Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

feelingly described, liis known candor and purity ot character would forbid any one to doubt, that lie spoke the sentiments of his heart. But believing as he did, that those fearsand apprehensions were wholly with; out foundation, it could not be expected, that he w ould sutler them to govern his con duct. “ Permit me to ask, (said Mr. Van Buren) where are the wise men to be found, who it is Supposed would pass a censure so severe on our conduct I Did the honorable gentleman allude to the wise men of th east ! Throughout their dominions, not a constitution is to be found, con tuning, in form or substance, the provision con templated by the amendment. Did he allude t> their descendants in the west ! In Ohio, and partially in Illinois and in Indiana I Their constitutions were in this particular as ours would be, if this amendment was adopted.— i Did he allude to those ot the south ! In none, of their constitutions, nor in those of any state in the Union, (except North Carohmi,) was such a provision as that proposed by the amend ment to be found. In the constitution ot the Union, too, which has been in operation long e nituiili to test the correctness an 1 soundness ot its principles, livre was no excessive freehold representation. That constitution was now the boast and pride oftho American people, and the admiration of the world* H.: presumed there was not an individual in that committe, who would question the sufficiency of the Genera! Government, tor the protection of life, liberty and property. Under this government, and t ie seve.al. state c institutions, the states had ; been, mid continued to be, rapidly advancing in . public improvements, and the nation was in full fru'tion of the blessings of civil and religious li- j borty ; every on? was sitting quietly and safely I under his own vine and fig tree, and every one ! enjoying without molestation, the fruits of his own labor and industry. “ It could not, therefore, fail to strike the mind of every man, that the great alarm, which h id been attempted to be excited upon this sub ject, was entirely inianginary—certainly w ithout adequate foundation. Why, then, ho would ask, had this appeal been made to the fears and I apprehensions of the committee. “ In th? grave and portentious deductions, which the honorable gentleman who supported ' the amendment, bad drawn from the rejections ■ of die amendment under consideration, the ques tion raised by it, had been, in a great degree,' disregarded, if not entirely lost sight ot’. The committee hid been entertained with the most i fiightt'd conjectures, on subjects, if not w holly, i c :;::,ly in a great degree, unconnected with the ! object of the amendment. They had been told ot the present bad character and worse propen sities of a great portion of their present popu lation—the demoralizing effects of great mana- . 1 icturing establishments, which might not here- ; after grow up among us, had been portrayed in the d irkest colors—the dissolute and abandon el character of a large portion oftho inhabi t mts of the old cities of Europe, and the proba bility of a similar degeneracy in thisht.ppy land Ind been represented in liideous deformity ; and al! the powers of eloquence, and the inventions imagination, had been enlisted, to present to our view, a long train of evils which would follow, from extending the right of suffrage to such a , description of people. And all this has been done, t > procure the adoption of the amend ment under consideration. He would now put the question tothe sober sense of the committee, and to the highly respectable and venerable gentleman who had thought proper to press these tnatte/s upon them in this stage of the discussion with what propriety had this been done ? Di I the amendment raise the question whether any and what amount of property should be a re quisite qualification for a voter? Whether contributions to the public for the protection of property, in the shape of taxes shall be requir ed? or whether personal services, either in the public defence, or for public improvements, should bo deemed sufficient ? These, he said ’ were questions brought into view bv the report ; ot the select committee, and on which they would her jailer have to act, but .hev were not now under discussion. \V hen they would come i before them, then would the past, the present, an I probable future character of the population ot : iis state, bo proper subjects for considera tion. • • • “ 1 iere were two words, continued .Mr. Van Buren which hid come into common ti e with our revolution try struggle ; words which con tained an tibrid o.mi mt of oar political rights; wor Is which at that day, had a talismanic effect; which kd our lathers from the bosoms of their families to the tented field ; which for seven long years ot toil and suffering, had kept them to their arms ; and which finally conducted them t<> a glorious triumph. They were ‘tax ation and representation ;’ nor did they lose their inti lencc with the close of that struggle. Tiiey ware never heard in our halls of legtsla- ; tion, without bringing to our recollections the consecrated feelings of those who won our lib- I erties, or without reminding us of every thing | that war sacred in principle. “ Xpply, said h?, for a moment, the princi- I plus they inculcate to the question under consid eration, and let its merits be thereby tested. | Are those ot your citizens represented, whose ’ voices are never heard in your Senate? Are these citizens in any degree represented or heard,) in tiie formatioi of your courts of justice, from I the highest to the lowest? Was, then, represen- . tntion in one branch of the Legislature, which | by itself can do nothing—which, instead ofse-j curing to them the blessings of legislation, oidv i •nables them to prevent it as an evil, any thin’, m >re than a saadow? Was it not emphatically * keeping dm word of promise to the ear, anil bro ski tg it to the hope?’ Was it noteven less than the virtu il representation, with which our fathers were attempted to be appeased bv their oppressors? It was even so; and if so," could thev, as long as this distinction was retained, hold up their heads, and, without blushing, pre tend to bo the advocates for that special canon of political rights, that taxation and representa tion were, and ever sliotd 1 be, indissoluble? lie thought not. ( To be. Continued.) Stan lup to your Fodder ! The Mes senger goes in for ll kite Oats no longer ; lie says fie li is examined some samples of black oats, and found them to contain 248 (grains to the head—while th -best heads ot common oats (meaning /Fzz/c,) produced but 84 grains 1 He might have added, that a great many of the White heads on being < i'lmim-d closely, are filled with cheat! “ Anyone (lie says,) who will try the black oats, v ill r< addy decide on the difference of profit between them and the common (White) kind.” So we said long’ ago : Az/c oats won’t do in Georgia—they nei ther suit our climate nor soil ; and the peo ple won’t “ stand up” to w./i fodder. Tin Messenger should have found it out be fore. Give its the grain with full heads and sound kernel—the Van Buren oats for ever. — Macon Telegraph. AN ENVIABLE REPUTATION. We copy the following from the National Intelligencer : In the first rank of respect; bility, wheth er ofcharacter or ability in tb< pre enllousi ofßepresentatives, stands Samui l Hoar, of Massachusetts. Some idea of iis carac ter at home as well as here, miy In I gathered from the following anecdote, which we find in the Boston Galaxy : , “ A case of a criminal character was late- ly tried in Middlesex, in which the jury could not agree. I’liey were, as usual, to re turn into court, 8c state the reasons w by they could not come to a decission. The judge asked if the ditiiculty was in the law or the evidence. One of the jurors made answer that it was uieiher in the law nor in the evi dence, but in the plea ; for said lie, the law ami the ex idence make the man guilty e nmigli but Squire Hoar said in liis plea, that he believed upon fiis coneience that the man w as inmu etit, and as Squire Hoar al ways speaks the truth, the jury don't seem to know haw gel ovc r it." POST OFFICES IN GEORGIA. I Drayton, Dooly county. Post Offices Discontinued. Butler’s, Putnam county. Motugoini ry, Greene county. Postmasters Appointed. Thomas 11. Key, Dray ton, D/>oly county. W . U. Parlamore, Sterling, Gleen county. W. S. Heronton, Pleasant Grove, Henry comity. Vr m. Mcßride, Fayetteville, Fay ette coun ty. i Jeremiah Lumpkin, Berrien, Dooly < oun . ‘- v - From the Richmond Enquirer. BANKS! The author of the follow ing Communi cation, is among ike most powerful writers in Virginia. Thanks to his industry ! our 1 columns have been fretpieujtly graced with I his productions. On the subject which he ! now touches, we are happy give him the opportunity of a full and, lair hearing.— ; The establishment of Banks, and the best I manner of their organization, tire now de ' manding the deepest attention of the Anie i riean Politician.—lf’ the maxim be true— \ and who w ill deny its truth to a large ex tent?—that “accumulated wealth is the Dy . nasty of modern States”— who can dispute the importance of the qnvstion, how far that wealth should be permitted to accumulate . by the authority of Government, and by I , what restrictions it is best to be regulated ? . | We differ with our Correspondent in one’ point. We think that the banking capital | should be increased to a certain extent, and ' a paper medium should be employed w ithin certain bounds. But we should cordia Iy agree w ith him in another, that those bounds ’ought to be rigidly established in ..11 the . States, of course by their own authority i that is to say, that the Banks ought to be ; restricted to the issue of the larger notes, in : order to insure a more general circulation of ' gold and silver in society, and a more solid me tallic basis for its paper. The use of notes ; ought t.i be confined to larger transactions than it is with us—Adam Smith earnestly recom mended licit no bank notes should be issued for less than sterling; and both England and France are now reaping the benefit of such a policy. Tne Stales of America ought to do the same—or, we shall be continually liable to be ’ flooded with paper money, in place of gold and stiver—and we shall have also ,our markets and ; our property constantly disturbed, from the too great iiilluence of the Banks and the fluctuations of the paper medium. [/•’or the Enquirer.’) “Benton fyCo. in the wane"—The Gold Cur rency a humbug.— Tallmadge, Walker and Rives against Benton and I I'right. Some of the tribe of “Washington Correspond ents” nave represented Jlessrs. I'allmadge, Wal ker & Rives, as bitterly arrayed against Messrs. Benton and Wrieht, in the late debate on the Deposit© Bill, mi l the W liigs throughout the country are rejoicing at the prospect of a split in the democratic ranks. It is asserted that I’allmadgc an t W alker ridiculed in the sever est manner, Benton’s anti-Bank principles, and h:s schemes tor increasing the Gold currency.— These rumors are discouraging to the democra cy of the country; for ridicule as the Bank ar istocracy may, Mr. Benton’s opposition to paper system and his exertions to carry’ out the princi ples of the Administration in relation to the cur rency, there can be no doubt that the great body of tlie people are with Jackson and Benton. It will require stronger arguments than the cry of “humbug,” to satisfy the people, that the pres ent paper system ought to be continued and in creased, instead of being reformed, and placed upon a more honest, safe, and solid foundation, than naked credit. It must be plain to any intelligent man who has watched with any attention, the action of our Legislatures, both State and National, upon the subject ot Banks, the currency, and our fis cal concerns in general, that the Banks do, to a most fearful extent, control our interests. In many instances, they seem to have absolute do minion over our Legislatures. They’ may vio late their charters, swindle the people, play into the hands of stock-jobbers, curtail and expand their issues for sinister purposes, increase or di minish the price ot labor and property, —in short, do almost any thing they please ; and, the more they sin, the more tamely we must submit. Just in proportion to their excesses, is the danger of calling them to account. If they cry for more favors at the hands of Go vernment, they must have them, or a “pres sure upon the money market,” and ruin to the trading interests are the consequences. If a: measure is proposed, no matter how obvious j the expediency ot it, or the necessity for it, if 1 die Banks are to he effected by it, hands off! touch not! or you will ruin the country while the Banks and other Corp orations are gaining the mastery over us and our Representatives—And die politician who has examined into the extent of tueir influence and power, without swearing m his heart, that he will never waver or falter m st. iv mg to secure the rights of the people a gamstihem, is at heart, a rank Aristocrat, or a verypzzny Republican, no matter what he may pro less. J “This “gold humbug” will be the jest and scorn of all future time,” exclaims a Federal paper; and Talmadge, Walker and Rives are quoted as authority for il, bv the Whigs thiomdi uut the country. Can it be so? Have these republican Senators taken a position suited to the views of these Federalists? It is bad enough that they should have been constrained to sup port such a measure as the Deposit© Bill. What constrained them? The. fear of the Hanks !—yes, the fear of the Banks!' And yet, they are represented as warring against Benton, for his heroic exertions to reform the currency, and to secure the pcop’ against the power and dominion of Banks!—For one I do not believe it. Talmadge and Walker, may lie in favour of what they call “our credit sys tem." But Ido not believe, that either of them can have ridiculed the efforts of Jackson, Ben ton, an I their republican friends, to restrain die banks within due hounds, and to improve the currency, by suppressing the circulation of small notes, and increasing the circulation of gold and silver. They have mH de nounce this reform as a “ humbug,BM&Jest and scorn of all “future time.” "MW)., I have read the speech of Mr. Talmailge with much anxiety. He is lavish enough, tru ly, ill praising “our credit system"— lie makes it work wonders ; and, methinks it uoidd not require a Benton, to prove out of his own speech, that, in some of his notions, his imainnatiou has taken as wild a flight, as any that lie has as ci ibed to the hard-money Senator. But, does' Mr. Talmadge ridicule this reform in the cur rency, by cuttii g oft .small bank notes and in creasing the metallic currency ? No. lie does no such thing. The following is an extract from his speech. “In all such measures of reform, I will go as far as he who goes farthest ; preserve and re gulate, but not destroy, is my motto. Enlarge vorit si’ecii: hasis ; introduce as far as prac ticable, a gold currency, by the prohibition of small notes ; provide means for coining at the mint ; take ail proper measures to prevent ex cessive issues oj bank paper, and the unneces sary increase oj ban!; incorporations; repeal you.- restraining laws, so as to permit the free employment and investment of foreign capital. Whatever danger there may be, is to be found I ia the abuse ot the system, and not in its e.xis ! tence. Guard against these abuses, and cor- I rcct them when discovered. An entire aban ! donment ot the credit system, and a return to a sols and exclusive metallic currency, if it were practicable, would produce desolation and de struction throughout the Union. Such notions ought not, cannot, must not prevail.” i lies© are the words of Senator Talmadge. Let him act up to them in good faith without flinching or faltering, and he will rebuke those who ridicule tfie idea of cutting off small notes and increasing the gold currency, as a “hum bug.” Perhaps it would be impracticable, to get rid. entirely, qf the banking system in any short time. \\ hether it be best to do so or not, is a matter, about which honest Democrats inav honestly differ. But it cannot be disguised, that there is a powerful p.ariy in this country, who are seeking to engraft the most odious Aris tocracy upon our institutions, and that the crea tion of Banks, mid other privileged corporations, are means by which they work. The schem ing, speculating, incorporated feto, are already feasting and fattening upon the toiling many.— Let every honest republican, who lives by his own industry, whether be be farmer, mechanic, or what not, be upon the watch. Let us avoid extremes ; but let us not falter at trifles, be de i ceiveffby empty professions, misled by visiona ry schemes, trigliutned by panics, disconcerted by ridicule, or p ualvsed by the cry of “hum | bug,” or pretended impossibilities. Our pre i sent paper system, is anti-Republican, unsafe, I unsound, ami tending to mischief. It is practi- I cable to reform it. Let us pause in this wild , career, of building up corporations. We have too much paper—too little money. Vi e have Banks enough. Most of those wiio are crying out tor more, have told us over and over again, that local banks would ruin the country. They are even now, ready to exclaim with demoniac exultation: “i told you so!” The moment that a Bank breaks, and its notes become but waste paper in our pockets, they go for a great i central national Bank, to wield and control the I whole mouied concerns of the country. They J have seen Nicholas Biddle and his dozen Direc i tors, attempt to control our elections, spending our money in hiring the public press into their I service for that purpose, claiming the right to j perpetual existence, up,on the ground of our de pendence upon them ; warring against the Ex ecutive ; lecturing Congress, and striving to awe us no submission.— bailing in all tins, they . fasten upon Republican Pennsylvania, buy up i her Legislature, and scoff at the will of her peo ; pie, confidently rely ing upon their money, to give them the mastery. They are seeking to extend their dominion throughout the Union.— And we see a tearfully large (.Toper.ion of the community, looking upon these high and daring strides, with joy and exultation ! First denying, then palliating, and at last openly applauding the efforts of this corrupt corporation to get the mastery over tLe whole training and commer cial business of the country, in spile of the go vernment and the people ! Republicans, awake 1 V> hilst you are at home ' toiling to support yourselves, your wives, your children and your government, the scheming and stock jobbing Aristocracy, have the ear of your Representatives. Speak out 1 And when ever you see or hear of petitions for more banks, let your voices be heard against them. Be not misled by appeals to your local interests. Your best, most permanent, your dearest rights are assailed by the Aristocracy, by and through these pampered corporations. Our Republican President and his Republican friends, are on the right track. No new Banks! Down with all small Bank notes ! Let merchants, traders and capitalists be contented with the Banks we have, and with large notes for their convenience. But let us have hard money enough for com mon home use, and to secure us against entire dependence upon paper money corporalions. Above all, let us never, by omission or com mission, countenance the deeds of the Bank of the United States, no matter what name it may assume, or in what shape it may come. A DEMOCRAT IN EARNEST. From the Macon Georgia Telegraph. Mr. Bartlett— l have been looking on, not an unconcerned spectator, to some movements made by the Editor of the Federal Union and two writers, one. signing himself “ Oconee” the other “Baldwin.” The first came out June 2d, and had something like this appertaining to it, that it should be published until Dr. Fort should be forced to answer. The Doctor is too well known in this State, particularly to bis Un ion friends, to make it necessary for him to an swer such a piece. lie has administered the af fairs of the Bank so far as the public are ac quainted, with satisfaction to all parties in the State. That Bank belongs to the State and not to a party. When any gentleman, in ]>ro pria persona, comes forward and makes a charge against the Doctor for official misconduct, then will he time enough for him to come out with his vindication. The Union men, as far as 1 know or believe, with flic exception of a few about that focus of envy (Milledgeville) are per fectly satisfied that this attack is not made parti cularly on account of Porter’s appointment, for he is said to be a gentleman and would have made a first rate Cashier if permitted to remain, but that that appointment is made use of to vent spleen which had been accumulating long be fore. Ido not know who Oconee or Baldwin are, but I know who Mr. Cuthbert is. J was friendly to him, (and still wish him well,) long before he went to Milledgeville, and had some opportunity to know how and on what terms he went to iliat place ; and when 1 first saw the piece of 2d June, which has been in the paper from thattimc for a whole month, 1 thought my friend John A. would run the risk of being thought ungrateful ; or at least that people might think he overrated his own and his im mediate associates’ strength ; for they might not be able to put Dr. Fort down ; for from some editorial remarks, (which 1 cannot quote as I have mislaid the paper,) he ushers forth this piece Oconee as if there was something dreadful behind. 1 thought then Col. you were like the cow, who gives a good pail of milk and then kicks it over. I thought how you had struggled and given all the assistance in your |>ower to help your party until they have got I the ascendency. Now will you sport with that | ascendency, as you were greatly instrumental in THE ST A ND AH I) OF UN UIN. gaining it, and break down Dr. Fort because you think him somehow or other iu your way ! Be ware bow you attempt this, you may meet with | Haman’s fate—instead of breaking the Doctor , down you may break down John A., which 1, for ! one, would be as sorry for as perhaps any one, | and would not speak thus plain, but 1 want you Ito look at home, and consider if you do not want as much of your Union friends in a public uay, as dues Dr. Fort; and whether they would 86e willing to further t our views when you would be willing to break d’own as true and faithful a j man as Dr. Fort, If he has received largely ■ from the public crib, I guess he has earned it. It the moneys paid out to any one man for ex tra services, and et ceteras, for the four years of Governor Lumpkin's admiiii .tration, were look ed into, Dr. Fort would not be found to have re ceived mote than another geiitteimin 1 could i mime. But j would not insinuate that he had not earned it all honestly, and I believe the Go ; t en.or would not have paid it without. “People ; who live in glass houses should not throw stones.” (lan Sir. Cuthbeil say where the authors of ! Oconee and Baldwin were, and what they were ■ doing for the good of die State or United States I in 1812, and from that time to 1836, which ■ would overbalance Dr. Fort’s merits. Sir, the i first named year the Dr. with a small but brave I band, went, without the pomp and splendor of a I baggage wagon ami a long train of munitions of I war, into the country under the command of a j brave, but (at, that time) an unassuming soldier, I to fight the Seminoles, and saw some hard ser | vic?, and he anti many others of that little band receive i injuries of which they have never re covered cn.irdy, and may meet with untimely graves. Butfeihaps neither of those gentle men were old enough then to see service, or perhaps if old enough were not serving under the same banter—although they or either of them may hav« seen service equally as hard since, i woull advise them if they have not been as serviciable to their cci’.ntry as the ob ject of their sileen, to let him alone, for per haps they niiglt rise as easily some other way as by trying o break him down. Now you could not do any other act that would be as pleasing to the Nullifiers, who you appear to abhor so very much, as by abusing one anoth er; and if veu are truly and bona fide U nion men, as you appear to wish to be thought, 1 hope vou will ake wit in your anger and pur sue a different course. 1 know the Nullifiers are in the halit of trying to divide the Union (rartv, and world do any act which they thought I would effect tieir object. \\ hen they find a U nion man wmk enough to listen to their sug gestions they will be sure to engender distrust I in liis mind.—\\ hen 1 want advice and counsel Ilgo to my’ friends, not my enemies. Vi lien my i friends, or any members of the party I act with, i whether persiiially friendly to me or not, do I any act, 1 doa’t |>ut the worst, but the best con -1 strucrionsoni. 1 can, for 1 believe in my Union friends, and distrust all the movements of the ! Nullies. Nc man nor set of men should draw too largely upon their political friends. I i would say to ths Union party when any of > your men get too smart, do as you had to do by Newnan, just let them go over to the enemy. I have thrown together these few hasty re . marks hoping that they may make Mr. Cuthbert i and the two other writers mentioned before, think ; better of this business and give to Dr. Fort the quiet he deserves, for 1 assure them they are on die w rong track. Dr Fort is advantageously known tothe Union party for the last 24years & more, and a good name established after such an apprenticesliiji is not to be easily blasted by anonymous writers. The Union men are made of more durable materials than to be affected ' by such squibs as those of Oconee and Baldwin, j although cudoi ed for by Joint A. Cuthbert who i stands high with the Union parly, as he has en i dorsed sentiments made under fictitious names, I they are all considered as not entitled to any : confidence. 1 would have supposed that when a real Union and an old Clark man was made Cash ier of the Central Bank, that those discontent- ■ ed men at the seat of Government would have been satisfied. But 1 hear, that although they made a great fuss about Porter’s appointment yet since Green has been put into his (dace they are not satisfied. I fear they would not be satisfied with any thing that could be done if they did notdo it themselves. I, with reluctance come forward, but a hope to stop this war among brethren, is my reason being a devoted. UNION MAN. of ..v-AV-,? Tiie friends of the Univnare our friends,and its enemies, our enemies." S/ljit, GjA.ij _TITS»A¥JIORMS«, 2. liniost, JSemocrtitic JAeimblicass, Ticket. FOR PRESIDENT, MARTIN VAN BCREN. FOR VICE-PRESIDENT, RICHARD M. JOHNSON. EXTRACT FROM MARTIN VAN BUREN’S LETTER Accepting the nomination of the Conven tion, and to the N. Carolina Commit tee. “ I content myself on this occasion with saying, thatl consider myself the honored instrument selected by the friendsof his Ad ministration to carry out its principles and policy, anti as well from inclination as from duty, 1 hall, if honored with the choice oj the American People, endeavour to tread generally in the footsteps oj President .lack son, —happy if 1 shall be able to per fect the work which he has so gloriously be gun." (Ur’Jackson men in these days of mis representation, look well to the above ex tract, and then to the following from his leitcr to the North Carolina Committee, on he subject of Abolition. “ J prefer that not only you, but all the people of lhe United Slates, shall now un derstand, that f the desire <j that portion of them which is favorable to my elevation to the Chief Magistracy be gratified, / must go into the Presidential Chair the inflexible and- uncompromising opponent of any al h n.pl to AJiOLISJI SEA I 'Eli Y in. the District of Columbia against the wishes oj the slave-holding Slates. “Foi’thc Engrossment of tlie Bill, 18 votes—A gaiust it, 18. The ('hair voting in the AI'FJK AIATIVE, the Bill is onlered to be cngrossi d anil read a third time.” Martin Tan Buren, on the Bill Io prohibit the cir culation of incendiary publications through thcmails. jilccctohai. ’S'jcaiK’a'. I HOMAS I’. ANDERSON, of Franklin. \\ M. B. B ULLOCH, of Chatham. SAMI I.L GROVES, of Madison. I HOMAS HAYNES, of Baldwin. 1< E ( BEN JORDAN, of Jones. WILSON LUMPKIN, of Walton. WILLI \M PENTJCOST, of Jackson. THOM \S SPALDING, of Mclntosh. J AA.i.S C. W ATtSON, of Muscogee. WM. B. WOFFORD, of Habersham. r l HOMAS WOOTEN, of Wilkes. Union Tick 1 '!, JOHN COFFEE, of Telfair. | JESSE F. CLEVELAND, of De Kalb, i 1 HOMAS GLASCOCK, of Richmond, j SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin. , Cl! \RLES E. HAYNES, of Hancock. HOPKINS 11. HOLSEY, of Harris. ’ JABEZ JACKSON, of Clark. GEORGE \\ . OWENS, of Habersham. GEORGE W. B. TOWNS, of Talbot. HIE W HIG TRIO? ' Three Candidates for the Presidency Web- ster, Harrison and White! W as there ever such a party ? Consolidating every interest opposed to the Administration of General Jackson, heteroge nious as they arc, the whole are now combined under one general party designation, and arc moving forward in sujiport of a common cause, and a common end. Federalists, Nullifiers, Bank men, tariff men and abolitionists are united to defeat the elec tion of a chief magistrate by the people —to car ry the ultimate decision of that momentous ques tion to the House of Representatives, in the hope of bartering away the public will, as it was heretofore done in the choice of John Quincy Adams. Can this be denied? If it is, we ap peal to the sentiments expressed in their public prints, and by some of their leading politicians. But it direct proof were wanting, the circum stances connected with the present contest are sufficient to convince every unprejudiced mind that so far from expecting to elect a president of their party by the p.puiar voice, they are not even making an effort to do so. Had they the slightest prospect of succeeding before the peo ple—could they for a moment believe that the ballot box could be relied on to sustain their principles and their measures, does any man in his sober senses, doubt the course they would take? None ! Instead of three candidates, they would concentrate upon a single one and make it a naked question before the people. But they know, before that great tribunal, they cannot stand—they know that no man of their party can obtain a majority of electoral votes, in a contest with the Democracy of the country, and hence it h that they shrink from it, and are seeking to obtain, by stratagem, what they cannot hope, in fair, single handed, manly canvass. Fearing to meet us in the open field, and to struggle man to man for the victory, they have divided into squads and scouting parties, in the hope of cutting us up in detail. But we shall march in solid column, with our front firm, and our rear uubroken. Webster, Harrison and White arc all candid ates, and the sectional feelings of the North, the West and the South, arc invoked, for the pur pose of drawing off’ a portion of the Democracy to the support of each, and so weakening the people’s candidate, as if possible, to pre vent his election by the Colleges, and thereby to throw it into the House, to be carried by all that intrigue and management can accomplish. In this view of the subject, a very solemn question arises for the consideration of every vo ter in the United States, and we put it direct to their good sense and patriotism—Will you lend your aid i.i virtually abrogating the most sacred right secured to you by your fathers? Will you make the ballot box the instrument of defeating the great end of its creation? Will you vote with factions and fragments of parties from per sonal or sectional considerations for the purpose of repudiating the fundamental principle of your Government ? If you do, the precedent may lead to tb.e most disastrous consequences; for if the people shall .give their sanction to the as sumption, that it is better for Congress to make a President than to do it themselves, they at once plantan aristocracy overtheir heads, which nothing short of a mighty convulsion can root up. It would be a virtual surrender of the high est privilege of a free citizen; at war with the soundest principle of republican government, and a palpable violation of his natural and con stitutional rights. And how can it be otherwise, if we consent to throw away our votes upon candidates who cannot, under any circumstaces, be elected by the popular suffrage. Os the three candidates now in nomination by the W higs, is there one among them who can succeed ? No. And in proof of this asser tion, we have only to look to the states in which they are supported, and the strength of the elec toral tickets which have been nominated in fa vor of each, from which it will be discovered, that if every’ one of the three, should receive the vote of every state which their friends claim for them, neither will be elected, and we challenge a denial of the fact. It follows then, that eve cry vote cast upon them is in derogation of the right of suffrage, and manifestly calculated to defeat the will of the constituent Tiody, and thereby to throw an election, which of all oth ers, should be decided by the public voice, into the hands of less than three hundred men. At some convenient time, we intend to clas sify the States in which each candidate is sup ported, to shew tb.at our position is well found ed, and that neither can be elected by the peo ple, and that the combination of all sorts of ma terials, “ring streaked speckled and spotted,” who arc so cozily united under the Whig ban ner, have started this trio of candidates with no other intention, than that of making the people, the very instruments of defeating themselves. What man who loves the institutions of his country, can willingly consent to submit the election of President to Congress? Who that remembers the scenes of 1801, when a factious party in that body, had well nigh defeated the election of Mr. Jefferson, and placed attliehead ol this Government, a traitor to his country ? Who that recollects the election of 182.5, and the means by’ which John Quincy Adams was elected against the will of the people, will be the instrument of leading his country to a simi lar hazard? These are considerations of the highest mo- ment, and should address themselves to the cool dispassionate judgment of every American citi zen. In the choice of a Chief Magistrate of this great confederacy, tlie passions of men should be subdued—their prejudices should be over come. Reason, and reason alone should be their guide, and no one should adopt a course in the slightest degree calculated to defeat the will of the people, or to weaken the power of the Ballot box. In such a spirit they will always be right, and under its iiilluence, the institutions of our country will be safe. But there is yet another view of this subject, which presents itself with peculiar force. Is any man worthy of the public confidence, who is s. eking to obtain tl.e liigl cst cff.ce in cur gift, agatnst the will of the people? Who with a knowledge that lie stands in a lean minority, is planning and contriving to obtain liis ends by trick and turn over, with the public disappro bation staring him in tlie face ? In fine, is any man worthy of being made President of the United States, who would ask it or receive it upon any other condition than the free suffrage of his fellow citizens? If there are such, it would be a mockery to call them republicans, tor they have abandoned the faith. If this po sition be true, and who will dispute it, bow stands the case with Messrs. Webster, Harri son and White, and where is the man, however enthusiastic, who believes that either of them is the choice of the people, or that there is the remotest prospect, that either can obtain a ma jority of votes at the coining election ? Does Air. Webster believe he will be elected by the people? No. Does General Harrison? No. Does Judge White? No; for even if he gets every electoral vote, in every State, where he has friends enough to run a ticket in his favor, he will fall far, far short of success, and so with Webster & Harrison, which conclusively proves, that they are not only willing, but madly bent I on their own promotion in defiance of public j opinion. Let those who regard the institutions of their country—who consider tiie right of suffrage as the foundation of liberty—those stern democrats who .hold it to be a fundamental and vital princi ple that the majority shall govern, and that no man shall rule against their will, consider these things, and when they have done so, to put this plain question to their hearts and their conscien ces—can Daniel Webster, William Henry Har rison, or Hugh L. White be elected to the Presidency by the popular vote of the Union? and if either should succeed, whether he will not owe liis elevation to the same sort of bar gain, intrigue and management, which elected ' John Quincy Adams? We have no idea of men’s worming them selves into office, by “nigh ways and by-wavs,” and we repeat, the man who would consent to obtain office against the will of the people, is unworthy of their confidence, and ought not to be trusted, Those persons who have not had an opportuni ty of Subscribing to the Diuuerto be given to the Baldwin Hussars, late from the service, are notifi ed that lists of subscription are in the hands ofDr. Paine, W. J. Davis and M. J. Kenan. Citizen* are invited to subscribe. Milledgeville, July 30, 1836. Pursuant to previous notice given in the IL ! nioii papers, the friends of the Union party ofl Baldwin county met at the Court House for j purpose of selecting candidates for the ap- j proaching election. On motion of John A. Cuthbert, Esq.— Capt. Wm. D. Jarratt was called to the , Chair, and Solomon D. Betton appointed Sec retary. After a few remarks from Col. Cuthbert, W. J. Davis proposed the following ticket, j which was unanimously adopted : Al. J. KENAN, Senator. C. D. HAMMOND, ) and > Representatives. BENJ. L. LESTER, ) Or. motion—Ordered that the proceedings be signed by the Chairman and Secretary. On motion, the meeting do adjourn. Wm. D. JARRATT, Chairman. Sol. D. Button, Secretary. BALDWIN HUSSARS. The Baldwin Hussars Commanded by Capt. Gaither in the late Campaign against the Creek Indians, returned to this place on Tuesday mor ning last, generally in very fine health. They were received with all the respect and cordiality due to good soldiers and good citizens. In the field, they have performed their duty with zeal and fidelity to their country, and have sought the enemy ir every quarter, where there was the slightest prospect of meeting him. Baldwin may well be proud of such a corps, for they will always be ready, “ in the day and hour of danger.” By the passengers in yesterday Stage from Columbus; we learn that on Alonday and Tues day Capt. Jernigan with a small force had been skirmishing with the enemy, and that having re ceived reinforcements, he attacked them on Wednesday, with about two hundred men, beat and routed them. The Indians left forty dead ; upon the field, and many more are supposed to be killed and wounded. Th© Indian force is estimated at from four to five hundred. It is also stated that Gen. Sanford had arri ved with five or six additional companys and was resolved to pursue them, until the last red skin should be exterminated. Well done Georgia—General Jessup closed I the war upon paper—but she will close it with ! gunpowder and lead. We regret to announce to our fellow-citizens,' that the Creek Indians have renewed th© war. On Sunday th© 24th ult. a party of th© hostiles j crossed the Chattahoochee and attacked our Troops at I ort McCrary, and repulsed them! with the loss of several killed and wounded. We arc without particulars, but rumor esti mates our loss in killed, from five to nine. The following extract ot a letter from a friend in Columbus, of th© 26th inst., leaves no doubt that there is yet much, and hard fighting to be done. “ News has just reached us, that a small par ty of Indians came over to the Georgia side, on yesterday, a few miles above Roanoke, and at tacked a small body of our men stationed there, and routed them. Five white men are said to i be killed, and several wounded. “ 1 have not had the particulars. I think you may rest assured, public opinion to the I contra y notwithstanding, that the war has not ’ yet closed.” We learn, that General Sanford has taken the I ) most vigorous means to reinforce our troops in . the neighbor hood of Roanoke and Fort AlcCra ry, and for acting efficiently against the Indians. He is going in person with all his disposable I force in pursuit of the enemy. Where is Gen. Jessup ? and how does it hap . pen that he has closed the war and disbanded ! the army, while the country is full of hostile I savages ? . CREEK WAR NOT OVER. . On Sunday morning last intelligence was receiv ed that signs'of Indians were seen in the nvighbor ' | hood below Fort AlcCrary. A detachment of 80 or 90 men composed of parts of the Troup, Dekalb, I Jasper and Burke companies under command of | Capt. Calhoun, went in immediately pursuit. Not i far from the river they discovered a fresh trail lead ing iu the direction of Lumpkin, and after follow ing it some ten or twelve miles the Indians were overtaken and fired on by the advanced The main body of the whites rushed to th« scene, when a battle ensued which lasted more than au hour. The fight during this long time was close &. bloody the whites having five killed and fifteen wounded, the Indians loosing some twenty or twen ty five - The names of the killed aud wounded we have not assertained.— Columbus Enquirer. FOR THE STANDARD OF UNION. Mr. Editor:— Your views in regard to th© disposition of the surplus revenue after it shall have been deposited in the Treasury of Geor gia, I believe to be better calculated to give general satisfaction to the people of the state, than any other disposition that can be made ofit. This money’ has come out of the pockets of the people, and if tlie General Government is not disposed to reduce the Tariff to the stand ard of its actual wants —let the surplus received, thus drained from the people, return to them a gain, until such regulations shall be made by Congress to curtail this dangerous increase of public money in the Treasury of the United States. It lias been suggested, that the portion of th© surplus revenue which shall accrue to the state of Georgia, be appropriated to the making of i Rail Roads; to this disposition I seriously ob ject, for several reasons. When I reflect on the vast amount of public money that has been squandered away on Internal Improvements in Georgia, without the least benefit to the state or the people, I am induced to believe, that the apathy, carelessness and corruption, which pub lic patronage in this respect has so fruitfully en gendered in Georgia, will be increased by the large amount of money which may be at the dis posal of the Government by directing the sur plus rex’enue in this channel. Individual enterprise, where capitalists have large amounts invested, is the surest guarantee to success in improvements of this kind ; when individual interest is at stake, it creates individ ual energy, and each stockholder exerts him self powerfully for the success of the work be gun. Thus backed with a united and general interest and zeal, the work goes bravely on to its completion, while on the other hand, we find Government agents 'and superintendents xvith their pockets stuffed with the peoples money, careless of the result or progress of the work over which they' arc engaged ; careless of the expenses, necessary or unnecessary, which they may create; and even engaged in their own speculations ofl’of the public funds, when they are not otherwise employed in laying schemes or plans to cheat the government out of as much money as they can. Finally the whole matter I terminates in a grand failure, as it has often j done ; the money is gone, and the state, instead i of being benefitted, feels the sad results of dis appointment and loss. I am highly in favor of Rail Roads, and should be pleased to see them flourish and increase; but if the surplus revenue which is to be appro priated to Georgia, be turned over for the buil ding of Rail Roads, those who may live to see ten years hence, will find this vast amount of money exhausted, and not one third of its val ue in improvements will be accomplished. lam opposed to internal improvement by the gener al government; it is unconstitutional and made so, because it was thought to be opposed to the best interest and policy of the United States. I am opposed to it in the states, from the same policy and interest, although in a smaller sphere. Individual enterprise united, will be found to be the surest basis for the most suc cessful operations in internal improvements. Then, instead of throwing the money, which has been drained from the pockets of the peo ple, into the hands of monopolizing capitalists and companies, from whence it, nor its value, will ever return, let it be distributed amongst those who created it, and justice will be done. TALBOT. P. S. We don’t fear the great corruptions talked of as existing in the Central Bank ; we must first hear what they are, and the proofs— and if it is found to be badly managed— why, let the Legislature place sufficient guards around it.—That’s all. TALBOT. FOR THE STANDARD OF UNION. Warrenton, July 18, 1836. At a meeting of the citizens of Warren Coun ty for the purpose of giving some evidence of gratitude to the late Volunteei Warren Rifle men, The Rev. Wm. L. Tucker was called to the Chair, and Thomas Gibson appointed Secre tary’. On motion of C. C. Lewis, a Committe of ten were appointed to report to the meeting the necessary’ action. The committee consisted of Messrs. C. C. Lewis, Thomas Neal, James; Al’Cason, Richard S. Lazenby, Ezra Al’Crary\ Peter Cody, Win. W. Anderson, B. AL Rob erts, Wm. IL Blount and Fielding Hill. On motion—A committee of five were ap pointed to wait on the Officers of the Warren Riflemen and know what day’ will suit them- tex receive a dinner, which committee consisted of Robert Fleming, Thomas P. F. Threewits, As- Alonk, Esau Brooks and E. Hale, who, after an interview with the Officers, report Thursday,, the fourth day of next month as a suitable day.. The committee of ten recommended talks meeting, a committee of arrangement oftweaty ty-three, to consist of Eliphalct Hale, Thomas P. F. Threewits, Thomas Maddux, Thomas. Neal, Moltnon Al. Butt, John Bloore, James A.. Chapman, C. C. Lewis Wm. W. Anderson, Wm. 11. Blount, Fielding Hill, Peter Cody, Burch Al. Roberts, Robert Fleming, Esau. Brooks, P. N. Aladdux, John 11. Roberts, Jo seph C. Harris, James M’Cason, Ezra APCra-- ry Richard S. Lazenby, Starling Jones and Ed mund Cody.