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the object effected by the present regula tion ? He thought not ; property was not now represented in the S. time to the ex-! tent it was erroneously supposed to be. To represent individual property, it would be 1 necessary that each indhidu.d should have a number ot votes in some degree nt least, in proportion to the amount of his proper-' ty ; this was the manner in which property was represented, in various corporations' and in monied institutions. Suppose in n ■ ny sucn institution one man had one Inin-; deed shares, another one share, could you gravely tell the man who held one hundred shares, that his property was represented in the direction, it their votes were equal. To say that because a man worth millions, ns is the case oi one in this committee, has one vote, an I another citizen worth only two hundred and fii'ev dollars in real estate, bnsone vote for Senators, that therefore their property is equally represented in the Sen-; is, to say the least, speaking very incur- ' r ctly 5 it is literally substituting a shadow ! for arealily ; and though the case he had stated byway ot illustration, would not be a common one, still tlu> disparity which p -rvaded the w hole community, was s.ifli ciently great to render Lis argument cor- j rect. “ If to this it was answered, ns it had 1 been by the gentleman from Albany, (Mr.; an V eehten,) that the amount was ;iot ma terial ; that the idea ol their representing freeholders would be stitucient ; Ids rrplx w .s, that this purpose was already effected by the ennstittuimi ;s it stands. It now p' wdes that the Senators shall be freeliol ders ; and that part of the constitution it was not proposed to alter. There was no ooi 'ction to living the amount of the free hold required in the elected, and to place it, on i respectable, but not extravagant foot ing. It, therefore, an ideal representation i oi property was of any value, that object was fully obtained without the amendment, irut t.:e preservation ol indivi Innl property, is not the great object oflmvitjg it represen ted in the Senate. “When the people of this State shall have so far degenerated ; when the princi ples of order or of good government which tm.v characterize onr people, a» | afford se curity tootir institutions, shall have so far given way to those of anarchy mid violence, as to lea-1 to an attack on private property, or an agrarian law ; tn which allusion Imd been made by the gentleman from Albany, t'dr. K nt.) or by an attempt to throw all : the public burthens on any particular class j ofm.cn; then all constitutional provisions! will be idle and unavailing, because they ”id h.av a lost all their force and influence. In answer to the apprehension so frequently expre ,j 1, that unless this amendment pre vails die re is nothing to prevent ail the taxes being I lid on the real estate, it is only necc>s »ry to state, t.jit there is no tn Dre in the consui.iion of the United States, than there will be in ours, if the amendment fails, i » prevent ad the 'revenues of the Union fr m being raised by direct taxation. And w s sa. h a f,.. ar ever entertained f r the G neral Government ? How is it possible for gentlemen to suppose, that in a consti tutional regulation, under which all the! Slates are enjoying the most ample securi ty for property, an individual State would) be exposed to danger. * * * “ The representation, then, of property in the Senate, under the existing constitu tion, war, he said, as it respected individual estates, wholly delusive, and as it respected the interest of property in the different sec tions ol the state so flagrantly unequal as to destroy practical advantage to properly I from a representation of it, ami not only so, but made it inlii'itely worse than if pro perty was not professed to be represented at all. ‘ ’ ♦ “ Am! w hat, he enquired, had been its ‘ practical ch ugs? had diey been such as tot aftord any ad iitional security to property ? ' had the members of the Senate, for year [rn.-l, been more respectable fr talent., or integrity . had they shewn a greater regard ■ lor property .’? had they been more vigilant , in -. rirdi.ig the public treasury than the as sembly. . ‘ I’he Senate, he sai l, was the only le gislative hotly in which lie had ever had the fit nor of a seat:; and he had been there from a very early a ;e—almost all his polit ical connexions bad been with that body his earliest political recollections were asso ciated with its proceedings, and he had had, * n 1,1 ‘ ts Proceeding, as much cause for individual gratification' as could well, under the same circumstances, fall to the lit of any mm; notwithstanding which, and also the str mg partiality he had always 1 felt lor that body, he could not sav, that in the many years he was there, the s. ntiment) occiiiTu | to him, that such was the I rase. G.i the contrary, a regard to truth ron trained him to say, that every tiling, wiii-h regarded the imposition of public burdens, and the disposition of public pro p rty, were more closely looked into, am! mor - severely scrutiuized by the Assembly t ian the Senate. The sense of immediate responsibility to tin- people, produced more effect on the Assembly, than the considera tion, tint th -y represented those, who were supposed principally to bear the burdens, did in the St nate ; and such, he conscien tiondy believed, would always be the case. He asked the members of the committee, whether tiny believed, that there had been a mom nt for the last forty years, when a proposition in die Assembly to make an tin,mt di aiiiclion between real and personal proper';.", in the imposition of public bur '■ei , would not have been hooted out of • mt body, it any one had been found mad >ug>i to have dared its introduction ? ny, then, he asked, alarm ourselves by f-.irs ;>r tin* future, which the experience of ... P a ,. 1 ‘ -'inmigrated to be erroneous? ' <IV < l‘' ir< ’~ard the admonitions of e.xperi ' ’ t > pur.ue the dubious path of speed- Jcttioij nihi theory ? , 111 I >■! übt. but the honorable gen- ’-f m i who had spoken in favor of th.- a m ndment, had su ff t;l -ed from the fearful fne.rmmgs which they had expressed. Th.n ever to be revered band of patriots who made our constitution, entertained j th m also, and therefore they engrafted in it th." c.ai'se which is now contended for But a full and perfect experience has pro- : ved the fallacy of their speculation, ami they were now called upon again to adopt the exploded notion ; andon that ground, to di,franchise, if not a majority, nearly -a i wioiety, of our citizens. lie gnidlie was an unbeliever in the speculations and mere the- ) ories on the sidi;e< t of government, of the I best and the wisest men, when unsupported d>y, and especially w hen opposed to, expe dience. Ile believed with a sensible, and elegant, and modern writer, ‘that constitu tions are the work of time, not the inven ' lion of ingenuity : and that to frame a com i plete system of government, depending on ' habitsof reverence and experience, was an : attempt as absurd as to build a tree, or man | uiacture tin opinion.’ “ A’.lou; observation, he said, united to Justify this assertion—when they looked at the proceedings ol the convention which a dopted tite constitution ofthe United States, they could not fail to be struck by the ex travagance, and, r.s experience had proved, i the futility oi the fetus and hopes that were entertained ami expressed, from the differ ent provisions of that constitution, bv the i members. The venerable and enlightened 1 Franklin, had no hope if the President had I the qualified negative, that it would be pos sible to keep him honest ; that the exten sive power o! objecting to laws, w ould inev itably lead to the bestowment of douceurs to nrevent the exercise of the power ; and i many, very many of the members, believed : that the General Government, framed ..s it 1 was, would, in a few years, prostrate the 1 <tate governments. While, on the other I hand, the lamented Hamilton, Mr. Madison, i and others, distressed themselves with the ■ apprehension, that unless they could infuse ; more vigor into the constitution they were about to adopt, the work of their hands ! cotijd not be expected to survive its framers. I'.xperiijnce, the only unerring limchstone, had proved tite fallacy of all titose specuia i Oons, as it had also those of the framers of j our state constitution, in the particular now ; under consideration; and having I.er r<- j cords iiefore them, he was for being govern- ■ed bv them. * * * “If, then, it was true that the present j representation of property in the Senate | was ideal, and purely ideal, did not, con i tinned Jir. \ . l>. sound policy dictate an ! abandonment of it, by the possessors ofpro | perty ? He thought it did ; he tbonght so | because he held it to be at all times, and under ail circumstances, and for ail inter i e«ts, unwise to struggle against the wishes oi any portion of the people—to subject ■ yourselves to a wanton exposure to public prejudice, to struggle for -an object, which,! ■if attained, was of no avail. He thought ! so, because the retaining of this qualifica tion in tite present state oi public opinion, ! would have a tendency to excite jealousy in j the minds of those who had no freehold pro perty, and because, more mischief was to be apprehended from that source than any j other. !• was calculated to excite that pre ' jmiice because not requiring sufficient to ! e.hert the object in view, it, in the language i 1 of Dr. Franklin, ‘ exhibited liberty in dis- ' < grace, by bringing it in competition with! ( accident and insignificance.’ j “ But, said Mr. V . J 3. we have been :c-| ferred to the opinions of General Hamilton,' : ns expressed in bis Writings tn favor of the Constitution of the United States, as snp- I porting this amendment. He should not . detain the committee by adding any thing) ■ to what had been said of his great worth,: , and splendid talents. He would omit it, be ! cause be could not add to the encomiums which bad been delivered on tiiis floor, on : on h;s life and character. The tribute to departed worth has been justly paid by the iio.iorable gentlemen from Albany and Or ange, (Messrs. Spenc»r mid Duer.) But there was nothing in the Federalist to sup- j port the amendment. Without troubling: the committee by reading the number which had been refered to, it would l.e sufficient! for him to say, that it could not be supposed,! that the distinguished men who had done a lasting benefit to their country; and had earned for themselvs the highest honors by the work in question, could have urged the ) propriety, of a property representation, in ! one branch ofthe Legislature, in favor of ti constitution, wl.i h contained no such pro-; v ision. They had not done so. “We were, said Mr. V. B. next referred ■ by tiie honorable mover of the amendment, j to the opinion of ?.Ir. Jefferson, as expressed in his Notes on \ irgtuia. In making that reference, the honorable gentleman had done himself credit ; and had rendered bitt justice to the merits ofthe distinguished in dividual, whose opinion he had sought to enlist on his side. He had trulj said, that now, w hen the strong party feelings which attended the public measures in which Mr. Jefferson was an actor, had in some degree subsided, most men united in the acknowl edgement of his deserts. That sentiment, l however, it appeared, was not general, since i the gentleman from Columbia, (Mr. E. j Williams) distinctly avows, the retention of his old prejudice. Whilst that gentleman I was trumpet-tongued, in denouncing the impropriety of indulgence, in party feelings by others, be had given them the strongest! reasons to believe, that bis own were immor tal ; that they had not only sm vived the‘ era ol good feelings,’ through which we had I passed, but were likely to continue. But i that notwithstanding, he still thought of Mr. Jefferson, as he always h-.-d done, lie would i condescend to use him for the occasion, i Sir, said Mr. V. B. it is grating to one’s feelings, to hear a man, who had done Ins ( country the greatest service, and who at this j moment occupies more space in the public mind, than any other private citizens in the j world, thus spoken of. But no more ofl I this. j “Mr. Jefferson did complain, in 1781, ofl the constitution of Virginia, because the! two branches ol their L<-«i-dature w--re not sufficiently dissimilar, but he did not point j out ths mode in w hich he thought that ob ject could be best effected. I “In 1783, when, as he had before stated, a convention was expected in Virginia, he ! prepared a form of government to be sub i milted to the people, in which he provided the same qualification for both branches, ' and shewed clearly, either that bis opinion ' had undergone a change on the subject, ! or that he supposed the object would be ef | fecled by the difference of their term ofser vice, and the district they represented. “The next consideration which bad been pressed upon the committee by the Imnora ble mover of the amendment, w.-s, the ap ; prehension that the persons employed in the manufactories which now were, or which, : in the progress of lime, might be established ! amongst us, would be influenced by their j employers. So far as it respected the ques tion before the committee, said Mr. V. 15. it was a suliicient answer to the argument, that if they were so influenced, they would be enlisted on the same side, which it was the object of the amendment to promote, on the side of property. If not —if they wi re independent of the influence of their em ployers, they would be safe depositories of the right. For no man surely, would con tend that they should be deprived of the right of voting on account of their poverty, ex cept so far ns it might be supposed to im pair their indeperidenc, and the conseqmnt purity of the exercise of that invaluable right. “ The honorable gentleman from Albanv, (Mr. Specnetj had next directed theiratten li >n to the borough elections i:« England, as evidence of the consequences which might be expected from the non-adoption of his amendment. Mr. V. B. said he could not, in his view ofthe subject, on the must ma ture reflection, have selected an argument better calculated to prove the amendment to be unwise and improper, than this one, on whii h the gentleman mainly relied for its support. What, sir, said he, was the cause ofthe corruptions which confessedly prevail in that portion of the representation in the parliament of Great Br-tain ? Was it the lowness of the qualifications of the electors, in comparison with the residue of the country ? No. In many of the bo roughs a freehold qualification was requi red ; in most, that they should be burgage holders; and in all, that they should be free men, paying scot and lot. Compare, said Mr. V. B. these qualifications with those required in W estminster, and it will be found that the lowest ol the former are equal to the latter. It could not be necessary for him to say, that it (he will o( the people prevail ed in any election in England—if patriotism and public spirit was sure to find its appro priate reward any where in that country, it was at the Westminster elections. The qualifications of the electors, therefore, was not the cause, except it was in some instances where the election was confined to a very few, as for instance, to the .Mayor and com mon Council of a borough. But 1 will tell yoii, sir, said Mr. V. B. what is the cause —it is because the representation in ques tion, is a representation of tilings, and not oi men—it is because that it is attached to territory, to a village or town, without re gard to the population ; ns by the amend ment under consideration, it is attempted I'.e're to be attached to territory, and territo ry only. Suppose, for a moment, that the principles on which the report ofthe select committee is based, and which the amend ment opposes, should be applied to to r p resentation in the parliament of Great Brit ain—that instead of her present represen tation, it should be apportioned among all their subjects who contribute to the public burthens? \\ ouldyou hearanvcomplaints in that county on the subject of their rotten boroughs. - ' No, sir; but untie contrarv, that reform in parliament would be at once ontained, for which the (riends of reform in tiiat devoted country have so long conten ded, and which they probably never will obtain, except, (to use the language of the gentleman from .Albany) at the point ofthe bayonet. He could not, therefore, but think that tite illustration resorted to, by the honorable mover of the amendment, was most unfortunate in his argument, nor ought he to withwld his thanks for the sug gestion. “ There were, continued ’dr. V. E. many, very many, considerations, besides those he had noticed, which could, with propriety and prefit, be urged on this occasion, to f.‘, icw i l,i P lu t n * e fy the amendment. There wcreseveral which it was his inten tion at first to urge. He had designed too, to notice some of the remarks which fell from the gentleman from Columbia, Mr. Williams,) but as he was not certain that what lie should say, would produce that state ol feeling necessary on so interesting a subject, he would omit it. Tiie time which be had already occupied—the very llatter’mg attention with which the com mute had listened to him, an attention de iniiiidingand receiving his utmost gratitude, induced him to forbear from trespassing fur mi their patience. Ihe great importance, theretore, cd having various interests, va i ions talents, and men oi various pursuits, in the Senate, to secure a due attention to, and perfect understanding of, the various concerns to which legislation might be ap plied in this state, the origin of the free!.old requisition in England and here, together with the reasons why that distinction, though proper at the lime of the adoption of our eoiistiuiliou, had almost entirely ceased to be wise or just: and also the cause which must inevitably l ender it in a short time, in our country at least, very unnecessary ;,tid ineffectual, together with topics like those, he would leaveto the very judicious remarks which had already been made, and to such as might hereafter be made by others. _ “ It be could possibly believe, added Mr. V. B. that any portion of the calamitous consequences could result from the rejection ofthe amendment, which has been so feel ingly portrayed by the honorable gentleman from Albany, (Mr. Kent,) and for whom be would repeat the acknowledgement of his respect and regard, lie would be the last ma tiu society who would vote for it. But, believeing, as he conscientiously did, that that those fears were altogether unfounded ; hoping and expecting that the happiest re sults would follow from the abolition of the freehold qualification, and hoping too, that caution and circumspection would preside ove the settlement of the general r’udits of suffrage, which was hereafter to be made, and knowing, besides, that this state, in abolishing the freehold qualifications, would but be uniting hersely in the march of prin ciple, which had already prevailed in every state olihe Union, except two or three in cluding the royal charter of Rhode-lslaud, he would cheerfully record his vole against the amendment.”* The restriction proposed by Judge Spen cer was rejected. 'Die qulifications requir ed in the report of the committee, besides temporary residence, were, as lias already been stated paying taxes or doing military duty, or Working on the highways. Mr. Van Buren was in favor of adding to the latter alternative, the further restrielion of being a kouse-holdtr. He expressed his fears that the extension contemplated by some of the amendments proposed, would not be sanctioned by the public approbation, * Debates iu the New York Convention. i pag. 465* THE STANDARD OF UNION. and would occasion the rejection of the whole by the people, hi this connection Mr. \ an Ixtren iciuarked, on another oc casion, “ that were the hare naked question of universal stiflrage put to the committee” i (of the whole) “ lie did not believe there were twenty members who would vote for it. He added ; “ One word on the main question before the committee. We had already r<“a< heil the verge of universal snf liage. Ilu re was but one step beyond. And are gentlemen prepare! to take step ? We were cheapening this invaluable right, lie was disposed to go as far as any man, in the extension of rational liberty ; but he could not consent to undervalue this pre cious privilege so tar as to confer it, with ■in indiscriminatitig hand, upon every one, black or white, who would be kind enough tocondece#d to accept it.”* At other times, lie expressed his fears that some of tne amendments were intemied to go “ so liras to have all the amendments ) rtjected by the people; thus they were) hazarding overy thing by going such lengths and that tlje people would never sanction i 11.”+ His views, however, are more fully ! and accurately expressed in the following) remarks, offered while the report was still i under consideration. “ Mr. \ m Buren said that as the vote I i he should now give on what was called the ; ! highway qr.alification, would be different . from vv hat it had been on a former occasion | lie fi'it it a duty to make a brief explanation 10l the motives which governed him. The qualifications reported ny the first com ! mittee were of three kinds, viz : the pay i ment of a money tux, the performance of i military duty, and working on the high way. The two former bad met with his decided approbation ; to the latter lie wish ed to add the additional qualification, that the elector should, ifhe paid no tax, per . formed no militia duty, but offered his vote on the sole ground that be had labored on j the highways, also be a house-holder ; and that was (he oijly point which he hail dis , seated, from the report ofthe committee.— , To effect this object, he supported a motion i made by a gentleman from Dutchess, to j strike out file highway qualification, w ith a view of adding ‘house-luddei That mo : (ion, alter full discussion, had prevailed by la majority of twenty. But what was the ! ; consequence ? The very next day, the 1 ) same gentleman who thought the highway ; ■ tax 100 liberal a quidlificaiion, voted that ■ ' every person of twenty-one years of age, ! : having a certain term of residence, and ex- j ) eluding actual paupers, should be permit-) ted to vote for any officer in the govern- I ment from the highest to the lowest—far ! i oiitvieing, in this particular, the other states I ( in the Union, and vergingfrom the extreme ) of restricted, to that of universal suffrage. ! ! The Convention, sensible of the very great) [ stride which had been taken by the last! ! vote, the next morning refered the whole ) , matter to a select committee, of thirteen . whose report was now under consideration. 'I hat committee, titongh composed of gen > tiemen, a large majority of whom had voted ■ for the proposition for universal suffrage j had now recommended a r iddle course, viz. ) the payment of a money tax, or labor on ! ! the highway, excluding militia service, I | which had however been very properly re- ! : instated. The question then recurred ; ! ’! shall an attempt be again made to add that j i ol house-hokler, to tiie highway qualification I and run the hazard of the re-introduction ofthe proposition of the gentleman from Washington, abandoning ail qirnliilicatious and throw ing open the ballot boxes to everv body—demolishing at one Mow, the dis tinctive character oljan elector, the proudest and most invaluable attribute of freeman r “Air. Van Buren said he had on the mo tion ofthe gentleman from Columbia, this day hinted at the numerous objt cliotis w hich he had, to the pr- position which the other day phssed the Convention, in regard to (lie right of suffrage : objections which he intended to make, bad the committee re- ! ported in favor of that vote. ; and by which j when fully urged, he knew that he would be I able to convince every membi rof this com-1 mittee ofthe dangerous and alaiming ten dency of tiiat precipitate and unexpected prostration of all qulifications. At this mo ment, he would only say that among the many evils which would flow from a whoilv unrestricted stiflrage, the follow ing would be (be most injurious, viz : “ First. It would give to the city of New York about twenty-five thousand votes; whilst under the liberal extension of the right on the choice of delegates of this Con vention, she had but about thirteen or four teen thousand. That the character ofthe increased number of votes would render I their elections rather a curse than a bles sing : which would drive from the polls all sober minded people ; and such, be was happy to find, was the united opinion, or nearly so, of the delegation from that city. “ Secondly, It would not only be injuri ous to them but that injury would work an equally great one to the western and north ern parts of the state. Il was the present consolation of our hardy sons ofthe west, that for their toils and their sufferings in reducing the wilderness to cultivation, they were cheerd by the conviction, not only that they would be secure in the enjoyment of tneir dear bought improvements, in conse quence of their representation in the Legis lature, but that any incre tse of that repre sentation gave them a still greater influence there. That as far as it respected this state their march and the mars h of empire kept peace. This arose from the circumstance ofthe representation in the state being foun ded on the number of electors : and be cause almost everv man in a new country I was an elector, under theexisting and con templated qualifications : whilst in the old) counties, and especially in cities, there were j great numbers who would not be embraced • by them. So great was this effect, that the j city ol New York alone would, under the j vole of the other day, have become entitled ! to additional voters, over those who Voted ! at tiie election of delegates, espial or nearly ) so, to the whole number of votes oi Ontario i or Gennesec. The direct consequence of) which wotdsJ he that, the additional repre sentation of fourteen member;., w hich sire next year to be distributed among the coun ties would, instead of going principally to the west, he surrendered to the worst popu lation ofthe old counties and cities. * Deleit.es in the New York Csmvcn ion, pag. 277. t lb. [>p. 275—281. “And thirdly. The door would have been entirely closed against retreat, what ever might be our alter cont iction, founded on exprience, as to the evil tendency of this extended suffrage. “ The just equilibrium between the rights of those who have, and those who have no inteie t in the government, could, when once thus surrendered, never be re gainesl, ex, ept by the sword. But, accor ding to the present report, if experience should point out dangers, from the very extensive qualification, we were to establish, the Legislature might relite against the evii by curtailing the objects of taxation.— By the establishment of turnpikes the ma king ol canals ,and the general improve ments ofthe country, the highway tax would naturally be lessened, and might, if the Legislature thought proper he hereafter confined to property, instead of imposing it as they now do, on adult male citizens.— ) For. one hundred years at least, this i would afford a sufficient protection a gainst the evils which were apprehended. ; He would therefore notw liistanding his desire . to have the qualification ofhouse-holler ad j ded to the electors of the third description remain unchanged accept the report ofthe ! committee as it was, w ith the addition of I the military qualification,w liieh be thought \ ought to be adopted, for the sake of princi ple, if for no other reason. “ He thought the committee, constituted as they were, had done themselves great credit by their concession to the opinion of those from whom they differed, and he, for one, returned them his sincere thanks’. ‘ Under all circumstances, he would be well satisfied with the right of suffrage, as it will ' now be established, and would give it. his zealous support, as cell in his capacity of delegate, ns that of citizen.’* i lie provision was finally adopted as originally reported by die committee, on this point. Mr Van Buren concurred in this course v, hich extend ed the privilege to all who paid any tax, or did limitary duty, or worked on the highways; thou'di as we have seen, he would have preferred an ad dition to the last qualification, requiring the c andi date in case he possessed neither oftheother qual -1 locations, to be a house-holder. lie expressed his ' strong wish to conform to what he believed to be tiie opinion ofthe people, ami his chief fears seem t> have been that the great departure from the lurmer freehold qualification, would hazard the i adoption of the w hole amendment. nis own sentiments, together with that of the people at largo, however, appear to have under- I gone some modification ala subsequent period, as ; will be seen by the following extracts from a let tei, written by him, in reply to certain Questions I i r posed by a committee of mechanics hi iihode I island. | “Dy the first constitution of New Yotk, the pos- I session of a freehold estate of the value of two inin | died and fifty dollars over ami above, all debts . charged thereon, w.is necessary - to entitle a person | to vote for Governor, Lieutemiiit Governor, and ) Senators. Members of Assembly were chosen by I persons paying taxes rmiZ possessing freeholds of i the clear value ol fifty dollars, or rentm 0 ’ tene | meats of the value of five dollars. i “ I lie obi ions itijUst ice, and ascei tain cd inutility I of this regulation, together with other causes, led in .1821, to the catl.oi a convention ihrtlie revision of our state constitution. Os that convention 1 had the honor to be a member; and in the dis charge ofthe duties impoed upon me by that situ ation, I labored, ami in conjunction with a imu ir ity ofthe convention, labored succcssfirfiv, to abol ish the fret hold qualification, fl'he principle which I then advocated, and which was estabiish- I ed by the amended constitution, extended the i i->ht I of voting for ad elective efijeers of the State Go : verimii nt to every citizen who should contribute | to the support of government, either by the pay- I ment of taxes in money, or by labor on the high- I ways, or by service, according, to law, in the miii itii. The results of experience and the progress of liberal opinions, soon led to a further extension ; ami by mi amendment U> the constitution fimillv adopted iu 1826, the right of sufii-age was given to every male citizen of full age, whoshail have been an inhabitant <>l the State for one year, and ofthe i comity for six months pieceding the election.— This provision, however, does not extend to per sons of color, who, by the constitution of 1821, are net allowed to vote, unless they have been, for three years, citizensof the state, ami for one year before the election, seized ami possessed of a tree hold of the clear value of two hundred and fifty dollars, and have been rated and paid a tax there on. “The government of New York has, for several ■ years, liecti administered under the liberal system ! : established by tl.e new constitution, and tin; still ! I more liberal ainetidnieut of 182 G, i;i a maimer ! which appears to have been .satisfactory to ihe ! j people, it is possible that there may be some who regret the extension of the right of suffrage, and who weald be gratified by the -evivnl of tiie o il qualifications; tint I do not believe that such a feciiug is entert ined by any considerable por tion oi our citizens. lam very sare that any at tempt to restrict the exercise of the right, and more especially to restore the freehold qualifica tion, would bo put dow n by an overwhelming ma jority.” By the old constitution of New York, no distinc tion w as made with regard to color iu the qualfica tions of electors. In tile Convention oi Amend ments, a ptoposition to restrict the right of voting to while citizens, was rejected by a vote of siiti/- tliree to Jifty-nine,. A long and eloquent debate preceded tins rejection; Mr. Van biireii did not participate in the debate, but voted w ith the majo rity. At a subsequent period iu the business of the Convention, w lien the qualifications ol electors were fixed, tiie blacks were excluded from the right of voting, unless possessed of a freehold es tate, of the value of two huudmd and fitly dollars, and w ere exempted from taxation tw a correspond ing extent. 'fins provision, winch continues tube a part of the con titution of Aew York, received his assent in the following remarks : “Mr. Van Buren said tie had voted against a total and unqualified exclusion, lor he would not draw a revenue from them, and yet deny Io them the right of stiflrage. But this proviso met his ap probation. Tiiey were exempted I’rem taxation until they had qualified themselves to vote. The right was not denied, to exclude any portion ol the community w ho w ill not exercise the right of suffrage in its puri.y. This held out inducements to industry, am! would receive his support.”* The state ol New York exhibits a iair example of the effects, ol the utmost latitude of suflrage.— With the largest city in the Union; with au in creasing tide of foreign emigrants ; with a strong infusion of party excitements, she has adopted a rule of qualification for the elective franchise, whit hrejects no man whohas resided one year in her lenilory, and si?, months in any of her coun ties. Her distinguished prosperity ; the nobleness of I her public works and institutions ; the excellence ! ot her laws and of her judicial tribnnals ; tile pre ! vailing morality and good order of her citizens ; I the security aliorded by her,laws.to all the lights ofthe citizen, and her great political influence iu j the t nion, conspire to demonstrate the utter falla jcy efthose fears w hich are entertained by many, ! of the evils of Universal titjjj'rtif'e, ami .form an tm- I answerable refutation of ail aiguments for restrict- I ing the political rights, or infringing tiie political equality of the jaop/c. Give man the privileges and rights w liicb belong to the species, and he I will prove himself worthy of them. Ho w ill rise to the dignity he may be left to sustain ; he will find scope and exercise for those tpialities of the head and heait. ivhicb belong, alike, to al! human ity. Degrade and oppress him, and he becomes a demon and a brute. Another matter of great importance, and w hich i occupied a large portion of the atlcn'mn of the i Convention and called forth some of the ablest ! speeches in that body, was the mode of elei ting I justices of tiie peace. The importaece of this ol- I ’Debates in the New York Convention. * Debates in New York Convention, p. 376. fice was strongly stated by Mr. Van Buren, on one occasion, in the foilowing words. Ho stud “the amount of business before the justices ot the peace, in this state, is five times as great as all the busi ness before the other courts. On this point, it ap peared to him, there was no room for diversity of opinion : the truth of this statement could be as ct rtaiiied by a reference to their proceedings. — They were equally important as it respected crim inal justice.” The committee on the appointing power had reported in favor of trie election of justices of the peace, in every town, by the people. Mr. Van Buren strenuously opposed this proposition, both in tiie select committee. of which ha was chair man, and in the Convention. His objection was that magistrates, thus elected, would he too much under the influence of local, party feelings. He proposed that the 1 oard ot supervisors, in each county, should nominate a suitable mnnlier of jus tices of the peace, ami also tho respective courts of commoe pleas ; mid that from these two lists ol nominations, the Governor should make the appointment. As the vieivsof Mr. Van Buren on this subject have been somewhat misrepresented, and as the matter, itself, is one of great import atice in every state, tho following explanations of his opinions are subjoined. Mr. Van Buren said : “It was not to be disguised, that that part of the report before the committee, relating to the ap pointment of justices ofthe peace, was by far the most important feature in the report—if that was settled, the remaining part of it would be got a long with very easily. Some had thought these magistrates ought to be elected ; but he had at all times been opposed to their election; ami ifhe did not deceive himself, the force of remarks of gentlemen in favor of their election, had excited doubts in the mind of every man, as to the propri ety ol such a measure. He concurred in the opin ion which had been expressed as to the impropri ety of electing the higherol’iecrs of state, because their duties were important; and it was to be feared that it would have -a tendency to render their judgment subservient to their desire for a ceniitiuance in office. This was the principal ar gument which had been used. If there were oth er reasons he did not know what tb -y were. “The amount of business before the Justices of the Peace in this state, was five times as great, as all the business before the other courts—on this point, it appeared to him there was no room for a diversity of opinion—the truth of this statement could be ascertained by a reference to their pro ceedings. They were equally important as it res pected criminal justice. “As to the probable effect upon their indepen dence, there is no room for a comparison. The Judges of the Supreme Court are elected for a long terpv of time ; should the people become di., ■ satisfied, even whole counties, these officers might I not feelthe effects of their displeasure till after a i long time had elapsed ; but apply tiiis to Justices (tithe Peace, who administer justice in the imme | diate presence of their constituents, and are expo i sed to the daily scru tiny of those upon whom they | are dependent ; who are cognizant of all they do': and have the power of passing jvdgmeiit on them. II they are not satisfied with them, they must for feit their offices. "V. bat could the single arm of a chief magis trate of the state do towards suppressing a rebel lion ! It must be cflectrd through the interposi- I tion of this inferior magistrate. He was willing to go as far as any man. in endeavoring to curtail dangerous patronage in distinct bodies of men ; but he would not go to far as to cut every cord that binds together the people and the govem : ment.”* On another occasion he pur ued the same sub ject in the following remarks : “Mr. Van Buren said he would briefly reply to ; some of the observations jvhich had faflen from the honorable gentleman from Columbia, (judge V ati Ness.) ami would also add a few w’Qrds in.'an swer to the, suggestion of his venerable friend from Queens, (Mr. King.) ‘■The honorable gentleman from Columbia had examined mid discussed the matter with a degree of zeal ami ability proportionate to the very deep interest lie naturally tookiu it: iu one respect, lie | said, he fully accorded with Lira—that iu the for ; ma'ion ol a constitution of government, they ought to divest themselves ofthe rnfluciice of party. All agree in deprecating party spirit, and many have admonished us. that we cannot be too scrupulous ly Cautious on this subject: he was well satisfied, that, it we all practised upon cur own precepts — il we did, in fact, smother all feelings of party, it could iiotb.e possible that we should have so much : difficulty*in providing for the ajipjinimcut of jus tices of the peace. “Me could not suppress his apprehension that the immediate effect on the political interests of the state, of which his amendment was supposed susceptible, had called forth much of the opposi tion it had to contend with. He did not pretend to be move exempt from the influence of party fee lings than others ; but be would not fail on a l oe | carious, to act openly ami above board, and at ; sign tiie true motives of his-vote and conduct. “The gentleman from Columbia had said, that . as yet, we had done nothing for the people—that | : c had not given them any greater share ofinflu i mice in the selection of their local officers, than ! they bad liefore enjoyed. That gentleman’s soli citude for the privileges of the people is commeml abie : but, said Mr. V. B. is the assertion true, sir ? If it was. it would be a matter worthy of serious consideration. But, he continued, it is not correct. In the first place, they had given to the people, the right of choosing more than eight thousand militia officers: Was this nothing? But we are told that the public care nt thing about this right 1 In this respect, too, the gentleman was greatly in error. '1 here was no subject on which men felt a mere lively interest. Let a militia officer be ini propeily suspended or su.,planted, am! they would find that it was a matter of no small interest or concern with the people. What has induced our respective chief magistrates to travel cut of the or dinary course, and indulge in the granting of bre vet commissions, if there was no solicitude in re gard to military appointments ? There was, lie said, great anxiety on this subject. “There ate, said Mr. Van Baren, about C6OO civil officers in this state. Os this number, by the report of the select committee, it was proposed to leave three thousand six hundred, for which, in consequence of their liability to frequent changes, n-> constitutional provision was made by the com mittee, to be appointed in such a manlier as the legislature shall designate. Was this uotiniig; If the people desire to have these officers elected, they will send to the legislature, such men as will obey their wishes in this respect; If they arc not made elective, it will be because the people do net wish it. and they can, in this way, bring home to themselves the choice of these three thousand six hundred officers. “With respect to the residue ofthe number, it was proposed to leave it with the supervisors of the counties, to nominate as many candidates for ealth town ss there were magistrates to be appointed in them respectively: And that the judges of the court-of common pletisshould inlike maimer nom inate for each town; if they agreed, the officers on whoni'they so agreed, should bo thus appointed, mid so far only as tiiey disagreed, tbe-lists should he sent to the Governor ; from lists It should | be left, to tile executive to select. The lists pre sented by the su|fervisorr, would very generally be in accordance w ith she ‘sentiments of the people, and it must be supposed that they would consult their wishes and views on tiie subject. Aiid is! this, asked Mr. Van Buren, giving chaff to the people ? Wo liave, sir, continued he, challenged gentle men to show, why it would nut lie its fit, and pro per to elect the higher judicial officers, as magis trates fur the towns ; no answer had been giv; n to this enquiry, because mine cor,ld be given. It must be perfectly ohviinis, that evety consider;! turn t hat wotdd be urged in favor of electing iusti ces ofthe pettec, would apply in favor of having tile judges of the higher tribunals also eleeti+e and that even fewer objections exist to having those courts selected iu this way; this had not been mentioned as a threat, that a proposition oi that nature would be made; but as an argunun to shew the impropriety of having any judicial ol ficcrs elected, in order to test die sincerity of som< gentlemen's solicitude for the people, in this wt are consistent throughout: the inconsistency wa; on the part of these w ho were for having the high er jttdieinl officers appointed, and the justices ci the peace elected. * Debates in the New York Convention, p. “21. -•; j- ;; ’ '■The friends of the Unionare our friends,and its enemies, ojir enemies.” &: f.'! I - .!! t> t MTi/e.LYi’l E2 2L e ss® ’-4 J 9 * tUftiosi, JPeiwo&ratic liepublican Ticket. FOR PRESIDENT, MARTIN VAN BUREN. FOR VICE-PRESIDENT, HOARD ML_ JOHNSON. EXTRACT FROM MARTIN VAN BUREN’S LETTER Accepting the nomination of the Conven tion, and to the, N. Carolina Commit tee. “ I content myself on this occasion with spying, that! consider myself the honored instrument selected by the friendsof his Ad ministration to carry out its principles and policy, and as well from inclination as from duty, 1 hall, if honored with the choice of the American People, ewleavour to tread generally in the footsteps of President Jack son, —happy if I shall be able to per fect the work which he has so gloriously be gun.''' Jackson men in these clays of mis representation, look well to the above ex tract, and then to the following from his letter to the North Carolina Committee, on he subject of Abolition. = _£]j “ I prefer that not only you, but all the people of the United States, shall now un dersland, that f Ute desire of that portion of them ihhich is favorable to my elevation to the Chief Magistracy be gratified, I must go into the Presidential Chair the inflexible ! and uncompromising opponent of any at \ ten pt to ABOLISH SLAVERY in the i District of Columbia against the wishes of t the slave-holding Stales. ! “ For the Engrossment of the Bill, iSvotes—A : gsinst. it, 18. The Chair voting in the AFFIR ■ MATIVE, the Bill is ordered to be engrossed and l ead a third time.” M irtin Cm Buren, on the Bill to prohibit the. cir culation ofincendianj publications through the mails. EIdECTOISAIL TICKET. THOMAS F. ANDERSON, of Franklin. WM. B. BULLOCH, of Chatham. SAMUEL GROVES, of Madison. THOMAS HAYNES, of Baldwin. REUBEN JORDAN, of Jones. WILSON LUMr’XIN, of Walton. WILLIAM PENTICOST, of Jackson. THOMAS SPALDING, of Mclntosh. JAMES C. WATSON, of Muscogee. WM B. WOFFORD, of II ibfirsham. THOMAS WOOTEN, of Wilkes. SJialosi ©anga’.essaanal Ticket. I JOHN COFFEE, of Telfair, j JESSE F. CLEVELAND, of De Kalb. THOMAS GLASCOCK, of Richmond. SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin. CHARLES E. HAYNES, of Hancock. HOPKINS 11. HOLSEY, of Harris. JABEZ JACKSON, of Clark. , GEORGE W. OWENS, of Habersham. GEORGE W. B. TOW NS, of Talbot. TO THE UxNION PARTY. It is less than sixty days to one of the most important elections which has ever taken place in the State of Georgia. Nine representatives to Congress arc to be c lected, and a powerful effort will be imide to defeat the union ticket. The election of Presi dent and Vice President which takes place in I November next, and the deep rooted hatred ofthe | opposition to General Jackson and the measures ot his administration, has aroused the combina tion in every quarter of the Union, to the last violent struggle for victory or death. But in Georgia, the nullifiers will introduce a new system of tactics. The broad ground on which the contest has been w>aged for four years past will be mainly abandoned, and instead of advocating their claims upon the basis of .uni fication, and holding it up as the great conserv ative principle of liberty, they will seek to di rect the public mind to other objects, and to turn it away from the contemplation of principles which it has seriously considered, and solemnly condemned. . The abuse of Martin Van Buren and Richard M. Johnson—surmises and inuendo’s against their public and private characters, and praises and hallelujahs to White and Harrison, with a little faint praise occasionally to Daniel Web ster, will be the burden of tlieir song. This we predict with confidence. To those union men, if there be such, who have felt misgivings in relation to the opinions of Mr. A an Baren, on account of the charges and statements made by the nullifiers, we now address ourselves. Ilis opinions of the abolition, question have been laid before you, in which he. stands pledged to sustain the rights of the South, to the last extremity. Canyon ask for more? Can you doubt the word of a man Whose wholp lite lias been devoted to bis country ? But what more could you expect from a party which denounced Andrew Jackson, a tyrant and a trai tor, and the whole union party, as torics? While they are making the cry of abolition against ’dr. V an Buren, in the very face of his votes and publicly expressed opinions, they avow dibir preference lot Genera) Harrison of QJiio, an open and undisguised abolitionists They dis tinctly declare, if they cannot elect Judge While, they will take General Harrison in prefereuco to Air. Van Buren. We have said, General Iliirrisot; is an aboli tionist, and improof of tiiis assertion, we appeal to a Speech delivered by himself, in vyhich ho expresses himself in favor of the etnancipation oi out slaves, and declares his opinion, that Con gress may constitutionally appropriate the sur plus revenue to that object—that is to say in plain english, that Congress, may rob us of our miumy by the most odious and oppressive taxa-