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EDITED BV TIIO’IAS Il AYNES. ESQ. VOL. 811. NO. 21. of y :e> :/>. aw b cwsd fj, Publisher (By Authority,) of the Lau s of the I nited States : OUlcc on Greene Street, nearly oppo site the Market. Issued evei y T uesday morning, at $3 per annum. No subscription taken for less than a year, and no paper discontinued, but at the option of the publisher, until all arrearages are paid. Advertisemests conspicuously inserted at the asual rates —those not limited when handed in. wjl bo inserted ’till forbid, and charged accord ingly. luiM, Vtuwcratu itcpublic an Ticket. FOR PRESIDENT, MARTIN VAN BUREN. FOR VICE-PRESIDENT, RICHARD M. JOHNSON. ELECTORAL TICKET. THOM AS F. HENDERSON, of Franklin. WM. B. BULLOCH, of Chatham. SAMUEL GROVES, of Madison. THOM AS H AYNES, of Baldwin. REUBEN JORD \N. of Jones. WILSON LUMYKIN, of Walton. WILLI AM PENTICOST, of Jackson. THOM AS SPALDING, of Mclntosh. JAMES C. \\ ATSON, of Muscogee. WM. B. WOFFORD, of Habersham. THOM AS WOOTEN, of Wilkes. SPEECH OF MR. TOWNS, Or Georgia. In the House of Representatives Wednes day, May 11th, 1836— 1 n Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union on the fortification bill." Mr. Chairman : I rise under the most fainful sense of duty, with emotions such as have seldom felt—with apprehensions not easily described. If, sir, under any circumstances, I could hope to engage the attention of the committee, I could scarcely expect, after the protracted discusion al ready had, to do so at this time. My pur pose w ill be, to submit the opinions I enter tain on some of the important questions suggested by gentlemen in the course ofi this debate; and if I should be so fortunate ■ as to deserve the credit of not exhausting I the patience of the committee, I shall feel in some degree rewarded for my labor I i will take this occasion to remark, that while ; I reserve to myself the rights to defend o pinions I entertain, and the principles of the party to w hich I am attached, it will be my first object, as it would be my greatest pleasure, to avoid inflicting the slightest would upon the feelings of any gentleman, whose argument 1 shall attempt to answer. With the motives of gentlemen on this floor, I have nothing to do—motives lie buried too deep in the human heart for me to search after, and they will be treated by ine as be yond the range of appropriate inquiry— sacred to the individual, sacred to the char acter of this body, and no*, to be questioned, ■ only at the expense ( of harmony. Sir, we have been assured by gentlemen of high standing in this House, in the pro gress of this debate, that there was peculiar fitness, both in the time and usages of the Government, to enter not only into the ex amination of the principles of the present administration, but to scan, with a search ingeye, the political opinions and pratice of the distinguished statesmen, whose names are now before the American people for the first office in their gift. Since, sir, it has been the pleasure of gentlemen oppo sed to this administration to urge an investi gation into its principles and practices as a paramout obligation upon this House, with ' no other apparent object than to connect whatever in their judgement may appear odious with one of the candidates before the people for the chief majgistracy of the U nion, it shall be my business to raise mv ; humble voice in defence of principles and practices not of recent origin, but whose existence can be traced to the peresl days of our republican institutions. And to show, sir, when these principles have been assailed, the blow has fallen either from open enemies or pretended friends to the principles of the republican party of this country, as foun ded on the administration of Mr. Jefferson, and fully acted out by that of Gen. Jackson. Sir, I will once for all assure this committee, that while I cherish the kindest personal feelings to every gentleman in this House, with whom 1 have had the honor of cultivat ing an acquaintance, I must be permitted to differ with many of them in the views they Jiave submitted in the progress of this dis flaiqi uo more nor less latitude in debate jhaii they themselves have enjoyed. If in the exercise of this right, feelings of an un pleasant character arc produced, a recol lection of by-gone times revived, past oc currences reviewed, and the history of some your statesmen, who are now seen at tempting to control the destinies of their .country, and who have but too often ap prehended as perturbed spirits in the impor tant events in our history for the last twen ty years, the fault will not have been mine ; but the consequences must rest with honor able gentlemen, whose range in debate lias rendered such a course not one of choice ,with me, but of painful necessity. , Mr.Ghairman, I shall not consume much of the lime of (the committee in attempting to answer any portion of the argument of the honorable gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. McComas) who preceded me. Not, sir, because of any want of merit in that argu ment, but because much of what the gen tlemen said was in support of the power of Congress to distribute the proceeds of pub lic lands, by an act such as the Senate lias fecently passed, and sent to this House for pur adoption. Nor will I complain, sir, at (he infinite joy that honorable gentlemen spemed to derive front the conviction upon of Sob® his mina, ti at iie h; d established, quite be yond the reach of future disputation, that the opinion he entertained on the subject of the distribution of'the public lands, was in ! strict accordance with the opinions of Presi dent Jackson, as expressed in his commu nication of 1826. 11 tie the honorable gen ! tleman had devoted more of his time ami rescasch into the true condition of the pub lic treasury, and the future prospect ,of a , rapid decrease of our revenue, connected with a comprehensive view of the actual posture ol atlairs upon our own continent, lie would probably have arrived at the con clusion that it would be quite time to devise means to disgorge your Treasury, when the just demands of the government and the best interests of the people had been provided for. And surely, sir, the Presi dent of the United States cannot be under stood as recommending a divisit nos the revenue, so long as the public service, and public safety requited its application of those purposes. The President’s views upon this, as upon every other subject, have, in the course of this discussion, been strangely misappre hended, or otherwise be has had the miserable misfortune of misunderstanding himself. When the President recommended to Con gress “ that it seemed to him that the most safe, just, and federal disposition which I could be made of the surpulus revenue, ' would be its apportionment among the sevet | al States according to their ratio of repre j sentation, and should this measure not be I found warranted by the constitution, that it would be expedient to propose to the States an amendment authorizing it,” he did not, he could not mean, that at the end of any single year, should there remain an unex pended balance, either unappropriated or undisbursed, it should at once be distributed in this way. But he meant, as his language clearly implies, that there should be accu mulated in the Treasury, over and above the wants of the Government a permanent fund, not likely to be affected by and sud den decrease of revenue; not likely to be required by any sudden change or disorder in our commerce or foreign relations, re quiring large expenditure for the maritime frontier, or in various means of necessary and proper public defence. No, sir, the President never said in his message, or else where, that the public treasure of this nation should be divided, when the greatest inter est of the entire mass of the people of these States directed, without the possibility of a mistake, to what national ends their money should be applied. And, before the honora ble gentlemen from Virginia can claim to act in conformity with the opinion of Presi dent Jackson on this subject, he must first show an actual, a permanent and fixed sur plus, and not the mere possibility of an un expended balance in the Treasury, at the end of a single quarter, which may be re quired, not only for purposes of general de- i fence, but to save your frontier from all the ' horrors of Indian barbarity, before the next quarter. The honorable gentleman has also informed us, that while he does not be lieve in the various charges that have been made against the President, giving the lead ing measures of his administration his cordi al support, with the exception of Ins course on the removal of the public deposited, he nevertheless, stands wholly uncommitted upon the subject of his successor. The honorable gentleman has given the further assurance to the comrnitte, thatwhne the period shall arrive for him to exercise] the elective franchise, he will inarch to the ' polls, with the fearless spirit of a true Vir- ' giniati, and thereby his voteass ert his pre- ! ferente for that man he should think best entitled to the public confidence. Sir, 1 would not discourage this manly bearing in the honorable member. 1 would not have him fall one jot or tittle from that bold and independant stand that he has chosen to oc cupy. I would barely remind him, that if the current scandal of the day is to be ac- I credited, he will, in pursuing the course he ' has intimated, subject himself to the imputa tion of being the follower of that individ ual so often denounced as the non-commit- ' tai candidate. But, sir, a consciousness of j tile injustice of this charge against that dis- ] tinguisbed individual, has doubtless had its influence upon the course of the honorable member, and therefore he is prepared to ' avow for himself, as worthy of a Virginia Representative, the very principle, if indeed it can be called a principle, which, so far as the V ice President is concerned, rests only upon vague charge, unsupported by proof, or grounded upon fact. I will now, Mr. Chairman, having brief ly noticed some of the arguments of the gentleman from Virginia (.Mr. McComas,) proceed to the consideration of the princi ples involved in the amendment offered by the honorable chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, (Mr. Cambreleng,) to the bill on your table, and submit some reasons that will influence me in opposing the mode of distribution of the public reve nue, provided lor in ti e bill proposed from the Senate. The great question now pre sented for the consideration of the Ameri can statesman, is whether a system of de fence consistent with the genius and charac ter of otir institutions shall be adopted, and become the settled policy of the Gt vern ment, until that system shall be completed ; or whether we shall adhere to that policy heretofore pursued, restrained ns it has been for the want of funds, and so contracted in its scale as to afford a very insecure protec tion to the numerous exposed points of our widely extended territory. In determining wisely a question that addresses itself to the pride, the patriotism and the judgment of every American citizen, we should take a comprehensive view', not only of our pre sent actual condition, but should also extend our reflection to a period of time far beyond the present. VVe legislate now, not only for the time being, but to protect the inter est, and ensure the prosperity and the hap piness of those who are to come after us. tiKOKOIA, TUESDAY MORAIAQ, JUA>f2B,’lß3«. Sir, that statesman who does not look to the future as well as to the present interest of his country, who does not look to its fu t ire wants, necessities, and condition, falls infinitely short, in my opinion, of disci ar ging ins first duty to himself and to future generations. W hat subject, let me ask you, could address itself more favorably to our consideration than the subject of our na tional defence' If, sir, there be any thing in the recollection of past danger/ if one page of our country’s history affords more joy than another, is it not that page which tells the story of the gallant and brave resis tance of your countrymen fighting from within the wallsol your fortifications, repel ling a proud and experienced enemy far ex ceeding themselves in number, and possess ed of the munitions ofwar many times more than equal to their own ? Sir’ it is not up on the slender basis of imaginary advantage that I would advocate the bill upon your ta ble. The principles of that bill are sanc tioned by the experience of all ages and all countries. Go to any nation, look to the condition of any people who feel themselves happy and believe themselve safe, you will find that their great interest is protected by that system of defence which is best adap ted to their condition. Our Government is not one of force, but of voluntary legal restraint; and the people that yield obedi ence to that Government can expect nothing less than protection from it. How are von to protect them, if the defenceless state of your raaratime coast invites rather than de ters foreign invasion ? Let any man look to the immenseproperty, private and pub lic, spread upon our maratime fron t er, from Gaiiada to Fexasj and decive himself with the belief that it is not neces sary to throw between that property, and the approach of the invader, the most am ple defence. Sr, the man who has studied the human character, with the belief that, with either individuals or nations, the great est security is to be found in the greatest de gree of weakness and dependence, has trim med his midnight lamp to little profit. And the American statesman who believes that our greatest security in doing nothing for national defenct, does but invite the cupid ity, the avarice, the ambition, and, in short, the worst passions of bold, daring, and am bitious invaders to commit lawless outrages on the rights ofothers-—to invade our shores and destroy the property of our citizens. ' You have beenadmonished by the Father 1 of bis Country that “ in peace prepare for ' ] war,” and this maxim delivered by one whose memory, so cherished by all, lias been uniformlyimpiessed upon the atten i tion of Congress through every administra : tion, so far as my researches extend, except that of Mr. Jeierson, and is now recom mended and enforced by a recurrence to our 'situation by the present Executive, of whom it may be said, that there lives not the man on this continent w hose experience and pen etration on this subject entitle his opinion to more respect and attention. Sir, iie has in his last message called the attention of Congress to die subject of our defence. In adverting to the fact, that the gathering storm, which lad for the preceding twelve months been lowering over us, had passed away, leaving our horizon clear,'unclouded, and serene, with ample means and abund ance of materials and leisure to carry on a system of defetce, he lias indulged the hope that he might jress the subject without the danger of beiig misunderstood, and from considerations of patriotism alone. There have been stitcled and labored efforts made by honorable gmtlemen to make this sys tem of defence as recommended by the present adminktration, unpopular, on the ground that t was establishing a large standing army in time of peace, dangerous to our liberties fatal to our prosperity, and in utter disregard of that plain system of republican simulicity, so much the admira tion, either actial or professed, of all par- | lies. Sir, misiepresentation on this point, both as to moti e and effect, were litt e less 1 than any man, vho has observed the course of debate duriig the present session, could expect. Yet Icould but feel some little astonishment wlen the honorable gentleman from Tennessei (Mr. Beall) assumed the broad ground tiat the course of policy, as containec in tie appropriation bills of the present Congress, was, in principle, identi cal with die poicy of the odious part of the administration of the elder Adams. Sir, my valued frietd from Virginia (Mr. Gar land) answered the argument of the gentle man from Temessee (Mr. Beall) so con clusively on ths point, that I will, at this time, forbear further notice of that charge, but reserve for mother part of mv remarks an answer to some of the many errors in : which I ipprehend the honorable gentle i man (Mr B.) lias fallen. For one, 1 am ! willing t< admit there is a secret joy, a feel ing truly national that springs up in my bo som, at iie contemplation of that period when these United States, as one family, I protected in our domestic and federal rela tions, by preserving unimpaired the guar lees of tie constitution, will be able to look to her on ire frontier, and be prepared, by her meats of defence, to stand upon herown border aid bid defiance to all the powers of the e;rtli that would dare pollute our sa cred soilwith invasion. Now, sir, does it necessarily follow, for the purpose to which 1 have alluded, that you are to plant your forts at every harbor and inlet on your At lantic an I jyilf frontier ? No, sir, so far as that par icular arm of the national defence is concerned, I would only propose thatyour large commercial cities, and the inlets to those harbors where your navy can ride in safety, should be protected by forts that would prevent the possibility of surprise by a superior naval force. But, sir, it is not forts alone, judiciously arranged and pla ced at commanding points, that. I desire to see. 11 is the increase of your navy; so that the commerce of the country may be safe in every sea and in every clime ; that the product of the husbandman, when sent to seek a foreign market, is not to be ren- titer (’oitneieMce-—Otir Count rtf—Our (Party. dered valueless because of the danger of| seeking that market. No, sir, let every branch of industry receive equal protec tion ; let the great interest of your planter be secured by the protection which your na vy ought to afford ; for it is in rain to speak ol commerce, it is iti vain to tell me that the producer of the staple articles of this country is not deeply and vitaly interested in strengthening the naval annof yourdc fence, so that the dangers of commerce which tend to lessen the value of the article ii» the home market, should not be dimin ished by the want of that protection which can alone be extended by a wise applica tion of your public treasure, to place your navy in a position of strength that will command the respect of the world. Sir, it is folly to have a navy unless you, by means oi fortifications, so protect your har bors that that navy will lie safe from the at tack of a superior force. And yet a sys tem, so moderate in itself, aiming at no’o ther end than to give greater security to every interest of every citizen of these U nited States, has been denounced as a sys tem intended to enslave them, and entail upon them the evils of heavy taxation. Sir, I will not further trouble the committee on this point ; I should feel humblel, I should feel as if I had betrayed the interest of my constituents, were 1 to return home and tell them that, under the most favorable cir cumstances, and with an overflowing Trea sury, 1 had failed to support the only meas ure that would make them pnsperous in peace and safe in war. 1 have endeavored to offer some reasons to the committee to show that it is our first duty tc place the country in a proper state of lefence. I have treated that branch of the question as a whole, without attempting to discrimin ate between the points necessary and pro per for the defence on the one land, or the equality or inequality in the pubic disburse ments, in a geographical point of view, on the other. These are consideiations that never can operate upon my mild in deter mining upon a system of publb works, in order to receive general approbation, must be established upon principles «f equal jus tice. 1 will now*, Mr. Chairman, proceed to ; show that while the public trersure is quite ] sufficient for all the purposes cf a wise sys- ! tem of national defence, that ao mistake is ! greater, none that has receiveda wider range ! of circulation, than that we shall have a surplus of from 30 to 50 millions on the Ist of January, 1837. 1 have no such fears as many gentlemen have expressed, either as to the amount of the stirpits, or the dan- i ger to which our institutions are to be expo-1 sed from the supposed corrupting influence ] of any accumulation of money that may I be in our Treasury. Sir, rmy apprehen sions are of a very different character. There is something to dread from that rest less anxiety created by continued excite ment on almost every subject. There may be, hereafter, abundant cause for sympathy for those gentlemen who have again and a gain announced to the American people, that their money had accumulated, and was accumulating, m the public Treasury, to the amount of fifty millions above tire wants of the Government. It may be, sir, that there may arise in the bosom of tt.at people who are thus informed, a curiosity to in quire, and a spirit to know, by wbat means, and by whose system of public policy it was, that this money lias been thus unnecessari ly taken from their pockets. It may hap pen, sir, that the spirit of inquiry, honest, indignant inquiry, may still go farther. It may occur to our constituents, in such an investigation, that the very party, nay, more, the combination of parties, that are now proclaiming the existence cl millions oi surplus revenue in the Treasuiy, are the very men, the very party, yes, sir, the com bination of parties, that originated, cher ished and sustained the system, by the ope ration oi which alone this surplus of the people’s money, which they now propose to return back by the way of distribution a niong the several States of the Union, has been produced. Sir, let no man here or elsewhere deceive himself by attempting to mislead others. The American people will ask the question : common sense dictates, common justice requires, and common hon esty would give a plain answer to it—From whence arose this enormous surplus ? Did it come out ol the pockets of the people ? It it did, why did you exact'of us more than you wanted for the use of the Govern ment ? \\ hy demand in advance our sub stance, our money, and the proceeds of our industry ? Let the politicians who say there are countless millions now to divide, and enrich the people, march up to these ques tions, and give them a plain answer. Sir, the people are not to be deceived by those professions of iriendshipand kindness. We have heard much about the people’s rights being violated, disregarded and tr-uiqded under foot, by withholding from them this surplus revenue. But gentlemen should remember that by those profession's, they virtually plead guilty to the charge of un justly exacting from the people any amount they now propose to return. It is in vain for gentlemen to shift ground and charge the state of things they have to sa sumeas true, upon any regular operation of our sy stem of Government. Such a charge, no matter from what quarter made, would receive the prompt refutation of every can did and patriotic bosom. But, Mr. Chairman, let us consult the best sources of information, not only to as certain the probable amount of revenue we may liaveon Ist January, 1837, but thecau ses that have led to the increase of that rev enue for the last two years, and examine with fairness and candor the probable ope ration of events upon the sources of revenue. It is well known that our revenue is princi pally derived from the sales of our public lands, and from duties imposed upon foreign merchandise ; and if it can be shown that there has been an unusual importation of dutiable goods, and un unexampled sale of 1 the public lands within the two last years, I it will follow that no prudent financier will take the revenue of those two years as the basis of bis calculation for any period lere after, unless it can be shown that the same causes that produced the increase for the last two years, will continue to exist, and have the same effect for the lime to cone. Sir, the amount of goods paying ditties imported in they< ar 1834 was $47,000, 00, and the amount for 1835 was $66,00Qj00, making a difference of $19,000,000 of du tiable goods between the year 1834 and 1835. What is the fact exhibited bj the sales of the public lands ? In 1834, your sales amounted to $4,887,600, and ini 835, swelled to the enormous sum ofs 14,757,600, , showing a difference of nearly ten nillionsJ in the amount of the sales of public lands! alone in tiie two last years. In 1833, tbe'j actual receipts in the Treasury fioin a® sources wore s33‘,'9WJ,aOi>-; during the year 1834, the actual receipts from all sour ces were $21,791,935. In 1835, ti e actu al amount of revenue from all sources was $34,913,755. 1 have presented these facts with the view, Mr. Chairman; of showing the rapid changes that take place in the a mouut of dutiable goods imported within the last two years, to show the difference of revenue for those years, and to give some reason in explanation oThe sudden increase of the last year. I slxiuld not make the slightest allusion to e fact so well under stood by this committee, but for the purpose of establishing a proposition which I had promised to maintain. The character of the American merchant is as well established for promptness of ac tion as for quickness of conception, and no sooner did the relations between this Gov ernment and France assume a doubtful as pect, than the importing merchants, both of this country and of Europe, perilled some thing in anticipation of a rupture between the two countries ; and hence the chief, if not the only cause, of the difference ofnine teen millions in the imports of 1835 and 1834. Would it then be fair to infer that this rapid increase was necessary to meet the increased demand for consumption ? Or is it to be attributed to that spirit of speculation that so well defines the charac ter of the merchant ? Sir, every candid man, be be of wlrat party he may, must as cribe this sudden increase of imports to the mistaken calculations of merchants ; and if it was necessary to adduce proof in support of a proposition so clear, it is net found in the fact, that at this time, al the very points, in the Very cities, where the largest impor tations were made, there is now the heavi est pressure in the money market ? Sir, 1 would not undertake to establish before this committee what every gentleman must ad mit to be true : that embarrassments are ne ver lighter, or the money market less pres sed, than when the amount of imports does not exceed the demands of consumption. Nor will it be a difficult point to establish, that if the embarrassment now felt in some of our Atlantic cities lias proceeded from excessive importation- beyond the wants of consumption, we may look with absolute cer tainty for a sudden diminution of revenue from that source. This extravagant trade of over importation has had the effect to abstract from circulation the precise amount which has been invested in that trade, and remains in the bauds of the importer, for the want of purchasers; for tn vain does the foreign article seek a market, when the wants of the consumer have been supplied. The amount that remains in tiie hands of the merchant is dead capital, a.id its place must be supplied, or money raised to an e qua! amount, by an overdraw upon the usu al demand upon the money market. This state of things, which is the unavoidable consequence of overtrading, has been used by the enemies of the administration to show the wretched state of the currency, a rising, as they allege, from excessive issues of bank paper from State institutions. The operation of this excessive trade is perfectly clear. The motley dealers, wtiose business it is to watch over and profit by the folly, miscalculation, and overtrading of the mer chant, no sooner perceive their condition, than they add an increased charge upon the uSeof their money. The merchant is com pelled to pay it, until the wants of the con sumer w-ili afford him an opportunity of re alizing cash upon that portion of his stock which had remained upon his hands as dead I capital, driving the'merchant to all the ex- I pense and additional charge of raising mo- ] ney at an increased rate of interest, an ope ration well calculated, and often leading to, his utter failure and ruin. It is worthy of remark, that no sooner had the opponents of the administration perceived that the last year had been signalized for excessive tra ding, than they instantly predicted, what they well knew was inevitable, a pressure in tiie money market and tlieincrease of do mestic exchange, charging the whole to what they are pleased to call the “ gold humbug.” AH this Iras been done to arrest an experi ment that promises fair to succeed, but which, if overthrown, must raise another national bank. But, sir, I ask, can any man look into the present condition of trade, and believe that our revenue from imposts will equal that of last year ? Uan any man | believe that the enormous stun of nearly fif teen millions is again to be received from the proceedsof land sales in any one year? No, sir, the lime is not far distant when the revenue from that source must fall to less than two millions. Having exhibited some reasons in support of the opinion I set out with, in order to place this question of surplus revenue be yond all doubt 1 am willing to take, as the probabla amount of revenue from all sour ces, the amount of revenue to the year 18- 33 ; which is - - $33,960,203 80 To this add the surplus on the Ist ofjanuary 1836, - 16,850,914 00 $50,811,117 80 So that if the amount of revenue from all i souses lor J 836 should-equal that for 1833, then ne shall have the above amount of *■•'0,811,117,80; provided to appropria tion on the Ist Janury 1836,1 show that the balance in the Treasury subject was 16,850, 915 00. We will now take the revenue from ail sources for the year 1834, which was - - - - $21,791,935 55 Add to this the balance on the Ist ofjanuary 1836, - 16,850,91400 S3B 612,84.) 55 But take the prosperous year 1835, with an increase of revenue from land sales, over and above any other year, nearly ten mill ions. I rom all sources the revenue of I 1835 was - $34,913,755 14 P*o this add tiie amount in Treasury Ist Jan. 1835, 16,850 914 00 $51,7’64,66914 Now' I would appeal to the sober re flection of every gentleman if we can be lieve the revenue of 1836 is to equal that of 1835? But admitting it did, which I cannot believe, we shall have only a little above fifty-one and a half millions ; out ol which we -are to provide, not only for the u sual and customary expeditures of the Gov ernment, but also for the payment of large sums for Indian treaties, if they can be so called. We are to provide for a Florida war with the Seminoles, we are to provide for arming a force to protect our western fron tiers and for what other hostilities we can not tell but hee>? n lituresofwh ch wecan not doubt. 1 suumit tiie following as a pro bable safe calculatkin of appropriations for 1836 : For the ordinary aad extra ordinary appropria ions for 1836, - - - $24,000,000 00 For Seminole war, « 2,120 000 00 For three per cent to States on sales of lands, - - 500.000 00 For indian treaties, - - 8.767,325 00 35,387,325 00 To this every prudent man would add at least, for prosecuting the Florida and other Indian wars that may arise, the sum of- 5,000,000 00 $40,387,325 00 Dedcut this sum from the amount that is supposed will be hi the Treasury in 1836, placing that amount upon the largest esti mate, and you will have $11,377,344 14. To this add bank stock, and you will then have less than $20,000,000 on the Ist of Janu ary, 1837. But, sir take the receipts of 1833 from all sources as the basis of your calculation which strikes me'as by far tire safest, re membering as we do that there is one tenth of reduction under the tariff, and the Trea sury then, so far from having a surplus to divide wi.l be deficient $ 1,744,475 45, except the bank stock. But, take the Treasurer's own report, and though 1 will admit that it is the fashion for every gentleman so to make his table as to .prove his proposition, still I believe that none is entitled to more respect than the Secretary of the Treasu ry* From the Secretary of the Treasure’s an nual report of this Congress, it appears that the receipts in the Treasury from all scour ces during the year 1836, are estimated at - - $19,750,000 To w hich add the balance of the available funds hi the Treasury estimated al 18 047,598 And tliey make together the sum ol $37,79*7,598 Should the appropriations then amoun to the Sum 1 have supposed,your Treasury will be minus $2,589,727, not including the bank stock. But if the land bill should pass too will then have distributed $20,000,000 tor, 1833, 18*'4, and 1835 and every dollar that may be received from 'that? source for the present year, which, would independent of the recepts of the.present.year leave your Treasury in debt upwards of twenty mill ions. How is it to be -supplied? The answer is plian—-increase your tariff, so well understood by most of the advocates lor dis tribution. Mr. Chairman-, to my mind there is but one course to pursue ; Ist, put w hatever surpl: s you may have in circulation, guar ding its safety by efficient legislation ; 2d provide for its prompt return into your : Treasury whenever the public service shall r. quire it. This we should do, and not in dulge in dreams about the countless mill ions that are to flow into your Treasury. Sir consider fully the operation of the tariff on your revenue, before you devise plans to distributes. Avoid any and every act that may lead to interruption of the comprom ise act as it is. Let it alone for the present for fear of a worsts But, Air. Chairman, should 1 be deceived in the results to which my investigations have led me on the subject of the surplus revenue and that in point of fact we should have a permanent surplus for the next two years which it seems to nie no man who investigates the subject can possibly believe, then sir, I shall maintain before this committee and the country that ■ the public treasure should not be divided I among the States, in the way proposed by ! the Senate, but should be reserved, to be ! applied to purposes dear to every American ! bosom, the protection ol onr own citizens on our western frontier, and within the limits of the States and Territories of the south, from the cruel butcheries that await them from a merciless foe as well as to complete our defences on the mari time frontier and on the ocean. 1 call upon those who are urging upon us this novel plan oi divesting the Government of the means of protecting her citizens to look well to the ! condition of your western and soutewestern ! frontier. I ask the writer members on this PUBLISHED BY S*. L. BlCil'. JRM. S r%'o. floor, what prudent man, what dis creet statesman, would advocate a meas ure of this character, when dangers so a larming are inuiiipßirig daily in thatquar ter \\ e already know that the savage yell, the war whoop of (be fiercest .barbar ians that inhabit the continent, has been heard in your western pararies. The work ol death may have commenced before this. Ol one fact, sir, we cannoi plead i>";oran< e that the savages that have for ye rs past roamed wit i n the the lim ts of the St. t * numbering in all niany thousands, have been mostly removed to their allottedbomes in the west, many carrying with implacable hatred for the white man, and ready under the slighest pretext, er the least encourage ment, to plunge deep the battle axe and scalping knife in tiie bosoms of our unpro tected citizens. Nor is it from the Indian race alone that n mueb to apprt hetitk There has of late appeared in that quarter a monster, who wears the form of man, and bears the the name of Christian ; whose treaclivrv in war, butchery in cold blood, and lawless despostism, give him the first, the highest claim to tiie execration of all Jnankind.- Y es, sir, let the blood-stained,flag of that more than barbarian Santa Anna once float on our wti t< rn borders', and you had. as well attempt to prevent the Mississippi from pouring her waters in the bosom of the ocean, as to restain the freemen of this country from rushing te> the rescue—yes, sir, and the revenge vs their suffering coun trymen 1 Sir, our citizens are aroused ; the spirit of liberty is kindling at'oUTid the household altarsv The prayers of the good &. the spirits of the brave will in due season be heard, be felt, be acknowledged ; and for one I say, let that spirit, that voice, and sympathy in behalf of liberty, religious and political rights go forth. I will not check its aspirations, but bid it ascend and minirle with like kindred spirits, that in the hour of our darkest colonial bondage gave us aid. It is not to Le said of the North Americans that they can stand by and see a struggle on their own continent, within sight of their own boundary, between lawless tyranny and despotismo n the one hand, characterized by acts of perfidy and cruelty utterly un worthy the spirit of the age, and a portion of the Anglo-Saxo« race on the other. Sir 1 am tao advocate, however strong our sym pathise, to violate the treaty made between this Government and Mexico. I would not consent to any proposition in violation of that Irigh and lofty stand this Government i has taken and anitot'mly observed in her in tercourse with foreign Governments. No sir, I would not have that character for justice and good faith in her relations to oilier powers with which she set -out in lit r infancy, mid always nobly maintained in her greatest extremity now tranislied at this late day. But still 1 would have this Gov ernment .plant herself upon a hig and une quivocal ground, ready to assert every right . arisng under internal law , or growing out of the treaties with Mexico ; anti, sir, I would have no more ; 1 would increase the military arm in that quarter w ith the strength that would command the respect due by Santa Anna to the compacts between this Government ami his own, or, on his fidlure to do so, crush at once the tyrant, whose cruelty in war has thrown him beyond the sympathy of Christain world. Yes, sir, I would be prepared not only to prevent, the massacre of ow n citizens in that quarter, but promptley to revenge any indignity, any violation of faith any treachery that might be attempted by this usurper. And am 1 ito be told that we are to divide the revenue among the States so as to prevent this Government from taking a position demand ed by every principle of justice, sound policy, and love of country ? No sir, I think 1 know the character of the people of this Union, their enale love of lil erty and constitutional government, too well to be , lieve that they would hesitate, under the i present state of affairs, between a proposi- • tion tn divide the money on the one baud, or ■ to husband it up with care to be applied by i : the Government to purposes of defence, to ■ preseve our honor and enforce the laws of • humanity. . Sir, 1 heard on this floor, a few days since, | sentiments from an honorable member from Ohio, (Mr. Mason,) in relation to the motives, of that baud of patriots who are now struegluig; for liberty in Texas, that excited in my bosona any other than pleasant emotions. Does it be-. come a freeman, an American statesman, iir the face of the world, to brand a band ofbr-utli-. ers,few in numbers,weak in resources, contend i ing against fearful odds, for the rights ofi reli- I gion, and equal Government, as a band.of mer cenary speculators ? No, sir, I will raise n>y voice, and maintain here, and in the face of the world, that no such base, sordid,,and selfishi . motives have influenced a portion «fitlm gallant men, who have been seen foremost in the strug gle for liberty, that is now going on in, Texas» Many of them ,sir, were citizens of iny own-. ■ State. I knew them personally,, and knew . well, and the spot on earth cannot be pointed I out, that has given birth to braver,, more daunu | j less spirits, who would peril more for equality,, I liberty, and constitutional Government. But ! they have fallen—ihey live aww but in the ' memory of their fliends. The- treachery of a despot, a heartless tyrant, has. sunk them low iu death ; but there lives a spirit in th.i bosom of “ every patriot in this Union ready to do homage i to that holy love of liberty, that induced them to, abandon homo, quiet mid enjoyment, te aid t i their suffering friends in a struggle against op | pression. Os one of those gallant men whose fata is in , volved in so much mystery, I would spefk particularly ; 1 mean Col. Fannin. Sir, lie 1 was my companion at school, and mp- I posedin political course in our nativqStjfte, ' (Georgia,) let my charitable office thus olijbUtly, , whether he be living or dead, hour i : to bis moral courage, bis manly bearings arid el »i rvated feeling in his intercourse with alii That i“ he was faultless, non can doubt; that) he was t | generous, all can attest who knew hiim ; and ■■ that he has fought for liberty and coiiscicnce, . and not for plunder, let the history of for tiie last five years decide. Sir, I w|ll say na 1; ' more. My object was not to eulogize jnrn, but I I to defend their gallant acts from theimbutaiions s j thrown upon their motives by gentlemen