seceding State. This act of 1795 was on the statute book when Mr Websterdenied to President Jackson the power to cull on the military forces of the country to coerce tbe collection of the revenues iu 1833. The history of that case shows that the President awaited the action of Congress, nnd did not take any step towards calling out tiie militia until specially authorized by Congress. I refused troops therefore because in my judgment, the President’s call was unconstitutional, and without the sanction of law. The President admits in his message to Congress, that necessity lmd compelled him to act without the authorit y of law, and asks that his acts shall be sanctioned. I conld easily shelter myself un- dera similar plea of necessity. If the necessity of which he speaks was great in his case, it was far grea ter in mine, because no other policy, in mv humble judgment, could have been pursued by Kentucky, which would have prevented civil war among our own people, and that I regarded as the worst of all ca lamities. The cull for additional forces for the land and naval service: the blockade of the Southern sea ports; the blockades and embargoes established on rivers nnd roads; the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, the imprisonment of men without warrant, hearing or trial by jury,- the suppression of civil au thority and the establishment of martial law in various cities; tho unreasonable seizure nnd searches of per sons, houses, and papers; the arrest, searches and im prisonment even of women; the suppression of newspa pers; the withdrawal of mail facility in Kentucky west ofthe Tennessee; the establishment of martial law in Missouri: tbe confiscation ofthe property, emancipa tion ofthe slaves, and the subversion of the State gov ernment of that people by Major General Fremont, and the total obliteration of all State lines and authori- ies: these, an I tha‘ demoralizing, monstrous, and uii- onstituliomil confiscation bill recently passed by Con gress,make up a record well calculated to alarm and startle a free people justly jealous of their rights. I have been, and am still, unable to give to these nets any sort of sanction. They are acts which give to the government, intended to be conducted according to the Constitution, the character, in substance, at once of a usurpation and despotism. In conseientously taking such a view of the Presi dent's rule, 1 have not intended to bedisloval to our State or Federal Government. I have refused obedi- anee to only one demand made on me by the Federal authorities, and in it have been sustained by the people of Kentucky and by the Constitution of lrry country. The people have sustained me in mv recom mendation against coercion, in my recoinendation of Senator Crittenden’s amendments to the Constitution as a settlement of onr national difficulties, against the oc cupation ofimi soil by a Federal military force, in favor of peace and neutrality, and for voting men and money to arm the State. And now, addressing myself to the Representatives of the peopleof Keutucky I protest, in their name and presence, in II B Y AUTHORITY. ACTS AND RESOLUTIONS of the Second Session of the PRO VISIONAL CONGRESS of the CONFEDERATE STATES. 1861. (No. 223.) AN ACT to authorize the issue of Treasury notes, and to provide n war tux for their redemption. Section 1. The Congress of the Confederate States of America do enact, That the Secretary of the Treas ury be and he is hereby authorized, from time to time, as the public necessities may require, to issue Treas ury Notes, payable to bearer at the'expiration of six months after the ratification of a treaty of peace between tlio Confederate States und the United States, tiie said notes to be of any denomination not less than five dollars, and to he re-issuable at pleasure, until the same are payable; but the whole issue, outstanding at one time, including the amount issued under former acts, shall not exceed one hundred millions of dollars: the said notes shall be receivable in payment of the War Tax hereinafter provided, and of all other public dues except the export duty on cotton, and shall also be received in payment of the subscriptions of the net proceeds ot sales of law produce ami manufactured articles. Sec. 2. Thut, for the purpose of funding the said notes, and of making exctmnge for the proceedsof the sale of raw produce and manufactured articles, or for the purehaseof specie or military stores, the Secretary of the Treasury, with tiie assent of the President, is authorized to issue bonds, payable not more than tweu ty years ufter date, and bearing a rate of interest not exceeding eight per centum per annum, until they be coine payable the interest to be paid semi-annually; the said bonds not to exceed, in the whole,one hundred millions of dollars, and to lie deemed a substitute for thirty millions of the bonds authorized to be issued by the act approved May sixteenth, eigtiteen hundred aud sixty-one; and this act is to be deemed a revocation ot the authority to issue tbe said thirty millions. The said Bonds shall not be issued in less sums than one hundred dollars, nor in fractional parts of a hundred, except when the subscription is less than one hundred dollars the said Bonds may be issued in sums of fifty dollars. They may be sold for specie, military and naval stores or for the proceeds of raw produce and manufactured articles,in the same maimer as is provided by the aci aforesaid; and, whenever subscriptions of the same havebaen or shall be made, payable at a pnrtieiilai date, the Secretary of the Treasury shall have powei to extend the time of sales until such dates as he shah see fit, to indicate. See. 3. The holders of the said Treasury notes may at any time demand in exchange for them, bonds til the Confederate States, according to such regulations as may’be made by the Secretary of the Treasury.— But whenever the Secretary of the Treasury shall ad vertise that he will pay off any portion of the said Treasury notes, then the privilege of landing, as to such notes, shall cease, unless there shall be a failure to pay the same iu specie on presentation. See. 1. That, for the special purposes of paying the principal and interest of the public debt, und of sup porting the government, a War Tax shall be assessed and levied, of fifty cents upon each one hundred dollars in value, of the following property, in the Confederate States, namely : Real estate of all kinds; slaves; met chan disc; bank storks; railroad and other corporation stocks; money at interest, or invested by individuals ii. the purchase of bills, notes, and other securities fo: money, except the bonds of the Confederate States ol America, and cash on band or on deposit in banks ot elsewhere; cuttle, horses and mules: gold watches, gold and silver plate, pianos and pleasure carriages; Provi ded, however, that when the taxable property herein above enumerated, of any bead of a family,is of value less tliau five hundred dollars, such taxable property shall be exempt from taxation under this act; And pro vided further, that the property of colleges and schools and of charitable or religious corporations or associa tions, actually used for the purposes for which such colleges, schools, corporations or associations were cieated, shall bo exempt from taxation under this act ,- And provided further, That all public lands, and ah property owned by a State for public purposes, be ex empt from taxution. See. 5. That for the purpose of ascertaining ill property included in the above classes, and the value thereof, and the person chargeable with the tax, each State shall constitute a tax division, over which shall be appointed one Chief Collector, who shall be charged with the duty of dividing the State into a convenient number of collection districts, subject to the revisa! ol le Secretary of the Treasury. The said Collector tional liberty and in presence of Heaven mid earth, against all and everyone of the President’s usurpa tions, and unconstitutional and illegal nets, and I pro test, furthermore, against the further prosecution of a war professedly for the object of restoring the Gov ernment, an object utterly impossible of attainment by such insane means ns a war of coercion; and I protest, moreover, against Kentucky being made a camping ground, or the pathway for the movement of forces by either belligerents, and I recommend ear nestly to the General Assembly the prompt passage of resolutions requiring both belligerents to keep off our soil, and respect in good faith the neutrality which the people of Kentucky, with unexampled unanimity, in good faith desire to preserve. The valor mid forti tude of the Southern people and underrated by those who imagine that tiieycan be subjected to terms of humiliating submission by auy military force which the North can possibly find means to innititaiu in the field. It is mv opinion, therefore, that the General Assembly of Ken ucky ought to declare, by solemn reso lution, that this war ought to be instantly stopped. If it is not. our people, already oppressed hy taxation will be bankrupted, our markets destroyed, our trade mined, our fields ravaged,every home made desolate and in mourning; and after the expenditure of all our treasure and the loss of n million of lives in the vain effort to subjugate the South, the belligerents at last will be compelled to negotiate a peace, the people and our children having been made barbarians, and tin- last hope of liberty extinguished. Bis the policy of Kentucky to take no part in it. She should keep firmly lu-r present position of neutrality, and when opportunity offers, as a mediator, present term peace and of settlement alike honorable to both ofthe contending parties. I submit the whole matter to tha wisdom of your counsels. The peace, position, character and honor of the State are in your keeping. Tbe people of the whole Commonwealth are looking to you for protection. The minority have a light to tiie enjoyment ot their poliiical opinions as well as the-majority. You are aware of the responsibili ties that devolve upon you. I have confidence the expectations of the people will bo realized. I have confidence there will be unity of purpose and unanimity of action on your part I implore you in tiie attainment of this all important end, to con fide in each other—to cultivate relations of a closer friendship—to counsel each other affectionately— to interchange your views cooly, respectfully, and frankly, as becomes brothers who have the sain? great interests and patriotic purposes in view lading aside all party associations iu this dread and trying hour of our history. It is my duty to execute all constitutional laws of the commonwealth, and no matter yvbat may my Opinion in regard to their wisdom, my respect for States rights, States sovereignty, and the will of a majority of tbe people, is such as to make me acquiesce in their decision, and how in respectful submission to that will as long as I am a citizen of Kentucky. I expect to follow her fortunes through weal or woe, whether my counsels prevails or not—counselling moderation, forbearance, ami the cultivation of friendly relations among those of opposite opinions. To the accomplishment of thi end, nnd to keep the pence among ourpeople all iny efforts, which have heretofore been successful, will be directed. Preparations are being made to prosecute the wai on the most gigantic scale. If it continues, it will he the most frightful of nil civil wars that has ever black ened the history of flit world, and must end in bank ruptcy, anarchy nnd ruin. Already onr once prosperous and happy pc pole are beginning to feel severely the burdens of taxation, and realize ils demoralizing effect upon themselves. The laws are being disregarded—a fiendish spirit is being engendered even between brothers and members of the same family—all, every thing, indicating that it must end, even ii the present purposes of the Government arc finally accomplished, m the destruction of all the material interests of the country, in the total demoralization of our people, and in the overthrow of onr present system of govern ment. To preserve peace at home, and to avert this sad calamity, I will co-operate with you most earnestly and cheerfully in any just measure your wisdom may suggest. B. MAGOFFIN. New Y'ork, Sept. 13—The New York Commer cial Advertiser says that Gen. Fremont is to be succeeded by Gen. Meigs. tl shall be appointed by the President, und shall hold hi office for one year, ond receive a salary of two thou sand dollars. He shall give bond with sureties to dis charge the duties of his office in such amount as may be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury, and shall take oath faithfully to discharge the duties of hit office,and to support and defend the Constitution.— The said Chief Collector shall, with the approbation of the Secretary of- the Treasury, appoint a tax coffee tor for each collection district, whose duty it shall be to cause an assessment to be made on or before the first day of November next, of all the taxable proper ty in his district, included in each of the above men tioned classes of property, and the persons then own ing or iu possession thereof; and in order thereto, the said Tax Collectors may appoint assessors, who shah proceed through every part of their respective dis tricts, and, after public notice, shall require all person! owning, possessing, or having the care and manage ment of any property liable to the tax aforesaid, ti deliver written lists of the same, which shall be made in such manner as may be required by the Chief Col lector, and as far as practicable, conformable to those which may be required for the same purpose under the authority of the respective States; und the said as sessors are authorizc-d to enter into and upon, all and singular, the premises for the purposes required by this Act. Sec. 6. If any person shall not be prepared to ex hibit a written list when required, and shall consent to diselose the particulars of taxable property owned oi possessed by him, or under his care and management, then it shall be the duly of the officer to make the list, which, being distinctly rend and consented to, shall bt received as tliclist of such pereoD. See. 7. That, if any person shall deliver or disclose to any collector or assessor appointed in pursuance ol this act nnd requiring a list as aforesaid, any false oi fraudulent list, with intent to defeat or evade the valu ation or cunmeratioii hereby intended to bemade.snch person, so offending, shall be fined in a sum not exceed ing five hundred dollars, to be recovered iu any couri of competent jurisdiction. Sec. 8. Any person who shall fail to deliver to tht- collector or assessor a list of his taxable property, at the time prescribed by him, shall be liable to a double tax upon all his taxable property; the same to be as sesseil by the collector or assessor, and to be collected m the same maimer and b v the same process as is here in provided ns to the single tax. Sec. 9. The lists shall be made in reference to the value und situation of the property, on the first day ot October next, and shall be made out,completed and be delivered into the hands of cacti of the tax collectors on the 1st day of Dec. next; and upon the receipt thereof, each tax collector may for twenty one days next en suing the said first December, hear and determine ah appeals from the said assessments, as well ns applica tions for the reduction of a double tax, when such tux . - . may have been incurred, to a single tax, which deter- iianie of CVnstitu- urination shall be final. See. 10. The several tax collectors shall, on or be fore the ti ret day of February ensuing, furnish to the chief collector of the State in which nis district is sit uated, a correct and accurate list of all the assessments made upon each person in his district, and of the amount of tux to be paid by such person, specifying each object ot taxation; anil the said chief collector shall collate the same in proper form and forward the collated list to the Secretary ot the Treasury. Sec. It. The said several collectors shall, on the first day of May next, proceed to collect from every per son liable tor the said tax, the amounts severally due and owing; and he shall previously give notice for twenty days in oue newspaper, if uny be published in his district, and by notifications in at least four public plaeesin each township, ward or precinct within his di; trict, of the time and place at which he will receive the said tax ; and on failure to pay the same, it shall be the duty of the collector, within twenty days after the first day ot May aforesaid, by himself or his deputies, to proceed to collect the said taxes by distress and sale of the goods, chattels, or effects of the persons delin quent. And in case of such distress it shall be the duty of the officer charged with the collection to make, or cause to be made, an account of the goods and chattels which may be distrained, a copy of which, signed by the officer making such d-stress, shall be left with the owner or possessor of such goods, chattels or effects, or at his or her dwelling, with a note of tlie sum de manded. ami the time and place of sale; and the said officer shall forthwith cause a notification to be public ly a ivertised or posted up at two public places neaiest to the residence of the person whose property shall be distrained, oral the court house of the same coun ty, if not more than ten milts distant, which notice shall speciiy the articles distrained, nnd the time and place proposed for the sale thereof, which time shall not be less than ten days from the date of such notifi cation, nnd the place proposed for the sale not more than five miles distant from the place ot making such distress: Provided, That in any case of distress for the payment of the taxes aforesaid, the goods, chattels or effects so ilistruiued, shall and may be restored to tile owner or possessor, if, prior to the sale thereof, pay ment or tender thereof shall be made to the proper officer charged with ti e collection of the full amount demanded, together with such fee for levying ami such sum for the necessary and reasonable expense of re moving and keeping the goods, chattels i r effects so distrained as tnay be allowed in like cuScs by the laws or practiceof the State wherein the distress shall have been made; but incase of non-payment or tender as aforesaid, the suid officers shall proceed to sell the said greats, chattels or effects at public auction, nnd shall ami may retain from the proceeds of such sale the amount demandable for the use of the Confederate States, with the necessary and reasonable expenses of distress and sale, and a commission of five per cen tum thereon for his own use, rendering the overplus, if aitv there be, to the person whose gre»ds, chattels or effects shall have been distrained; Provided, That it shall not be lawful to make distress of the tcols or im plements of a trade or profession; beast of the plough, and fanning utensils necessary for the cultivation of improved lauds, arms, or such household furniture or apparel us may be necessary for a family. Sec. 1’2 That if the tax nssessed on any real estate shall remain unpaid on the first day of June next, the tax collector of the district wherein the same is situa ted, shall, on thefirst Monday of July thereafter, pro ceed to sell the same, or a sufficiency there of. at public outcry, to the highest bidder, to pay said taxes, together with twenty per centum on the amount of said taxes, and costs of sale, said sale to be attlie court-house door of the county, or parish, wherein said real estate is situated ; and, if there shall be more than cue county or parish in the district, the said tax collector is authorized to appoint deputies to make such sales in his name, as he cannot attend to himself; and, for nil lands so sold by said deputies, the deeds, as hereinafter provided for, shall be executed by said collector, and such sales so made shall be valid, whether the real estate so sold shall be assessed in the name of the true owner or cot. But in all cases where the properly shall not be divi?nble,so as to enable the collector by a sale of part thereof to raise tbe whole amount of the tax, with all costs, charges and com missions, the whole of such property shall be sold, and the surplus of the proceeds of the sale, after satisfying the tux, costs, charges and commissions, shall be paid to the owner of the property or his legal reptsenta- tives, or, if he or they cannot be fotmd, or refuse to receive the same, then such surplus shall be deposited in the Treasury of the Confederate States, to be there held for the use of the owner or his legal representa tives; until he or they shall make application therefor to the Secretary ofthe Treasnry, who,upon such applica tion shall by warranton the Treasury, cause tbe same to be paid to the applicant. And ifthe property offered for sale as aforesaid , cannot be sold for the amount ofthe t.- due thereon, with the said additional twenty D -r ' turn thereto the collector shall purchase the Same inl'l half of the Confederate States for the amount said : I rovided, That the owner or superintendent „f toe property aforesaid before the same shall have h. actually sold, shall be allowed to pay the »mnn ? of the tax thereon, with an addition of ten Der °® nt turn on the same; on the poy.e-ntof which the sale^ the said property shall not tab , ..ce ; Provided ' That the owners, their heirs, executors or admin'isi tors, ..r any person on thoir behalf, shall have lihV« to redeem any lands and other real property sold ? aforesaid, within two years from the time of sale nn , as payment to the collector for the nse of the purchas his heirs or assignees,of the amount paid by snch n.7’ chaser, with inte.cst for the same at the rated' twin per centum perunnum, and no heed shall!,,. m\- e ,r pursuance of such sale until ihe time of redenm.; shall have expired; Provided, further. That whenth" owner of any land or real property sold for taxis uml the provisions of this act shall be in the military ' ^ vice of the Confederate States, before and at tlretfr* said sale shall have been made, the said owner »< "'n have the privilege of redeeming the said property «a any time within two years after the close of his ti of service. And the' collector shall render a distura account of the charges incurred in offering and a Iv ' rising for sale such property, and shall pay i„t 0 the Treasury the surplus, if any there be, of tL aforesaid addition of twenty per centum, or ten per centum U the case may be, 'after defraying the charges. Anil ** every case of the sale of real estate, which shall h" made under the authority of this act for the asset-ment mil collection of direct taxes by the collectors or ms shals. respectively, or their lawlul deputies, respective Iv, or by any other person or persons, the deeds for the” estate so sold shall be prepared, made, executed and proved or acknowledged, at the time and times pre scribed in this act by the collectors respectively \nth- in whose collection district snch real estate shall be situated, or. in ease of their death or removal from office, by their successors, on payment ofthe purchase ■nonet, or producing the receipt therefor, ifalreadv paid, in such form of law, as shall be authorized and required hy the laws ofthe Confederate Stale, or bv the law of the State in which such real estate lies f 0 ' r making, executing, proving anil acknowledging deeds of bargain and sale or other conveyance for the trans fer and conveyance of real estate; 'and for every dtt,| so prepared, made, executed, proved nnd aefcnuwh edged, tiie purchaser or grantee shall pay the collector the sum of five dollars for the use of the collector marshal or other person effecting the sale of the real estate thereby conveyed. The commissions hereinaf ter ulluwcd to each collector shall be in full sati-tuo- tion of all services rendered by them. The assessor, ippointed under them shall be entitled to three dollars for every day employed in making lists and assess, nents under this act, the number of days being certi fied by the collector and approved by the chief collec tor of the State, and also five dollars for every hundred taxable persons contained in the list as completed bv aim and delivered to the collector; Proviued, That when the owner of any real estate is unknown, or is a lou-resident of the State, or tax district wherein the ■iuir.e is situated, und lias no agent resident in said tis ’net the assessor shall himself make out a list of such real estate for assessment. Sec. 13. Separate accounts shall he kept at the Treasury of all moneys received from each of the r peetive States, and the chief collector slmil procure from each tax collector snch details as to the t ,x. and 'hail classify the same in such manner as the Secretary if the Treasury shall direct, and so us to provide f u j| information as to each subject of taxation. Sec. 14. Each collector shall be charged withjan in terest of five per cent per mouth for ai! nionevs re- uined in his possession beyond the time at whiebjia is equired to pay over the same by law, or b_v the re-e u ations established by the Secretary of the Treasury. Sec. 15. Each collector, before entering upon the luties of his office, shall give bond in sui h mini us hull be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury’, with ■sufficient sureties,and shall take an oath fuithlullv to execute the duties of his office, and that lie will snn- uort and defend the Constitution ofthe Uonfedeiate States. Sec. 16. Upon receiving the tax due by each per son the collector shall sign receipts in duplicate im.- whereof shall be delivered to the person paying the same, and the other shall be forwarded to the t hief •ollector of that State. The money collected during •noli month, or during any shorter period which mar ie designated hy the Secretary of the Treasury, shall be also immediately forwarded to the said cliiet collec tor, and. hy him be disposed of according to the ili- cction of the Secretary of the Treasury; and the said chief collector shall report the same immediately to the Secretary of tiie Treasury, and shall furnish him with i list specifying the names aud amounts of each ofthe eceipts which shall have been forwarded to him as iforcsuid by the district collectors. Sec. 17. The taxes assessed on each person shall be i statutory lien for oue yeur upon all the property of hat person in preference to any other lien; the said ieu to take date from the first day of October, to which he valuation has relation, and the lands and other property of any collector shall he hound hy statutory ien for five years tor all moneys received by him for axes: the date of such lien to commence Irom the rime of Iris receiving the money’. See. 18. The compensation of the tax collectors shall be five per cent on the first ten thousand dollars received, ami two and a half per cent on uu sums he vend that amount, until the compensation shall reach right hnndred dollars, beyond which no farther com pensation shall be paid. Sec. 19. The Secretary of the Treasury .is author- zed to establish regulations suitable and proper to car- •y this act into effect; which regulations slim! be hinti ng on all officers ,- the said Secretary may also frame -nstructions as to all details w! h shall be obligatory upon all parties embraced within the provisions of this ict. He may also correct all errors iu assessment.-, valuations and tax lists, or in the eolleetion thereof, in otch form ar.d upon snch evidence us the Secretary nay approve. Sec. 20. Corporations are intended to be embraced mder the wold of “persons” used in this act; and whenever the capital stock of any corporation is re turned by the corporation itself and the tax paid, the stock in the hands of individuals shall be exempt fr>m ax-. aud also all the real estate owned by the o r;n- ration and used for carrying on its business; and the capital stock of all corporations shall be returned, and the tax paid by tiie corporations themsclvts. and n> r by individual stockholders. The term “lncrehanertt is designed to embrace ull goods, wares aud merehar lize held for sale, except the agricultural produels of the country. Money at interest is intended to include . he principal sum of ail money belonging to any person otherthau a hank upon which Interest is paid or to he paid by the debtor, as tbe same stands on the first day if October. The term “cuttle, horses and mules” is intended to include all such niumuls as are- raised for ■ale, and not such as are raised merely for food anu work on the plantation or farm where they an- held. The term “realestate”is intended to iuclude ail lands and estates therein, and all interests growing thereout, nelnding ferries, bridges, mines and the like, and in ill casus the actual marketable value of property to he assessed. See. 21. If uny person shall, at any time during the existence of the present war between the Confederate states aud the United States, or within one year after the ratification of a treaty of peace between them, falsely make, forge or counterfeit, or cause or procure to be falsely made, forged or « unterfeited, or willing y aid or nstist in falsely making, forging or coumer feiting any note in imitation of, or purporting to he » ireasury note of the Confederate StuteB; or aha:, 1 alsely niter, or cause or procure to be fnl-ely altere :. ir willingly aid or assist in falsely altering any treasury uite (,f the Confederate States; or shall liass, utter if publish, or attempt to puss, utter- or ; publish as true, any false, forged or counterfeited note pm porting to I- itreasury note of the-Confederate States, knowing ll <nine to be falsely forged ore nnteifeited; or shall ps--. litter or publish, of attempt to pass, utter or publish, a* true, any falsely altered treasuiy note of the Confede rate States, knotting tho same to bt falsely altered or shall conspire or attempt to conspire with anotliet to pass, utter or publish, or attempt to pass, utterorpid 1 lish, ns true, any falsely forged or counterfeited, r any falsely altered treasury note of the Confederate States, knowing the same to be falsely forged oreoun- terfeited, or falsely altered; every such person shall deemed and adjudged guilty of felony, and beu 1 - thereof convicted by due course of law, shall suits: death. . . Sec. 22. If any person shall at any time fat"' ' make, forge or eoiinteifeit, or cause or procure to ns falsely made, forged or counterfeited, or willingly a" 1 assist in falsely making forging or counterfeiting bond or coupon iu imitation of, or purporting to ij 1 ! 1 bond or coupon, of the Confederate 8:«re*s; or sl'*t falselv alter, or cause, or procure to be falsely altere 1 - or willingly aid or assist in falsely altering auy bone 1! coupon, of the Confederate States; or shall pass, r’ or publish, or attempt to pass, utter or pnbh’j as true, auy fult-e, forged or counterfeit'd bnu“ purporting to be a bond or coupon of the l™ 1 ’ federate States, knowing tbe same to he falsely furpy or counterfeited; or shall pass, utter or publish, or*: tempt to pass, utteror publish ns true, any fake’v tered laird, or coupon, of the Confederate knowing the same to be falsely altered; or shall spire, or attempt to conspire’, with another, to |»^- ut ' ter, or publish, or attempt to pass, utter or publish- true, any false, forged, nr counterfeited bond, or e?”' poll purporting to be a bond or coup< nof tbe t'oaM’ erate States, or any falsely nitered bond or coupon of ' Confederate States, knowing the same to be forgedre counterfeited, or fulsely altered; every such person' be deemed and adjudged guilty of felony, and ‘' thereof convicted by due course of law, shall be c- fenced to be imprisoned und kept at hard labor I ■’ term not less than five years, nor more then ten )"« ■ and be fined in a sum uot exceeding five thousand re lars. a See."23. If any person shall make, or engrav^. cause, or procure to be made or engraved, or * have in his custody or possession any metaiic pla*' , graved after the similitude of any plate ,* r, !U V, rt any notes or bonds issued as aforesaid shall ba'e^ printed, with intent to use snch plate, or cause, or tn | the same to be used in forging or coitnti rft'tmg *”• the notes or bonds issued as aforesaid; or sliai. n ? his custody, or possession, any blank note ^ bond, or bonds, engraved and printed an , similitude of any note, or bond, issued as ate with intent to use sueli blanks, or cause, or so® (nr same to be used in forging or counterfeiting any ' . notes or bonds issued ns aforesaid; or shall . r his custody or possession any paper adapted makingof notes or bonds, and similar t» „ j, upon which any such notesor bonds shall have ^ sued, with intent to use such paper, or cause a ^ , the same to be used, in forging or counterfeit^*, ■ , the notes or bonds issued as aforesaid; every * sou beingtliereof lawfully convicted by T*’ ' j 0 r law, shall be imprisoned and kept to hard la term uot less than five, nor mere than ten ye • fined in a sum not exceeding five thcus.ua ^ See. 24. If any State shall, on or be foie day of April next, pay in the Treasury t** Confederate States, or in specie, the taxt’s' , against the citizens of such States, less e *v ftfe turn thereon, it shall be the duly of tire- becrc . Treasury to notify the same to tiie several • ■• tors in such State, und thereupon, their nu dutv under this act shall cease. after >’ cr See. 25. If any person shall, at any tun i y- r from the ratification of a treaty' < I jiaire- on tliofAnfellernh* Stftlttl AVHt tilt t * (?!?■ 2 vear ...» _ ■ tween the Confederate States and ! Le s u j“ D tv commit any of the acts described m tu a?' section of this act. such person shall f eoa'ic adjudged guilty of felony, and being (0 be ior ted by due course of law, shall be scnteD o( prisoned and kept at hard labor, for a P SB ,| Is les* than five years, nor more than te do|Ur8 fined iu a sum not exceeding tn e tliousan ^ Approved Augunt 19,18iil . pgfgivirp McLea.s’s Stkkngthes.xg CoMtiirt „r|t the unanimous recornmendation otthe P. Hi fit Louis- but all over the country. * is evidently the result of close Wherever it has been used it has been pep<pn , <»» with the highest encomiurnsofprare-e .^1 ( giviog -J have no conception ofit» efficiency, w .. rt .Rf K Outemore we warmly recommend th.« dyasa superior Toxic and Altihatm*
