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triton, Beinocralif liepublican
Ticket.
FOR PRESIDENT,
MARTIN VAN BUREN.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
RICHARD M. JOHNSON.
ELECTORAL TICKET.
THOM AS F. HENDERSON, of Franklin.
WM. B. BULLOCH, of Chatham.
S AMUEL GROVES, of Madison.
THOM \S II \YNES, of Baldwin.
REUBEN JORD NN. of Jones.
WILSON LUAIYKIN, of Walton.
WILLIAM PENTICOST, of Jackson.
THOM VS SPALDING, of Mclntosh.
JAMES C. WATSON, of Muscogee.
WM. B. WOFFORD, of II ibenham.
THOMAS WOOTEN, of Wilkes.
SPEECH OF MR. TOWNS,
Os Georgia.
In Ike House of Representatives Wednes
day, May 11 th, 1836 — In Committee of \
the Whole on the state of the L nion on the \
"fortification bill,"
(concluded.)
Sir, let it not be said that the opinion here !
expressed, “ I have believed, and still do,
that under the treaties, the Cherokees must
be considered a nation, possessing like pair- j
ers with other nations, except so Jar as they
have surrendered their independence to the
United Stales.” 1 say, let it not be said
that Judge White had no reference to the
authorities of the respective States in which
the Indians then resided, it is impossible
that he could avail himself of this position.
He was speaking of and to the Cherokee
Indians as they were, and precisely where
they were at that time. He spoke of the
powers they then had ; and the doctrine
confined in his letter is that they were inde
pendent, or, in Ids own language, "A na
tion possessing like powers with other nations,
except so Jar as they have surrendered their
independence to the United Stales.” The
opinion here expressed with the utmost pre
cision, as 1 consider it, is that the Cherokee
Indians residing within the limits of the
States of Georgia, Tennessee, and North
Carolina, are nation possessing ail the pow
ers of the most perfect sovereignties, except
the powers surrendered to the Federal Go
vernment; and among the powers surren
dered is not the power of taxation. There
is no authority recognised in Georgia and
North Carolina over the respective por
tions of those Indians that reside within
their limits. But they are asserted to be
independent of them, unless, forsooth, by
some treaty stipulation with the General
Government, the right of the States is re
cognized.
Sir, I undertake to maintain that there
was no authority in the treaty-making pow
er of the Federal Government to divest
Georgia of the right of controlling, in her
own way, the inhabitants within her limits,
and making them subject to her own laws,
criminal as well as civil. 'The soil of Geor
gia was derived from a royal charter, be
fore,the revolution, recognized under the
.confederation, and guarantied by the fede
ral constitution. The constitution, if it
guaranties to the people of Georgia any
.thing, it secures them a republican form of
Government and the chartered limits of
their State, which cannot be altered but by
their own consent. How, then, can Geor
gia be said to enjoy a republican form of
government, and jurisdiction over her soil
and territory, when one-fifth of that terri
tory is in the occupancy of a tribe of lndi
organized into such a government as
they may choose to adopt? Yet Judge
White’s argument means this, if it means
any thing ; and that the meaning was so
understood, is established by the (act that,
upon tiie authority of that opinion, the
Gherokees actually proceeded, as I have
been informed by the brother of John Ross,
to organize a government of their i.wn.
Judge White says that the opinion, as ex
pressed in his letter, “is such an one as he
honestly entertained,” and that he could
“ never express any other until convinced
of his error.” Now, Mr. Chairman, since
Ilflfo of
the honorable gentleman (Mr. Beall) has
derived infinite pleasure in looking into the
present and past opinions of the President,
and feels it his duty to point out any incon
sistencies that will impair their force, 1
would desire to Know whether the opinion,
then honestly entertained and plainly pro
nonneed in this letter, is still the opinion of
Judge White ; or has he been convinced of
his “ error,” and shifted his ground ? 1
leave the question of consistency and “cr
| ror” for his friends to settle.
Mr. Chairman, the principles, as I un
derstand them, asserted by Judge White,
should be understood by my constituents,
i A large, roqwcmlde, nod enterprising por
tion of the population of Georgia are now
I residing npon the lands occupied bv the
Indians in that territory. The pretentions
Ttup by this tribe of Indians within the
Smits of Georgia, was subversive of all or
der, and so dangerous to life and property,
font the authorities of that State, without a
tual disregard of the highest obligation,
could not longer suffer a state of things so
nischievous to continue ; and Georgia was,
fmni a sense of duty to her free w hite pop
-11 ation, not less than to the red population,
compelled to interpose and assert her doubt
lets right ol jurisdiction and occupancy of
th? waste L.nds in that region. Good or
de-, morals, religion and humanity alike
i demanded, that she should act as became a
people humane and benevolent ; and she
was not to be deterred from doing a great
public good, for fear that they might incur
tin reproach of those w ho are always readv
to offer their sympathy gratis and their
clurity sparingly. Sir, the people of my
St;iehave suffered long and patiently the
tarty movements of the Government in re
lieving them of a population troublesome
1 and dangerous. It has not been until since
! this administration came into power that
j the irst efficient step was taken to assert
the just rights of Georgia. The doctrines
ofJidge White have been overruled. The
Che’okee code of laws that were in direct
! collision with the laws of Georgia have been
abrogated, and the Indian has been told, in
] the spirit of friendship, and with the candor
due the occcasion, that their right to es
tablish an independent Government within
: the imits of Georgia could receive no
l countenance or sanction from the adminis
traticn. lhey have been advised toemi
lgrate; the council of the President lias
| been disregarded ; two treaties have been
formed ; and a few days must settle the fate,
w hether we arc to have these people settled
upon us throughout all time, or whether
(lie policy ol the Government will be carried
out.
Air. Chairman, I will not ask of the gen
tleman to reconcile other political acts of
Judge \\ bite. His course in the Senate in
reference to several subjects, but especially
in relation to certain nominations, I leave
for Judge White to settle for himself. It
may be, that he can give satisfactory rea
sons to his countrymen for the votes he has
given. 1 would hope he could. I have no
right to ask of him to do so. All that I
have to say is, it would have been well had
he adopted the course “ that seemed to him
as the ground on which some of the States
were supporting General Jackson, because \
he was at home, attending to his own pri
vate affairs, and taking no part in any
plan to secure his own elevation.”
Air. Chairman, there is another position
taken by the honorable member from Ten
nessee, that in my opinion, deserves some
consideration ; I do not know that 1 should
notice it, but for the belief that it has been I
for the first time, asserted, and is therefore I
properly recognized as one of the princi
ples of the new organization, of which the I
honorable gentleman is the reputed head. |
Sir, what is that principle ? 1 give it as
written by the gentleman himself: “To
vote money is the b ast difficult and most plea-!
sant duty of a representative of the people.
It requires neither experience, industry, tal
cuts, nor fidelity, in members.” If the hon
orablemember is ambitious of securing to
himself the character of originality, of
i discovering things that do not exist, of as
■ serting principles that the judgment of ev
) cry man must condemn, he could scarcely
1 have been more fortunate than in this in
stance. What, sir, is it indeed true, that
the most pleasant part of our legislative |
i duty is to vote away the money of our con- i
stituents? Have we arrived to that station 1
where vve have the least difficulty, and de
rive the greatest pleasure, by thrusting our j
hands into the pockets of our constituents ; j
taking their money and voting it away ? 1
could hardly have expected an avowal of
such an alarming character ; and coming
from that honorable gentleman, struck me
with profound amazement. I trust, sir,
that he will not insist that this was at) origin
jal Jackson principle, but has been one
: picked up by him since the degeneracy of
that parly became so disgusting that he
was compelled to separate himself from them.
But that is not all. The honorable gentle
man 'ays, “z7 requires neither experience,
, industry, talents, norfidcliti/ in. members.”
Therefore thehon. gentleman means to
' be understood as maintaining, for the first
time in this country, that inexperience, in
dolence, ignorance and dishonesty, are the
; qualifications best calculated to subserve
' the true interest of the people on all ques
’ tion connected with the least difficult and
, most pleasant dutyofthe representatives vo
ting’a’.vay the people’s money. Sir, a charge
' so palpably derogatory to the character ofthis
House, so insulting to the good sense of ev
ery member on this floor, cannot require a
more special notice from me. Let the hon
orable gentleman go home to Tennessee
and tell his constituents that it is the least
difficult and most pleasant part of his duty
to vote away their money, and my word for
it, they will give him the appropriate re
sponse.
Air. Chairman, the honorable gentleman,
in the range of his denunciation of men and
measure took occasion to bestow a passing
Vfl aLL KfiMirU Vi LL B’XMMk BA, 'O' IKSfiM V MOIftNING, JULY 12, 1836.
notice or. the Secretary of State, (Air. For
syth.) He was pleased to speak of him as a
“most” orthodox” Secretary of State;”
and, with a very confident expectation of
establishing a charge of fearful magnitude,
proceeded to the introduction of his proof.
W hether the Secretary of State will be able
to survive the wound, time alone will tell.
That be and all the administration must
have felt awfully alarmed, had they’ had
been so unfortunate as to have heard the
gentleman from Tennessee, will, perhaps,
admit of some question. But that the Sec
retary will likely live as long, walk as erect,
be as faithful to the public interest under the
merciless blows of the gentleman from Ten
nessee, as if t o such incident had ever oc
curred, I think quite certain. Sir, there is
such a thing as over-shooting, as well as
under-shooting.
The honorable gentleman from Tennes
see is entitled to all the credit due a brave,
but weak man, for the assault he has made,
or attempted to make, on Air. Forsyth ; for
really 1 am not entirely certain that an at
tack intended and attempted, but not dis
covered by the assailed, can properly be
considered an assault. The honorable gen
tleman came to the fit Id with the courage
of a true knight, guarded at every’ point,
but so encumbered With bis armour of steel
that his strong arm, powerful as it is, could
not send the arrow to its appointed victim ;
he could see the object of his hatred, far re
moved from danger ; every effort but in
creased his anxiety, every failure but chaf
ed the feverish spirit or revenge.
Sir, if the honorable member would al
low me to offer him a single suggestion, it
would be to look for another victim. The
Secretary ol State standing high, elevated,
and endeared to every man of any party
who can appreciate a fearless, inward, in
dependent discharge of public duty’; who
can appreciate the most refined sense of hon
or; who can do homage to that transcendent
genius that lifts the man to the highest
scale in moral grandeur. Occupying, as
does Mr. Forsy th, a position so far beyond
the reach of ordinary party weapons, I
would, if I dare do so, invoke the member
from Tennessee to couch his lance and
charge upon some victim whom, if he can
not kill, will, at least, be apprized ofthe at
tack. The gentleman from Tennessee says,
“ I well remember what a decided effect
was produced upon the minds of the people
in the State which I represent in part, and
what indignation was excited by the single
act of the Secretary of State under the late
administration, of taking the printing ofthe
laws from the Nashville Republican, a pa
per friendly to the election of General Jack
son, and giving it to the Whig, a paper
published at the same place and supposed
to be in the interest of the administration.
Well, sir, in the vicissitudes of human af
fairs so happened, that the party in whose
cause the Nashville Republican had suffer
ed came to be uppermost, and it was restored
to its former rights and benefits; but as ifit
w ere intended to manifest the utmost possible
contempt for the early principles of Jack
sonism, and give the most unequivocal
guarantees to new allies which, the nature of
the case admits, that all the principles avow
ed by the original Jackson party are hence
forth and forever to he repudiated and for
gotten. The orf/iort/oz Secretary of State
has recently ordered the printing of the
laws to be again taken from the Nashville
Republican, w hich is now supporting Judge
R bite for the Presidency, and given to the 1
Union, a paper printed in the same place; a
paper purely partisan in its character, new
ly established and of very limited circula
tion, but in the interest of the Vice Presi
dent.”
I have given at length the very words of
the honorable member from Tennessee; and
as a matter of curious inquiry, according
to the showing he lias himself made, it seems
that the National Republican was against
the late administration and in favor of the
election of General Jackson ; that during
part of the time ofthe canvass, that paper
had the printing of the laws; that the Sec
retary of State transferred the printing to
the Whig, a paper friendly to Mr. Adams’s
administration ; that this act was denounced;
but when General Jackson was elected
President, the printing was taken from the
1 H hig, which was opposed to him, and given
jto the Republican, vvhich was friendly.
' Well, sir, I apprehend this is the principle
of the original Jackson party. Here is an
j act among the first two of the administra
tion, w hich act settled the principle. Well,
w hat has Air. Forsyth ’done violativeof this
principle r
The National Republican has taken up
Judge White, and of course laid down the
administration, and the Union, has been sta
ted to lie in favor of the administration, and
advocates the claims of Mr. Van Buren,
j Air. Forsyth, as the member from Tennes
! see says, takes the printing ofthe laws from
the Republican, (that can only be'consider
jed as in opposition to the administration,)
■ and gives it to the Union that is supporting
it. And this is the great, the shameful,
and utter disregard of the original Jack
son principle 1 must confess, sir, 1 cannot
perceive the slightest departure from what
1 suppose the member himself has shown to
be the principle of the Jackson party. I
do not pretend to say it is proper or improp
| er, nor do I pretend to say it was proper or
improper in the former administration, or
in the honorable member from Massachu
setts, who is now before me, for the course
lie then pursued.
Air Adams then rose, and asked if the
gentleman from Georgia intended to be un
derstood as charging him with removing the
printer?
M r. Towns remarked, that he was usintr
the at gument, as he understood it, of the
member from Tennessee.
Mr. Adams then explained, in sub
stance; that lie had never transferred the
printing ol the laws from a printer favorable
to another person, to one favorable to him
self. On the contrary, he never trausfered
<):ir Const it hcc Our t osiutrti-.-tftiir
but one w hile he was Secretary of State
and that was at Gen. Jackson’s instance
and personal request. He believed it was
well known that he had never trausfered a
single individual from any office, from po
ilical considerations, and that very fact had
been represented as one < f the causes why
he had not been more successful in his poli
tical life.
Sir, 1 make no charge against the hon
orable gentleman from Massachusetts, (Air.
Adams,) but was only answering the argu
ment of the member from Tennessee, (Mr.
Bell.) lam admonished, sir,that the charge
as contained in that gentleman’s argument
is not directly against the honorable member
from Alassachusetts, but against the mem
ber of his political family, (Air. Clay,) then
Secretary of State ; and 1 will with great
pleasure formally transfer it from one to the
other, as it does not vary the principle.-
It cannot so far as my purpose is concerned
be metarial whether done by the honorable
gentleman from Alassachusetts in person, or
through his Secretary K>f State. Sir, having
shown, according to the statement of the
case made by the member from Tennessee
that there has been no departure from the
principle of the ealy Jatkson party by
the present Secretary of Sta.e, I w ill proceed
to ask the attention ofthe co.nmitte to anoth
er of the specifications contained in the
member’s bill of impeachment. “It is well
known."’ says (the member from Tennes
see 1 “ that an unbounded respect for the
rights ofthe States, was professed by the
original Jackson party; and any maxim or
pratice ofthe Governmentw hich tended to
consolidation, was denounced as inexpedi
ent, and even dangerous. To prove how
little regard has been shown by those who
now’wear the garb of Jacksouism for the
due constitutional rights and independence
of the States, it would only be necessarv
to call to mind the interference ofthe Fed
eral Government with the election of Sena
tors by the Stale Legislatures. But, sir,
I may add that the legislative proceedings
of Slate assemblies have beenjintirfcie.l with;
and many of those bodies have already
been reduced to the condition of mere
dependent and co-ordinate portions of the
great machinery by which it is supposed
this country may hereafter be governed—
the supple luulconrienenl instruments ofthe
Federal Executive, and party interests.”
Abe first thing. Air. Chairman, tiiat de
serves notice in answering the member from
Tennessee on this point, is the regret he
must doubtless feel at the desertion ofthe
party from State right doctrines. 1 can
readily imange how deep his mortification
on this point must be, w hen 1 reflect that it
was the member from Tenessee himself'
who had the honor of introducing, as chair
man of a committee, ami urging through
this House, too, a measure about vvhich
great dissatisfaction prevailed in many
parts of the Union, and about which A ap
prehend some ofthe gentleman’s intimate
friends have uttered the most bitter denun
ciations. Can the honorable member call to
mind a bill that passed Congress when lie
was one of f/te party? Aye, sir a leading
man of that party, too, known by some as
the bill to enforce the collection ol revenue
by others as the “force bill,” and more
still, “the bloody bill.” Will the member
tell the nation that he had the honor of ad
vocating that measure as warmly as tiny
gentleman then on the floor ? that he vo
ted for it. Atid will he point out a single
act of Congress, from that day to this (hat
contains any principle so much endanger
ing the doctrines of State rights? Sir, Ido
not pretend to give any opinion of the prin
ciples contained in that bill; A only say that
if there has been any measure of this ad
ministration subversive of the rights of the
States—destructive of doctrines of State
rights—l believe that bill to be the one.—
I say no more ; that there are but two pos
sible apologies to those of that day whose
duty it was to provide for the crisis by the
enactment of that bill—first the precedent
set in the time of the republican adminis
tration of Mr. Jefferson, and secondly, the
unfortunate posture of affairs resulting from
any derangement in the collection of the
revenue. That the bill was intended to
meet a crisis, to be dreaded bv all, and a
voided if possible is to be gathered from
its limitation. A will for myself say, then I
shall have done w ith the principles of this
bill that if the force bill of Air. Jefferson
was constitutional, then was the force bill of
General Jackson. If Air. Jefferson’s was’
called for, then was Genral Jackson's de
manded. But I am free to admit at the same
time, that I have had doubts as to the pow
er in the Federal Government, vvhich this
measure claimed. But on one point I have
no difficulty ; that any gentleman who sup
ported that bill should not be very much a
lanned about any act of the administration,
since that time absorbing the powers ofthe
States.
The member from Tennessee after hav
ing fired for two days upon the party and
the President, as a sort of advanced guard
cries out in the bitterness of his heart against
the corruption ofthe Federal Government
for interfering with the elections of Senators
by the State Legislatures, and is pleased to
say that the “ legislative proceedings of
State assemblies have been interfered with
and that many of these bodies have been
already reduced to the condition of mere
dependent and co-ordinate portions of the
great machinery by vvhich it is supposed
this country may hereafter be governed.”
I I or one, sir, I should be pleased to know
the States to vvhich the honorable member
has reference. I presume if there has been
any such foul work as the member stippo
the State and give us the proof upon
vvhich he makes the charge. I should think
it was due to the character ofthe State
governmente, due to the character ofthe
State legislators, in arraying them before
the public, so to present the ques
tion that they could depend them
selves. And it is surely the duty of
the member to speak out, so that the admin-
istration could, in some shape or form, ad
mit, deny, or justify. lam quite satisfied it
never could be the object of the gentleman
to thrust in the dark. Then, sir, out with
it.
But Air. Chairman, the member from
Tennes.ee has of late all his fears and sym
pathies excited iu behalf of that intelligent
and venerable body, the Senator of the
United States, and his remarks on that sub
ject shall receive my immediate attention,
after vvhich, I shall not trouble the commit
tee with much more in reply to the honor
able member. But again, (says’the gentle
men,) is not the Senate, vvhich was intended
by the constitution to be in itself a standing
check and limitation upon the use and a
bttse ofthe Execulve patronage, to that ex
tent, and as regards the purposes of its in
stitutions, actually expunged, and that too
by Executive powers and influence ? I de
mand of gentlemen to answer me, and say
if there exists at this moment, practically,
any controlling power in the Senate ofthe
will of the Executive? Is not the consti
tution itself, for the time being, abrogated,
subserved, overthrown? Have w.■ not a
Senate ol the United States notoriously re
plen.s ed and o;ganized upon tiie princi
ple of non-residence and passive obedience,
to the Executive will and authority ? Anti
how, sir, has this state of things been brought
about. - ' Ahe Slate Legislatures, those an
cient towers, as they have heretofore been
supposed, upon the ramparts ofthe constitn
tion, and of the public liberty, have been
boldly entered, and by Executive influence,
seduced and. prostituted to purpose of federal
power and domination. Sir, if the /.'.ctcz.-
Zzre Cnilf Jdagis,rate has entered the Sen
ate chamber, sword in hand, and supported
by a band of chosen mercenaries, and driven
the obnoxious ‘Senators from their seats, and
filled all the vacancies by members of his
own appointment, he would have inflicted a
deep wound upon the constitution, and one,
which I know he never would have been less
dangerous, and more easily healed, than
the one which has actually been inflicted.”
This is the sentiment ofthe honorable mem
member. And, sir, A may well say, never
was my astonishment greater, than when I
heard him hold sued language of'the A’resi
dent and the party supporting the ANesident
administration.
Sir, of all the charges that have been macle
against the President and the party in support
of his administration, whether liom false fiieads
or from open enemies, it has been reserved for
the member from Tennessee, to go a full bar’s
length beyond the limit of the most daring and,
at one stroke of the pencil, to draw the tyrant,
the usurper, the crouching sycophant, and de
graded menial. Could that venerable old man,
under whose paternal wig the meraaer from
Tennessee has, no doubt, often felt hii greatest
security, utter one word of eomplaiit for the
injustice done him, might he not, inthe lan
guage of the poet, exclaim—
“ The arrow that, deepest in my bosom went,
“Flew from the bow pretended friehdsbp bent!’’
Sir, what degradation so great, what :rime so
black, as a President of the United Stites “at
the head of a band of chosen mercenaries,”
“with sword in Land,” entering the Senate ol
the United States and “driving from tltir seats
the Senators that are opposed to him,and fill
ing their places with members of his »wn ap
pointment.” True, sir, the member tills you
that the President would not do this, lut then
be tells you to have done so would have been a '
wound on the constitution “less dangenus and
more easily healed than the one which has ac
tually been inflicted.”
I ask, what has the President done totlic Se
nate? What member in that body has receiv
ed wrong or injury from him? What is there
that that body, as a body, has not dore to the
President? Have they not attempted to blast
his character? Have they not charged lim with
a violation of the constitution? Have hey not
charged him with usurping the powers of the
Senate? Have they not charged him vith vio
lation ol the laws and constitution? na,\ more,
condemned him unheard? and more stil—have
they not refused to let him enjoy the por pri
vilege of placing on the journals oftlat body
his reasons why a sentence, if not of <eath, of
reproach, should not be pronounced against
him? All this they have done, and thestory is ,
but half told. Have they not, in vidatiou of
all former practices, and in utter disregard of
that harmonious action contemplated by the
constitution between the power of nonination
by the President and confirmation of he Sen
ate, refused to approve the recomnienthtions of
the President to offices of pressing mcessitv?
Are not some of its members now to jc found
in that body disregarding the institutions of
their Legislatures, with the express view of
maintaining a majority against the vvil of the
people, against the instruction of the constitu
ent body? Let the honorable member answer
these questions, and 1 will undertake to tell
him why it is necessary that the Senate should
receive such compliments from a certan quar
ter at this time , why it is that the Senate is
discovered to be a check upon the use and a
bttse of Executive patronage? Why >t is, at
this time, so important that the discover,’ .should
be made, thai if the President retur.isthe se
cond time the same individual before tie Sen
ate for confirmation, that it is an abuse of the
noniiniting power, an attempt to sub ert the
confirming power. Really it Would sirai that
the member from Tennessee thrust fort) his as
sertions and his arguments, as if they .vere of
that sacred character that neither adnitted of
doubt or investigation. But, sir, the true se
cret is, that a certain Senator from Tennessee
has played a hand during the present session of
Congress that requires some propping u> under
the precise view that has been presenter by the
member from Tennessee (Mr. Bell.) Tiat Se
nator stands condemned and overwhelm'd, un
less he can effect a retreat under the pretence
that the President has no power, under tie con
stitution, to return upon lite Senate the second
time, the same individual for the same office,
after once being refused. Sir, I am sircerelv
sorry that the honorable member should have
felt himself constrained to have used laiguage
in relation to the administration party that
could not fail to wound the sensibility of each
member in his own personal character. For if
1 have misunderstood him, and it should be that
he intended nothing for the Chief Mag'stratc,
it only makes the proportion so much the great- |
er for the party.
The honorablegentleman was also understood
by me to insist, before this committee, that the j
present adininisttation party had assumed al
ground directly at variance with the principle
upon which Ccn. Jackson was brought, into of
fice, on the subject of caucuses and nominations
iby means of conventions, lie maintains that
: “die original supporters of Gen. Jackson ad
■ vocated his election against Mr. Clawford, the
I candidate nominated according to party usage,
I upon the ground that the practice of caucus no-
I minations of' a President ofthe United States,
; was a violation ofthe spiiit of tiie constitution.”
i Sir, as it has been my intention in. all 1 have
said, in answer to the member from Tennessee,
to deal with the utmost possible fairness with
his arguments and statements, so I shall contin
ue to do in the few remarks A design to make
on this question. A apprehend that the geu’lo
man is somewhat mistaken as to the ground on
which Mr. Crawford was opposed by some of
the original supporters of Gen. Jackson. It
I should be remembered that the most, if not all
i the candidates whose names were before the
people at the time of Air. Crawford, were un
derstood to be members ofthe republican party.
Air. Crawford, 1 well remember, was understood
to be the radical republican, for reason of real
i or imputed doctrines he entertained upon the
| subject of retrenchment and reform. Well,
I sir, as the member states, in pursuance of the
custom of that day, the members of Congress,
1 to the number of sixty-six or thereabouts, as-
I scmblcd in this city at the appointed time to no
minate a candidate for ti e office of Chief Ala
gistrate. This number constituted Air. Craw
ford’s strength ; the balance of tiie members
was divided between General Jackson, the
! gentleman from Massachusetts, (Air. Adams,)
j Messrs. Calhoun, Lowndes, anil Clay. The
i friends of these last gentlemen, as I Lave al
: ways understood, protested against the caucus,
on the ground that Air. Crawford received a mi
nority, instead of a majority, of the republican
party ; and that, therefore, although he receiv
ed every vote that met in caucus, it was evident
he was not the choice of a majority of his partv.
What motives induced the respective friends of
the other gentlemen not to meet in caucus A
cannot say, further than the facts speak for
themselves and my recollection of the familiar
story of the day. It was a conviction that the
friends of either of tjie gentlenieii would be in
a minority ; and lienee, that by the friends of
the other candidates not entering into caucus,
the nomination of' Mr. Crawford, as had been
j the custom, would be prevented. The fact ac
tually occurred, and as often as it was said in
behalf of Air. Crawford that lie was the regu
larly nominated candidate, as often was the as
sertion reiterated on the other La id, that he was
nominated by a minority of the members of
Congress-of his own party. I cannot undertake
to say that tliix was the ground urged in every
portion of the Union ; but from a recollection
not very distinct, I admit I am q ite satisfi d
that the minority nomination ofthe members of
Congress, so far from advancing the interests of
Air. Crawford in the south, or concentrating the
support of the republican party in lliat quarter,
was regarded by many of that party in no other
light than an attempt by a minority to force up
on them an individual who was not the choice
ofthe majority, as had been the case with all
preceding nominations by members of Con- |
gress.
It was this assumption of power on the part
of a minority ofthe members of' Congress that
aroused the indignant feelings of the people ;
and from that moment until of late, there has
been no attempt that I know of on the part of
any minority in Congress, to nominate a candi
date for President. Mir, 1 put it to the candor
ofthe member from Tennessee to say, if him
self and his honorable colleagues have not at
tempted to revive this old and condemned mode
of selecting a candidate for President? Did
not the delegation from Tennessee, or a major
ity of them, meet in tills city, mid determine to
support Judge White? Did not that meeting
constitute a caucus? Not only so, sir. but if 1
understand the explanation given by the gentle
man to my friend from A’irginia, (Mi. Garland)
he absolutely placed this meeting in the worst
possible point ot view. The gentleman, in ti a.
explanation, was understood to draw this dis
tinction between the meeting ofthe members ol
the Tennessee delegation and caucuses; first,
that it was not a caucus, because there was no
regular notice given ; because there was no
Chairman called to preside over the meeting •
because there was no appointment of Sberelary;
because there was no record or minutes kept ol
their resolves, or tiie conclusions to which that
meeting arrived. Now, sir, if it be true, which
1 will not be understood as questioning, that
there were nene of these usual, customai v, and
I maintain, indispensable forms observed, the
gentleman has established that which I presume
his explanation was intended to avoid—that this
meeting, by whatever name called, contains ev
ery objection that can be raised to the policv of
caucuses, without one of its advantages.
Secret, private, political meetings, without
record of their proceedings, is that particular
class of assemblies most to bo dreaded in this
country. And I am satisfied, with whatever
intentions the members from Tennessee met
and deliberated as to the course thev would
take in the approaching canvass, that that meet
ing is subject to all the objections taken to the
caucus of Congress that nominated Air. Craw
ford. The gentleman from Tennessee was fur
ther understood to maintain that the objections
taken by the original Jackson party applied
with equal force to the late Raltimoie conven
tion, which nominated Air. A r an Buren for the
Presidency. The right of the people to be |
heard in convention is sacred, and though as- j
saults upon that plan may serve some tempora
ry purpose, it will be impossible for the gentle
man to convince the people that they have no
right to be heard on every subject, or that it
would be dangerous to their liberties to trust
themselves. Sir, it is one of the fairest, safest, I
and most republican mode of settling any ques- i
tion. When the doctrine shall once obtain that I
tiie people are not to be permitted to speak, are j
notsufl'ered to be heard in conventions, on ques- i
lions affecting their tights, they may soon pre- I
pare for the worst. Liberty will not long sur
vive the period when the voice of the people i
cannot be sounded through their own tepresen- I
ta'ives, in pursuance of and in conformity to '
theirown will and pleasure. No, sir-, there is I
no analogy between the principle of Congres- j
sional caucuses and conventions. The one is
the will of the people, as expressed through j
their own organs ; the other is the expression
of gentlemen who can only speak for them
selves, and not fur the people. This is the dif
ference, and it is important.
Sir, 1 have now done with the argument of
the gentleman from Tennessee ; and I trust that
he will not have considered mo as departing
from the rule lie laid down for his own govern- j
ment.
Air. Chairman, I had intended to have
answered at length an honorable gentle- !
man from Virginia, for whom 1 may say 1 >
entertain the highest regard, and wlio 1 sec i
before me, (Mr. Robertson,) but having al- [
ready consumed more time than I had in- ;
a’J.SJLI'sSSEE) fcpy v. jl. JsOISEAMIN
'u A& .4 xl JFE ITO.
i tended, I am admonished that 1 should
bring my remarks to a close. Thalhono
: ruble gentleman, as has been the custom oi
ail those on the same side, had much to say
! against the administration ; took great pains
tosearrli out corrupt [>ra< tires; and really
felt qmte astonished, if'not indignant, that
not the first measure Lad yet been taken by
the adm'mi.-tration to reform the extrava
cant cxpei.diture of the people’s money.
Thy gejiih man, in support of' his position,
informed die committee that one project for
reform hqd been attempted, and that was a
res:,';;trt>vt tl.ai originated itr-t+4s-bwwM4i of
Congress, proposing a reduction of two
dollars per day for the pay of members,
which actually passed, and was carried to
the Senate, where it was killed: just what
every body, but the gentlewau himself,
would have readily supposed.
Sir, 1 was at a loss to understand the re
levancy of the case cited by the gentleman.
I could not see upon w hat principle (Vve l ad
rniiii.-tration was to be censurable for any
measure that had perished in the Senate for
several years past, w hen every body knows
the majority of that body have opposed al
most every prominent measure of this ad
ministration. Gentlemen who are oppo
sed to the administration, who arc, so far as
words are concerned, so much opposed to
i s abuses and extravagances, should not
forget that tiie virtuous, patriotic opposi
tion, have been, until the present session, in
the majority in that body. And I ask of
the honorable gentleman, with that fact
met ting him at every charge Ire makes a
gainst the administration, to tell this cotn-
I mittee and tire people, why that body has
, not done something ? Why is it that some
s measure has not originated in that quarter
that would have • saved this country from
the disgrace, corruption, and ruin, w hich
has beeneo confidently predicted ? Sir, die
gentleman liasreierred to no other measure,
except the one he mentioned, and that came
fotutlie popular branch of Congress, where
alone the administration has been in the
I majority, and that very measure was defeat
ed in the Senate, w here the opposition have
been in the majority ! A thank the mem
ber for tire proof Ire has furnished to three
points, as they are material in the vindica
tion of this administration ; Ist, that tire
administration lias attempted retrenchment;
2d, that it was defeated by tire opposition ;
3d, thatthe opposition, with a belief that
retrenchment and reform were necessary,
according to his own showing, have done
no hiiig. Bat. sir, with tire view that the
country may understand a little of the e
conomy of the Senate, ana their desire to
j make this a plain and clreap Government,
j I willpreseuta fact that will afford some prof
itable hint to ti e people, and give the gen
tleman, I trust, some reason to be niorc
qi'ie'. and contented w ith the expenditures of
t.;is administration.
The contingent expenses of tire Senate
in 1329 w;i< 56,513 04; in 1831, $15,-
000; in 1838. $39,752; and in the me
morible year of 1834, $78,794; making a
difference of upwards of $70,000 in thg
mere contingent expenses of the Senate bi
twem the year IS2G and 1834. I leave
| tins fact to establish the high claim the op
position have to retrenchment and re-
I'm n.
Air. Cliairman, it must have occurred to
allvho have given ti e slightest attention
to tlis protracted discussion, that ti e mode
es attack and weapons used against thead
i ministration were not only selected with
i 2'rcrt < are, but were, in many instances, on
j dire-tl.y cj positegrounds ; so that if one
laded, the other might happily succeed. In
illtts ration, I will adduce lire language of
the honorable gentleman from Virginia.
That honorable gentleman says, “ Since
the commencement es his (General Jack
son’;) administration, bis Cabinet lias dis
played all the colors of the rainbow’.” And
an lonorable gentleman from Jieutncky,
(Mr. C. Allan,) some time since, iu his as
saiil. upon lire President, labored through
j the greater part of bis speech to prove that
tire idniinistration had acted throughout in
direit violation of the Presidetit’s advice
to Air. Alotiroe, and that no instance could
be sliown where any individual had been
appointed to office, except he was of the
Presdenvs party. And yet both the gen
tleman from Virginia and Kentucky can u
nite in the most perfect harmony (doubtless
upon principle) in opposing this adminis
tratkn. Vv by, sir, against this sort of op
position there is no defence, security, or
safety ; and discretion suggests that the as
sailants be left to themselves, as, under such
a mole of warfare, one attack must neces
sarily destroy tie other, and thereby justice
I to tli:t extent will be done by the assailants
the me Ives.
Tic honorable member from Virginia, in
corchding hisable remarks,could not per
mit tie President to escape Ids special no
tice ; and for the purpose of showing what
he aserted to Ire his deliberate conviction
that tie President iiad attempted to inter
i sere h the approaching election for the
i Chie Magistracy, to give tire influence of
hismmetoa favorite candidate ; and for
the pirposc of establishing lids charge of
dictaing Ids ow n successor, so often and so
ttnjitsly made, ns I must be permitted to
mainnin, the gentlemen relied upon two
facts nainly ; one of tire circulating of sev
eral tumbers of a certain new spaper in the-
Stateof Tennessee ; the other, a letter
writtei by the President to tire Rev. James
Gwinaf Nashville, Tennessee. If, sir, the
knowt, the acknowledged andi established,
cliara ter of Gen. Jackson, was not sufiy-.
cient o silence these reports that have ihrei*
so witely circulated in the culumnsofparti
zan pipers, not so much with the view of
injuriig Gen. Jackson as to excite a preju
dice axainst Mr. V an Buren, a very brief
explaiation will satisfy any candid mind
that tie charge is without tire slightest foun
dation Nor would I pretend to notice,
whatould only be considered the current
seanddoi those whose office it is to impute
bad natives to virtuous acts, but for
