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■MTED BIT t'lto >! as II kl \ l.s. imtj. VOL. 111. NO. 96. 23 VV./> • 0 ! > '• OXY, Publisher <Hy Authority,) of the Laus of Ike Inihil States: Office o»« «n*nc Street, nearly oppo site Ike Market. Issued cveiy Tuesdayniorning,at $3 per anmnn No subscription taker for less than a year, au<l no paper discontinued but nt the option of the publisher, until all arrears are paid. Advertisenwsts conspicuoudy inserted at the usual rates —those not limited when handed in, will be inserted 'till forbid, and chared accord ingly. CHANGE OF DIRECTION. We desire such of our subscribers ns may nt any time wish the direction of their papers chan ged from one Post Office to another, to inform us, in all cases, of the place to which they had been previously sent; as the mere order to for watd them to a different office, places it almost outof our power, to comply, because wc have no moans of ascertain!ng’the office from which they are ordered to be changed, but a search through our whole subscription Book, containing severe thousand names. POSTAGE. It is a standing rule with this office, as weP a* all others, that the postage of all letters and communications to the Editor or Proprietor must be paid. Wc repeat it again,—and re quest all persons having occasion to address us upon business connected in any way with the establishment, to bear it in mind. Persons wishing to become subscribers to the Standard of Union, are particularly requested to give their attention to this; or they will not have the pa per forwarded them. triton, Beinocralif liepublican Ticket. FOR PRESIDENT, MARTIN VAN BUREN. FOR VICE-PRESIDENT, RICHARD M. JOHNSON. ELECTORAL TICKET. THOM AS F. HENDERSON, of Franklin. WM. B. BULLOCH, of Chatham. S AMUEL GROVES, of Madison. THOM \S II \YNES, of Baldwin. REUBEN JORD NN. of Jones. WILSON LUAIYKIN, of Walton. WILLIAM PENTICOST, of Jackson. THOM VS SPALDING, of Mclntosh. JAMES C. WATSON, of Muscogee. WM. B. WOFFORD, of II ibenham. THOMAS WOOTEN, of Wilkes. SPEECH OF MR. TOWNS, Os Georgia. In Ike House of Representatives Wednes day, May 11 th, 1836 — In Committee of \ the Whole on the state of the L nion on the \ "fortification bill," (concluded.) Sir, let it not be said that the opinion here ! expressed, “ I have believed, and still do, that under the treaties, the Cherokees must be considered a nation, possessing like pair- j ers with other nations, except so Jar as they have surrendered their independence to the United Stales.” 1 say, let it not be said that Judge White had no reference to the authorities of the respective States in which the Indians then resided, it is impossible that he could avail himself of this position. He was speaking of and to the Cherokee Indians as they were, and precisely where they were at that time. He spoke of the powers they then had ; and the doctrine confined in his letter is that they were inde pendent, or, in Ids own language, "A na tion possessing like powers with other nations, except so Jar as they have surrendered their independence to the United Stales.” The opinion here expressed with the utmost pre cision, as 1 consider it, is that the Cherokee Indians residing within the limits of the States of Georgia, Tennessee, and North Carolina, are nation possessing ail the pow ers of the most perfect sovereignties, except the powers surrendered to the Federal Go vernment; and among the powers surren dered is not the power of taxation. There is no authority recognised in Georgia and North Carolina over the respective por tions of those Indians that reside within their limits. But they are asserted to be independent of them, unless, forsooth, by some treaty stipulation with the General Government, the right of the States is re cognized. Sir, I undertake to maintain that there was no authority in the treaty-making pow er of the Federal Government to divest Georgia of the right of controlling, in her own way, the inhabitants within her limits, and making them subject to her own laws, criminal as well as civil. 'The soil of Geor gia was derived from a royal charter, be fore,the revolution, recognized under the .confederation, and guarantied by the fede ral constitution. The constitution, if it guaranties to the people of Georgia any .thing, it secures them a republican form of Government and the chartered limits of their State, which cannot be altered but by their own consent. How, then, can Geor gia be said to enjoy a republican form of government, and jurisdiction over her soil and territory, when one-fifth of that terri tory is in the occupancy of a tribe of lndi organized into such a government as they may choose to adopt? Yet Judge White’s argument means this, if it means any thing ; and that the meaning was so understood, is established by the (act that, upon tiie authority of that opinion, the Gherokees actually proceeded, as I have been informed by the brother of John Ross, to organize a government of their i.wn. Judge White says that the opinion, as ex pressed in his letter, “is such an one as he honestly entertained,” and that he could “ never express any other until convinced of his error.” Now, Mr. Chairman, since Ilflfo of the honorable gentleman (Mr. Beall) has derived infinite pleasure in looking into the present and past opinions of the President, and feels it his duty to point out any incon sistencies that will impair their force, 1 would desire to Know whether the opinion, then honestly entertained and plainly pro nonneed in this letter, is still the opinion of Judge White ; or has he been convinced of his “ error,” and shifted his ground ? 1 leave the question of consistency and “cr | ror” for his friends to settle. Mr. Chairman, the principles, as I un derstand them, asserted by Judge White, should be understood by my constituents, i A large, roqwcmlde, nod enterprising por tion of the population of Georgia are now I residing npon the lands occupied bv the Indians in that territory. The pretentions Ttup by this tribe of Indians within the Smits of Georgia, was subversive of all or der, and so dangerous to life and property, font the authorities of that State, without a tual disregard of the highest obligation, could not longer suffer a state of things so nischievous to continue ; and Georgia was, fmni a sense of duty to her free w hite pop -11 ation, not less than to the red population, compelled to interpose and assert her doubt lets right ol jurisdiction and occupancy of th? waste L.nds in that region. Good or de-, morals, religion and humanity alike i demanded, that she should act as became a people humane and benevolent ; and she was not to be deterred from doing a great public good, for fear that they might incur tin reproach of those w ho are always readv to offer their sympathy gratis and their clurity sparingly. Sir, the people of my St;iehave suffered long and patiently the tarty movements of the Government in re lieving them of a population troublesome 1 and dangerous. It has not been until since ! this administration came into power that j the irst efficient step was taken to assert the just rights of Georgia. The doctrines ofJidge White have been overruled. The Che’okee code of laws that were in direct ! collision with the laws of Georgia have been abrogated, and the Indian has been told, in ] the spirit of friendship, and with the candor due the occcasion, that their right to es tablish an independent Government within : the imits of Georgia could receive no l countenance or sanction from the adminis traticn. lhey have been advised toemi lgrate; the council of the President lias | been disregarded ; two treaties have been formed ; and a few days must settle the fate, w hether we arc to have these people settled upon us throughout all time, or whether (lie policy ol the Government will be carried out. Air. Chairman, I will not ask of the gen tleman to reconcile other political acts of Judge \\ bite. His course in the Senate in reference to several subjects, but especially in relation to certain nominations, I leave for Judge White to settle for himself. It may be, that he can give satisfactory rea sons to his countrymen for the votes he has given. 1 would hope he could. I have no right to ask of him to do so. All that I have to say is, it would have been well had he adopted the course “ that seemed to him as the ground on which some of the States were supporting General Jackson, because \ he was at home, attending to his own pri vate affairs, and taking no part in any plan to secure his own elevation.” Air. Chairman, there is another position taken by the honorable member from Ten nessee, that in my opinion, deserves some consideration ; I do not know that 1 should notice it, but for the belief that it has been I for the first time, asserted, and is therefore I properly recognized as one of the princi ples of the new organization, of which the I honorable gentleman is the reputed head. | Sir, what is that principle ? 1 give it as written by the gentleman himself: “To vote money is the b ast difficult and most plea-! sant duty of a representative of the people. It requires neither experience, industry, tal cuts, nor fidelity, in members.” If the hon orablemember is ambitious of securing to himself the character of originality, of i discovering things that do not exist, of as ■ serting principles that the judgment of ev ) cry man must condemn, he could scarcely 1 have been more fortunate than in this in stance. What, sir, is it indeed true, that the most pleasant part of our legislative | i duty is to vote away the money of our con- i stituents? Have we arrived to that station 1 where vve have the least difficulty, and de rive the greatest pleasure, by thrusting our j hands into the pockets of our constituents ; j taking their money and voting it away ? 1 could hardly have expected an avowal of such an alarming character ; and coming from that honorable gentleman, struck me with profound amazement. I trust, sir, that he will not insist that this was at) origin jal Jackson principle, but has been one : picked up by him since the degeneracy of that parly became so disgusting that he was compelled to separate himself from them. But that is not all. The honorable gentle man 'ays, “z7 requires neither experience, , industry, talents, norfidcliti/ in. members.” Therefore thehon. gentleman means to ' be understood as maintaining, for the first time in this country, that inexperience, in dolence, ignorance and dishonesty, are the ; qualifications best calculated to subserve ' the true interest of the people on all ques ’ tion connected with the least difficult and , most pleasant dutyofthe representatives vo ting’a’.vay the people’s money. Sir, a charge ' so palpably derogatory to the character ofthis House, so insulting to the good sense of ev ery member on this floor, cannot require a more special notice from me. Let the hon orable gentleman go home to Tennessee and tell his constituents that it is the least difficult and most pleasant part of his duty to vote away their money, and my word for it, they will give him the appropriate re sponse. Air. Chairman, the honorable gentleman, in the range of his denunciation of men and measure took occasion to bestow a passing Vfl aLL KfiMirU Vi LL B’XMMk BA, 'O' IKSfiM V MOIftNING, JULY 12, 1836. notice or. the Secretary of State, (Air. For syth.) He was pleased to speak of him as a “most” orthodox” Secretary of State;” and, with a very confident expectation of establishing a charge of fearful magnitude, proceeded to the introduction of his proof. W hether the Secretary of State will be able to survive the wound, time alone will tell. That be and all the administration must have felt awfully alarmed, had they’ had been so unfortunate as to have heard the gentleman from Tennessee, will, perhaps, admit of some question. But that the Sec retary will likely live as long, walk as erect, be as faithful to the public interest under the merciless blows of the gentleman from Ten nessee, as if t o such incident had ever oc curred, I think quite certain. Sir, there is such a thing as over-shooting, as well as under-shooting. The honorable gentleman from Tennes see is entitled to all the credit due a brave, but weak man, for the assault he has made, or attempted to make, on Air. Forsyth ; for really 1 am not entirely certain that an at tack intended and attempted, but not dis covered by the assailed, can properly be considered an assault. The honorable gen tleman came to the fit Id with the courage of a true knight, guarded at every’ point, but so encumbered With bis armour of steel that his strong arm, powerful as it is, could not send the arrow to its appointed victim ; he could see the object of his hatred, far re moved from danger ; every effort but in creased his anxiety, every failure but chaf ed the feverish spirit or revenge. Sir, if the honorable member would al low me to offer him a single suggestion, it would be to look for another victim. The Secretary ol State standing high, elevated, and endeared to every man of any party who can appreciate a fearless, inward, in dependent discharge of public duty’; who can appreciate the most refined sense of hon or; who can do homage to that transcendent genius that lifts the man to the highest scale in moral grandeur. Occupying, as does Mr. Forsy th, a position so far beyond the reach of ordinary party weapons, I would, if I dare do so, invoke the member from Tennessee to couch his lance and charge upon some victim whom, if he can not kill, will, at least, be apprized ofthe at tack. The gentleman from Tennessee says, “ I well remember what a decided effect was produced upon the minds of the people in the State which I represent in part, and what indignation was excited by the single act of the Secretary of State under the late administration, of taking the printing ofthe laws from the Nashville Republican, a pa per friendly to the election of General Jack son, and giving it to the Whig, a paper published at the same place and supposed to be in the interest of the administration. Well, sir, in the vicissitudes of human af fairs so happened, that the party in whose cause the Nashville Republican had suffer ed came to be uppermost, and it was restored to its former rights and benefits; but as ifit w ere intended to manifest the utmost possible contempt for the early principles of Jack sonism, and give the most unequivocal guarantees to new allies which, the nature of the case admits, that all the principles avow ed by the original Jackson party are hence forth and forever to he repudiated and for gotten. The orf/iort/oz Secretary of State has recently ordered the printing of the laws to be again taken from the Nashville Republican, w hich is now supporting Judge R bite for the Presidency, and given to the 1 Union, a paper printed in the same place; a paper purely partisan in its character, new ly established and of very limited circula tion, but in the interest of the Vice Presi dent.” I have given at length the very words of the honorable member from Tennessee; and as a matter of curious inquiry, according to the showing he lias himself made, it seems that the National Republican was against the late administration and in favor of the election of General Jackson ; that during part of the time ofthe canvass, that paper had the printing of the laws; that the Sec retary of State transferred the printing to the Whig, a paper friendly to Mr. Adams’s administration ; that this act was denounced; but when General Jackson was elected President, the printing was taken from the 1 H hig, which was opposed to him, and given jto the Republican, vvhich was friendly. ' Well, sir, I apprehend this is the principle of the original Jackson party. Here is an j act among the first two of the administra tion, w hich act settled the principle. Well, w hat has Air. Forsyth ’done violativeof this principle r The National Republican has taken up Judge White, and of course laid down the administration, and the Union, has been sta ted to lie in favor of the administration, and advocates the claims of Mr. Van Buren, j Air. Forsyth, as the member from Tennes ! see says, takes the printing ofthe laws from the Republican, (that can only be'consider jed as in opposition to the administration,) ■ and gives it to the Union that is supporting it. And this is the great, the shameful, and utter disregard of the original Jack son principle 1 must confess, sir, 1 cannot perceive the slightest departure from what 1 suppose the member himself has shown to be the principle of the Jackson party. I do not pretend to say it is proper or improp | er, nor do I pretend to say it was proper or improper in the former administration, or in the honorable member from Massachu setts, who is now before me, for the course lie then pursued. Air Adams then rose, and asked if the gentleman from Georgia intended to be un derstood as charging him with removing the printer? M r. Towns remarked, that he was usintr the at gument, as he understood it, of the member from Tennessee. Mr. Adams then explained, in sub stance; that lie had never transferred the printing ol the laws from a printer favorable to another person, to one favorable to him self. On the contrary, he never trausfered <):ir Const it hcc Our t osiutrti-.-tftiir but one w hile he was Secretary of State and that was at Gen. Jackson’s instance and personal request. He believed it was well known that he had never trausfered a single individual from any office, from po ilical considerations, and that very fact had been represented as one < f the causes why he had not been more successful in his poli tical life. Sir, 1 make no charge against the hon orable gentleman from Massachusetts, (Air. Adams,) but was only answering the argu ment of the member from Tennessee, (Mr. Bell.) lam admonished, sir,that the charge as contained in that gentleman’s argument is not directly against the honorable member from Alassachusetts, but against the mem ber of his political family, (Air. Clay,) then Secretary of State ; and 1 will with great pleasure formally transfer it from one to the other, as it does not vary the principle.- It cannot so far as my purpose is concerned be metarial whether done by the honorable gentleman from Alassachusetts in person, or through his Secretary K>f State. Sir, having shown, according to the statement of the case made by the member from Tennessee that there has been no departure from the principle of the ealy Jatkson party by the present Secretary of Sta.e, I w ill proceed to ask the attention ofthe co.nmitte to anoth er of the specifications contained in the member’s bill of impeachment. “It is well known."’ says (the member from Tennes see 1 “ that an unbounded respect for the rights ofthe States, was professed by the original Jackson party; and any maxim or pratice ofthe Governmentw hich tended to consolidation, was denounced as inexpedi ent, and even dangerous. To prove how little regard has been shown by those who now’wear the garb of Jacksouism for the due constitutional rights and independence of the States, it would only be necessarv to call to mind the interference ofthe Fed eral Government with the election of Sena tors by the Stale Legislatures. But, sir, I may add that the legislative proceedings of Slate assemblies have beenjintirfcie.l with; and many of those bodies have already been reduced to the condition of mere dependent and co-ordinate portions of the great machinery by which it is supposed this country may hereafter be governed— the supple luulconrienenl instruments ofthe Federal Executive, and party interests.” Abe first thing. Air. Chairman, tiiat de serves notice in answering the member from Tennessee on this point, is the regret he must doubtless feel at the desertion ofthe party from State right doctrines. 1 can readily imange how deep his mortification on this point must be, w hen 1 reflect that it was the member from Tenessee himself' who had the honor of introducing, as chair man of a committee, ami urging through this House, too, a measure about vvhich great dissatisfaction prevailed in many parts of the Union, and about which A ap prehend some ofthe gentleman’s intimate friends have uttered the most bitter denun ciations. Can the honorable member call to mind a bill that passed Congress when lie was one of f/te party? Aye, sir a leading man of that party, too, known by some as the bill to enforce the collection ol revenue by others as the “force bill,” and more still, “the bloody bill.” Will the member tell the nation that he had the honor of ad vocating that measure as warmly as tiny gentleman then on the floor ? that he vo ted for it. Atid will he point out a single act of Congress, from that day to this (hat contains any principle so much endanger ing the doctrines of State rights? Sir, Ido not pretend to give any opinion of the prin ciples contained in that bill; A only say that if there has been any measure of this ad ministration subversive of the rights of the States—destructive of doctrines of State rights—l believe that bill to be the one.— I say no more ; that there are but two pos sible apologies to those of that day whose duty it was to provide for the crisis by the enactment of that bill—first the precedent set in the time of the republican adminis tration of Mr. Jefferson, and secondly, the unfortunate posture of affairs resulting from any derangement in the collection of the revenue. That the bill was intended to meet a crisis, to be dreaded bv all, and a voided if possible is to be gathered from its limitation. A will for myself say, then I shall have done w ith the principles of this bill that if the force bill of Air. Jefferson was constitutional, then was the force bill of General Jackson. If Air. Jefferson’s was’ called for, then was Genral Jackson's de manded. But I am free to admit at the same time, that I have had doubts as to the pow er in the Federal Government, vvhich this measure claimed. But on one point I have no difficulty ; that any gentleman who sup ported that bill should not be very much a lanned about any act of the administration, since that time absorbing the powers ofthe States. The member from Tennessee after hav ing fired for two days upon the party and the President, as a sort of advanced guard cries out in the bitterness of his heart against the corruption ofthe Federal Government for interfering with the elections of Senators by the State Legislatures, and is pleased to say that the “ legislative proceedings of State assemblies have been interfered with and that many of these bodies have been already reduced to the condition of mere dependent and co-ordinate portions of the great machinery by vvhich it is supposed this country may hereafter be governed.” I I or one, sir, I should be pleased to know the States to vvhich the honorable member has reference. I presume if there has been any such foul work as the member stippo the State and give us the proof upon vvhich he makes the charge. I should think it was due to the character ofthe State governmente, due to the character ofthe State legislators, in arraying them before the public, so to present the ques tion that they could depend them selves. And it is surely the duty of the member to speak out, so that the admin- istration could, in some shape or form, ad mit, deny, or justify. lam quite satisfied it never could be the object of the gentleman to thrust in the dark. Then, sir, out with it. But Air. Chairman, the member from Tennes.ee has of late all his fears and sym pathies excited iu behalf of that intelligent and venerable body, the Senator of the United States, and his remarks on that sub ject shall receive my immediate attention, after vvhich, I shall not trouble the commit tee with much more in reply to the honor able member. But again, (says’the gentle men,) is not the Senate, vvhich was intended by the constitution to be in itself a standing check and limitation upon the use and a bttse ofthe Execulve patronage, to that ex tent, and as regards the purposes of its in stitutions, actually expunged, and that too by Executive powers and influence ? I de mand of gentlemen to answer me, and say if there exists at this moment, practically, any controlling power in the Senate ofthe will of the Executive? Is not the consti tution itself, for the time being, abrogated, subserved, overthrown? Have w.■ not a Senate ol the United States notoriously re plen.s ed and o;ganized upon tiie princi ple of non-residence and passive obedience, to the Executive will and authority ? Anti how, sir, has this state of things been brought about. - ' Ahe Slate Legislatures, those an cient towers, as they have heretofore been supposed, upon the ramparts ofthe constitn tion, and of the public liberty, have been boldly entered, and by Executive influence, seduced and. prostituted to purpose of federal power and domination. Sir, if the /.'.ctcz.- Zzre Cnilf Jdagis,rate has entered the Sen ate chamber, sword in hand, and supported by a band of chosen mercenaries, and driven the obnoxious ‘Senators from their seats, and filled all the vacancies by members of his own appointment, he would have inflicted a deep wound upon the constitution, and one, which I know he never would have been less dangerous, and more easily healed, than the one which has actually been inflicted.” This is the sentiment ofthe honorable mem member. And, sir, A may well say, never was my astonishment greater, than when I heard him hold sued language of'the A’resi dent and the party supporting the ANesident administration. Sir, of all the charges that have been macle against the President and the party in support of his administration, whether liom false fiieads or from open enemies, it has been reserved for the member from Tennessee, to go a full bar’s length beyond the limit of the most daring and, at one stroke of the pencil, to draw the tyrant, the usurper, the crouching sycophant, and de graded menial. Could that venerable old man, under whose paternal wig the meraaer from Tennessee has, no doubt, often felt hii greatest security, utter one word of eomplaiit for the injustice done him, might he not, inthe lan guage of the poet, exclaim— “ The arrow that, deepest in my bosom went, “Flew from the bow pretended friehdsbp bent!’’ Sir, what degradation so great, what :rime so black, as a President of the United Stites “at the head of a band of chosen mercenaries,” “with sword in Land,” entering the Senate ol the United States and “driving from tltir seats the Senators that are opposed to him,and fill ing their places with members of his »wn ap pointment.” True, sir, the member tills you that the President would not do this, lut then be tells you to have done so would have been a ' wound on the constitution “less dangenus and more easily healed than the one which has ac tually been inflicted.” I ask, what has the President done totlic Se nate? What member in that body has receiv ed wrong or injury from him? What is there that that body, as a body, has not dore to the President? Have they not attempted to blast his character? Have they not charged lim with a violation of the constitution? Have hey not charged him with usurping the powers of the Senate? Have they not charged him vith vio lation ol the laws and constitution? na,\ more, condemned him unheard? and more stil—have they not refused to let him enjoy the por pri vilege of placing on the journals oftlat body his reasons why a sentence, if not of <eath, of reproach, should not be pronounced against him? All this they have done, and thestory is , but half told. Have they not, in vidatiou of all former practices, and in utter disregard of that harmonious action contemplated by the constitution between the power of nonination by the President and confirmation of he Sen ate, refused to approve the recomnienthtions of the President to offices of pressing mcessitv? Are not some of its members now to jc found in that body disregarding the institutions of their Legislatures, with the express view of maintaining a majority against the vvil of the people, against the instruction of the constitu ent body? Let the honorable member answer these questions, and 1 will undertake to tell him why it is necessary that the Senate should receive such compliments from a certan quar ter at this time , why it is that the Senate is discovered to be a check upon the use and a bttse of Executive patronage? Why >t is, at this time, so important that the discover,’ .should be made, thai if the President retur.isthe se cond time the same individual before tie Sen ate for confirmation, that it is an abuse of the noniiniting power, an attempt to sub ert the confirming power. Really it Would sirai that the member from Tennessee thrust fort) his as sertions and his arguments, as if they .vere of that sacred character that neither adnitted of doubt or investigation. But, sir, the true se cret is, that a certain Senator from Tennessee has played a hand during the present session of Congress that requires some propping u> under the precise view that has been presenter by the member from Tennessee (Mr. Bell.) Tiat Se nator stands condemned and overwhelm'd, un less he can effect a retreat under the pretence that the President has no power, under tie con stitution, to return upon lite Senate the second time, the same individual for the same office, after once being refused. Sir, I am sircerelv sorry that the honorable member should have felt himself constrained to have used laiguage in relation to the administration party that could not fail to wound the sensibility of each member in his own personal character. For if 1 have misunderstood him, and it should be that he intended nothing for the Chief Mag'stratc, it only makes the proportion so much the great- | er for the party. The honorablegentleman was also understood by me to insist, before this committee, that the j present adininisttation party had assumed al ground directly at variance with the principle upon which Ccn. Jackson was brought, into of fice, on the subject of caucuses and nominations iby means of conventions, lie maintains that : “die original supporters of Gen. Jackson ad ■ vocated his election against Mr. Clawford, the I candidate nominated according to party usage, I upon the ground that the practice of caucus no- I minations of' a President ofthe United States, ; was a violation ofthe spiiit of tiie constitution.” i Sir, as it has been my intention in. all 1 have said, in answer to the member from Tennessee, to deal with the utmost possible fairness with his arguments and statements, so I shall contin ue to do in the few remarks A design to make on this question. A apprehend that the geu’lo man is somewhat mistaken as to the ground on which Mr. Crawford was opposed by some of the original supporters of Gen. Jackson. It I should be remembered that the most, if not all i the candidates whose names were before the people at the time of Air. Crawford, were un derstood to be members ofthe republican party. Air. Crawford, 1 well remember, was understood to be the radical republican, for reason of real i or imputed doctrines he entertained upon the | subject of retrenchment and reform. Well, I sir, as the member states, in pursuance of the custom of that day, the members of Congress, 1 to the number of sixty-six or thereabouts, as- I scmblcd in this city at the appointed time to no minate a candidate for ti e office of Chief Ala gistrate. This number constituted Air. Craw ford’s strength ; the balance of tiie members was divided between General Jackson, the ! gentleman from Massachusetts, (Air. Adams,) j Messrs. Calhoun, Lowndes, anil Clay. The i friends of these last gentlemen, as I Lave al : ways understood, protested against the caucus, on the ground that Air. Crawford received a mi nority, instead of a majority, of the republican party ; and that, therefore, although he receiv ed every vote that met in caucus, it was evident he was not the choice of a majority of his partv. What motives induced the respective friends of the other gentlemen not to meet in caucus A cannot say, further than the facts speak for themselves and my recollection of the familiar story of the day. It was a conviction that the friends of either of tjie gentlenieii would be in a minority ; and lienee, that by the friends of the other candidates not entering into caucus, the nomination of' Mr. Crawford, as had been j the custom, would be prevented. The fact ac tually occurred, and as often as it was said in behalf of Air. Crawford that lie was the regu larly nominated candidate, as often was the as sertion reiterated on the other La id, that he was nominated by a minority of the members of Congress-of his own party. I cannot undertake to say that tliix was the ground urged in every portion of the Union ; but from a recollection not very distinct, I admit I am q ite satisfi d that the minority nomination ofthe members of Congress, so far from advancing the interests of Air. Crawford in the south, or concentrating the support of the republican party in lliat quarter, was regarded by many of that party in no other light than an attempt by a minority to force up on them an individual who was not the choice ofthe majority, as had been the case with all preceding nominations by members of Con- | gress. It was this assumption of power on the part of a minority ofthe members of' Congress that aroused the indignant feelings of the people ; and from that moment until of late, there has been no attempt that I know of on the part of any minority in Congress, to nominate a candi date for President. Mir, 1 put it to the candor ofthe member from Tennessee to say, if him self and his honorable colleagues have not at tempted to revive this old and condemned mode of selecting a candidate for President? Did not the delegation from Tennessee, or a major ity of them, meet in tills city, mid determine to support Judge White? Did not that meeting constitute a caucus? Not only so, sir. but if 1 understand the explanation given by the gentle man to my friend from A’irginia, (Mi. Garland) he absolutely placed this meeting in the worst possible point ot view. The gentleman, in ti a. explanation, was understood to draw this dis tinction between the meeting ofthe members ol the Tennessee delegation and caucuses; first, that it was not a caucus, because there was no regular notice given ; because there was no Chairman called to preside over the meeting • because there was no appointment of Sberelary; because there was no record or minutes kept ol their resolves, or tiie conclusions to which that meeting arrived. Now, sir, if it be true, which 1 will not be understood as questioning, that there were nene of these usual, customai v, and I maintain, indispensable forms observed, the gentleman has established that which I presume his explanation was intended to avoid—that this meeting, by whatever name called, contains ev ery objection that can be raised to the policv of caucuses, without one of its advantages. Secret, private, political meetings, without record of their proceedings, is that particular class of assemblies most to bo dreaded in this country. And I am satisfied, with whatever intentions the members from Tennessee met and deliberated as to the course thev would take in the approaching canvass, that that meet ing is subject to all the objections taken to the caucus of Congress that nominated Air. Craw ford. The gentleman from Tennessee was fur ther understood to maintain that the objections taken by the original Jackson party applied with equal force to the late Raltimoie conven tion, which nominated Air. A r an Buren for the Presidency. The right of the people to be | heard in convention is sacred, and though as- j saults upon that plan may serve some tempora ry purpose, it will be impossible for the gentle man to convince the people that they have no right to be heard on every subject, or that it would be dangerous to their liberties to trust themselves. Sir, it is one of the fairest, safest, I and most republican mode of settling any ques- i tion. When the doctrine shall once obtain that I tiie people are not to be permitted to speak, are j notsufl'ered to be heard in conventions, on ques- i lions affecting their tights, they may soon pre- I pare for the worst. Liberty will not long sur vive the period when the voice of the people i cannot be sounded through their own tepresen- I ta'ives, in pursuance of and in conformity to ' theirown will and pleasure. No, sir-, there is I no analogy between the principle of Congres- j sional caucuses and conventions. The one is the will of the people, as expressed through j their own organs ; the other is the expression of gentlemen who can only speak for them selves, and not fur the people. This is the dif ference, and it is important. Sir, 1 have now done with the argument of the gentleman from Tennessee ; and I trust that he will not have considered mo as departing from the rule lie laid down for his own govern- j ment. Air. Chairman, I had intended to have answered at length an honorable gentle- ! man from Virginia, for whom 1 may say 1 > entertain the highest regard, and wlio 1 sec i before me, (Mr. Robertson,) but having al- [ ready consumed more time than I had in- ; a’J.SJLI'sSSEE) fcpy v. jl. JsOISEAMIN 'u A& .4 xl JFE ITO. i tended, I am admonished that 1 should bring my remarks to a close. Thalhono : ruble gentleman, as has been the custom oi ail those on the same side, had much to say ! against the administration ; took great pains tosearrli out corrupt [>ra< tires; and really felt qmte astonished, if'not indignant, that not the first measure Lad yet been taken by the adm'mi.-tration to reform the extrava cant cxpei.diture of the people’s money. Thy gejiih man, in support of' his position, informed die committee that one project for reform hqd been attempted, and that was a res:,';;trt>vt tl.ai originated itr-t+4s-bwwM4i of Congress, proposing a reduction of two dollars per day for the pay of members, which actually passed, and was carried to the Senate, where it was killed: just what every body, but the gentlewau himself, would have readily supposed. Sir, 1 was at a loss to understand the re levancy of the case cited by the gentleman. I could not see upon w hat principle (Vve l ad rniiii.-tration was to be censurable for any measure that had perished in the Senate for several years past, w hen every body knows the majority of that body have opposed al most every prominent measure of this ad ministration. Gentlemen who are oppo sed to the administration, who arc, so far as words are concerned, so much opposed to i s abuses and extravagances, should not forget that tiie virtuous, patriotic opposi tion, have been, until the present session, in the majority in that body. And I ask of the honorable gentleman, with that fact met ting him at every charge Ire makes a gainst the administration, to tell this cotn- I mittee and tire people, why that body has , not done something ? Why is it that some s measure has not originated in that quarter that would have • saved this country from the disgrace, corruption, and ruin, w hich has beeneo confidently predicted ? Sir, die gentleman liasreierred to no other measure, except the one he mentioned, and that came fotutlie popular branch of Congress, where alone the administration has been in the I majority, and that very measure was defeat ed in the Senate, w here the opposition have been in the majority ! A thank the mem ber for tire proof Ire has furnished to three points, as they are material in the vindica tion of this administration ; Ist, that tire administration lias attempted retrenchment; 2d, that it was defeated by tire opposition ; 3d, thatthe opposition, with a belief that retrenchment and reform were necessary, according to his own showing, have done no hiiig. Bat. sir, with tire view that the country may understand a little of the e conomy of the Senate, ana their desire to j make this a plain and clreap Government, j I willpreseuta fact that will afford some prof itable hint to ti e people, and give the gen tleman, I trust, some reason to be niorc qi'ie'. and contented w ith the expenditures of t.;is administration. The contingent expenses of tire Senate in 1329 w;i< 56,513 04; in 1831, $15,- 000; in 1838. $39,752; and in the me morible year of 1834, $78,794; making a difference of upwards of $70,000 in thg mere contingent expenses of the Senate bi twem the year IS2G and 1834. I leave | tins fact to establish the high claim the op position have to retrenchment and re- I'm n. Air. Cliairman, it must have occurred to allvho have given ti e slightest attention to tlis protracted discussion, that ti e mode es attack and weapons used against thead i ministration were not only selected with i 2'rcrt < are, but were, in many instances, on j dire-tl.y cj positegrounds ; so that if one laded, the other might happily succeed. In illtts ration, I will adduce lire language of the honorable gentleman from Virginia. That honorable gentleman says, “ Since the commencement es his (General Jack son’;) administration, bis Cabinet lias dis played all the colors of the rainbow’.” And an lonorable gentleman from Jieutncky, (Mr. C. Allan,) some time since, iu his as saiil. upon lire President, labored through j the greater part of bis speech to prove that tire idniinistration had acted throughout in direit violation of the Presidetit’s advice to Air. Alotiroe, and that no instance could be sliown where any individual had been appointed to office, except he was of the Presdenvs party. And yet both the gen tleman from Virginia and Kentucky can u nite in the most perfect harmony (doubtless upon principle) in opposing this adminis tratkn. Vv by, sir, against this sort of op position there is no defence, security, or safety ; and discretion suggests that the as sailants be left to themselves, as, under such a mole of warfare, one attack must neces sarily destroy tie other, and thereby justice I to tli:t extent will be done by the assailants the me Ives. Tic honorable member from Virginia, in corchding hisable remarks,could not per mit tie President to escape Ids special no tice ; and for the purpose of showing what he aserted to Ire his deliberate conviction that tie President iiad attempted to inter i sere h the approaching election for the i Chie Magistracy, to give tire influence of hismmetoa favorite candidate ; and for the pirposc of establishing lids charge of dictaing Ids ow n successor, so often and so ttnjitsly made, ns I must be permitted to mainnin, the gentlemen relied upon two facts nainly ; one of tire circulating of sev eral tumbers of a certain new spaper in the- Stateof Tennessee ; the other, a letter writtei by the President to tire Rev. James Gwinaf Nashville, Tennessee. If, sir, the knowt, the acknowledged andi established, cliara ter of Gen. Jackson, was not sufiy-. cient o silence these reports that have ihrei* so witely circulated in the culumnsofparti zan pipers, not so much with the view of injuriig Gen. Jackson as to excite a preju dice axainst Mr. V an Buren, a very brief explaiation will satisfy any candid mind that tie charge is without tire slightest foun dation Nor would I pretend to notice, whatould only be considered the current seanddoi those whose office it is to impute bad natives to virtuous acts, but for