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For the support of a blacksmith’s estab lishment stipulated in the sixth article ot the same, one thousand dollars. For the purposes of education, stipulated in the same, one thousand dollars : Provi ded, hoirenr, That no part of the appropri ation for tiie Florida Indians shall lie paid to any Indians who have been engaged in hostilities against the United Slates, unless in such change of circumstances he may in duce the President of the United States to direct the same to be paid. TO THE PAWNEES. For the limited annuity, stipulated in the third article of the treaty with them of the ninth of October, eighteen hundred and thir ty-three, four thousand six hundred dollars. For agricultural implements, stipulated in the fourth article of the same two thou sand dollars. For the purposes of education, stipulated in the fifth article of the same, one thousand dollars. For the support of two blacksmiths’ es tablishments stipulated in the sitlt article of the same, two thousand dollars. For the support of foir fanners, stipula ted in the seventh article of the same, two thousand four hundred dollars. TO THE CHEROKEES, WEST. For the purpose of education, stipulated in the fifth article of the treaty with them, of the sixth <if May, eighteen hundred ami twenty-eight, two thousand dollars. For the support of four blacksmiths and assistants, stipulated in the fourth article of the V" cal y them, of the fourteenth of February, eighteen hundred and thirty three, two thousand eight hundred and eigh ty dollars. For the purchase of iron, steel, &c. eight hundred and eighty dollars. For the support of a wagon makerand a whcelwhright, stipulated in the same, one thousand two hundred dollars. Forthe expenses of transportation and distribution of annuities, salt, agricultural implements, tobacco, tools, Jcc. and other in cidental expenses, twenty nine thousand five hundred dollars. For carrying into effect certain stipula tions in the treaties concluded with the Sen ecas of Sandusky on the twenty-eighth February, eighteen hundred and thirty-one with the Senecas and Shawanees, on the twentieth July, eighteen hundred and thirty one, and with the Shawanees on the eighth ■ August, eighteen hundred and thirty-one, sixteen hundred and ninety-five dollars and sixty-two cents. For expetisvs attending the execution of the treaty with the Creeks, of the twenty fourth of March, eighteen hundred and thir ty-two, in relation to locating reservations I and certffving contracts, seven thousand del- ' lars. For expenses attending the execution of, the treaty with the Choctaws, of September, ■ eighteen hundred and thirty, in relation to locating reservations, live thousand dol lars. For the purposeof carrying into effect the : treaty made with the Caddo Indians on the first day of July, eighteen hundred and thir-; ty-five, forty thousand dollars. To defray the expenses of removing the | Winnebago Indians who reside south of the j Wisconsin to the “ neutral ground,” or such other place as may be assigned bv treaty, I and for their subsistence for five months, for ty thousand dollars.— Provided always, that. no part of said sum of money shall be used ( unless the said Indians will agree to remove, and actually do remove to a country to be ! assigned to them on the southwest side of the ; river Missouri. To defray the expense of holding trea ties with the Indians in the vicinity of Green j Bay, Indians within the Slate of New Y ork, the Winnebagoes north and south of the j Wisconsin ; and with the Sacs and Foxes north of Missouri, twenty-two thousand dol lars. For holding a treaty with the Chippaw as of Saginaw, five thousand two hundred dollars : Provided, That the compen sation to the commissioners for holding said treaties, shall be a per diein allowance on b- lor one hundred and seventy-five rifles for the Potlawatatnies, two thousand four hundred dollars. For the expenses of the Ross delegation of twenty Cherokees, thirteen thousand dol lars, to be paid to John Martin. To defray the expenses of Richard Field, a Cherokee Indian, who attended at the Seat of Government, at the request of an agent of the Government, in the winter ofi eighteen hundred thirty four—thirty five, four hundred and fifty dollars. For expenses of three delegates from the i Seneca nation of Indians who have atten-1 <led at Washington during the present win- i ter, six hundred dollars. For the removal of twenty-one thousand Creek Indians and their subsistence for one year, including subsistence of those recent- , ly removed, in addition to the balance of one hundred and fifty-five thnusad dollars, i of former appropriations, one million and] twenty-three thousand five hundred and fif ty dollars. Provided always,’That shall not be lawful to make any contract with a ny person or persons for the removal of said Indians, or any part of them, at the expense of any individual or individuals, except inch contract is made in pursuance of •rea sonable notice, publicly given ami with such person or persons as shall have of- | sered the most favorable terms to the Gov-I ernment. Forthe removal of Seminole Indians and ; their subsistence for one year, in addition lo a balance of thirty-three thousand dollars for for mer appropriations, one hundred thousand dol lars. t For holding treaties with the Indian tribes for the purpoo*of extinguishing the Indian title to the territory between the State of Missouri and the .Missouri river, two thousand dollars. I o dclray the expenses of a delegation of the Pott.iwataniie Indians, on a visit to Washing ton City, two thousand six hundred and thirty dollars. Sec. 2. And he it further entitled, That the Secretary of War he, and he is hereby authori zed to cause the accounts of tlie commissioners, appointed under the act of Congress of third March, eighteen hundred and twenty-five, to be closed oy transferring from the appropriation therein made for defraying the expenses of tieating with the Indians, to the appropriation for “ making the road from the western fron tier of Missouri to the confines of New Mexico,” stick amount, as may be necessary for this pur pO«e. See. 3. And he if further enacted, That the Secretary of War be, and nc s nere. t authori- : Zed to allow and pay to David Bleurly, out of u | ny money in the I teasiiry, not otherwise appro- I P'iated, the amount charged to his account and [ accounted for by him on a draft drawn by him |on the War Department, on the twenty-sixth j January, eighteen hundred and twenty-nine, for I the sum of two thousand three hundred twenty- I seven dollars and twelve cents, tor provisions | purchased for and applied to the use of certain 'emigrating Creek Indians. I Sec. 4. And be // further enacted} That i the Secretary of War be, and he is hereby | authorized and directed to invest, in a man* liter which shall be, in his judgement, most ' sate anti beneficial for the fund, the sum of ■ thirty three thousand nine hundred and • twelve dollars and forty t ents, being money in the Treasury as the proceeds of’ lamis! ! purchased from the Seneca Indians ofl . Sandusky by a treaty concluded on the j twenty-eight ot Febuary, eighteen hundred | an thirty-one, from the Senecas anil Shaw anes by a treaty concluded on the twentieth jof July, eighteen hundred and thirty-one. I and from the Sliawanese, by a treaty con 'eluded on the eight of August, eighteel hundred and thirih-one, and upon whicl I sum the United Slates are, by stipulation: I in t! e said treaties, bound to pay to the sail Indians ami annual interest at the rate oj five per centum : Provided, That the suit, I Secretary shall make no investment of th? 1 i sum, or any portion of it, at a lower rate i jor interest, than live per centum per an j num. Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That |it shall be competent for the President, to i assign to the Indian Agent at Miclnlimack- I iliac, in addition to his proper duties the ! duties of Superintendent of Indian affairs ; for ail that district of country heretofore constituting the Territory of Michigan and lying east of the line established as | the eastern boundary of the Territory of W isconsin, by the act of congress of the twentieth of April eighteen hundred and I thirty-six: Provided, however, That no j additional compensation cremohm ent shall i be granted on account (if the said duties ; jam! the President may require the said a , gent to reside at such place as he may | think lit, within the said district. JAMES K. POLK, I Speaker of the House of Representatives M. VAN BUREN, I ice President of United States, and. President of the Senate. Approved, June 14, 1836. ANDREW JACKSON, I certify that this act originated in the House of Representatives. W r . S. FRANKLIN, Clerk. [Resoj.i rto.v, No. 10.] A RESOLUTION to apply the unexpended balance of the appropriation for the Potomac I bridge to tiie nnpiovement of Maryland' avenue, leading theroto, and for other purpo ses. Resolved, by the Senate an d House of Reprc rcsentatioes oj the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the balance of tiie appr. pnatio.i lor the construction of the bridge across the Potomac at the city of Washington, remaining unexpended, after" the said bridge shall have been repaired, in obedience to the directions contained in the joint resolution pas sed for that purpose at the present session of Congress be, and the same hereby is, appropri ated, to bo applied, under the direction of the Commissioner ot the Public buildings, towards tiie graduation gravelling and planting of the Maryland Avenue, in said city, from its eastern extremity to the said bridge in equal proportions on the east and west ol the Capitol according to distance. Sec. 2. And be it farther resolved, That it shall be the ijiity of the Commissioner of Pub lic Buildings to attend to draws, cause the bridge : to be properly lighted, to guard against wanton i injuries and obstructions, and to preserve a due I police on and near it, so as to ensure the safetv I ot passengers and of the public property ; thatj said Commissioner shall receive tor bis services I the yearly compensation of three hundred dol- • lars, and be authorized to employ three assis-I tants, at a compensation not exceeding one dol- j lar fifty cents a day. Approved, Ist July 1836. From the Constitutionalists. THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. W e can offer nothing new upon the subject of the next presidential election ; this subject has been canvassed by all parties in its various bearings, and presented to the people in all the forms and shapes of which it was susceptible. Our remarks can, therefore, have no originality ; however we have ventured to write them in the hope that they will lead to a more sober and dispassionate examination of the subject and consequently, to conclusions more in accor dance with propositions established. All we ask from our readers, is to the exercise their judgement on our remarks, with candor and without prejudice. 1 Why arc the vvhigs and Nullifiers so bitter ly opposed to the election of Mr. Van Buren ? We must acknowledge that many of them op pose this gentleman on the same principles that they have opposed the administration of Gen eral Jackson ; but it is undeniable that a ma- I jority of the opposition, are actuated by other motives. If Mr. Van Buren succeeds inbisc lection the other candidates can never pretend to the high office of President of the United States; they are either too old, or some other political combinations may be formed which will bring on the political arnea some of the other characters.— Mr. Webster Gen. Harrison, and Mr. White, will have to retire from any contest heieafter for the Presidency. Air. C'layand Mr. Calhoun | have already retired. If no other political com- I binations he formed before the expriation of Air. Van Buren’s tetra of service, the same party I which will have elevated him to the presidency : will have the power to elect his successor.— ■ Thus any distinguished member of the opposi tion will be deprived oftlie chance of attaining ; the highest office within the people. It then I appears to us that the bitterness and the zeal | with which Mr. Van Buren is opposed, iis more owing to the ambition of men, • than to principles ; is more to be attri- I Irnted to the dishearntening perspective i thcothcrcandidatesand their friends have before them than to any real danger that may be ap- I prehended of the administration of tiie govern i ment by Mr. Van Buren and his friends. IfMr. Van Buren is elected, the political prospects of the other candidates and of their friends m-e, blasted forever: hence the opposition which lias sprung up against the republican candidate for the, presidency. 2. Why do we see union men in Georgia oppose the election of Mr. Van Buren? Is it on account of principles? It cannot be. The union men have supported so far the princi ples of the administration of General Jackson. Can such union men be consistent with them themselves, in opposing a man who is pledged ' to follow the principles of the present adminis- j tration, an 1 in supporting a man who has deser t ted the tame principles, and wdio is now an a | vowed enemy of the most important measures of the present administration ? Mr. Van Buren has been all his life a republican of the Jeffer son school; but whetlu r he lias been a tariff man, or an internal improvement man, is not the question now. Will Mr. Van Buren follow in the administration of the government, the principles adopted by President Jackson? No doubt he will. His interest his reputation, and his fame, w ill lead him to a strict adheience to the pi inciples of the present administration.— The case with the other candidates is otherwise. If any one of them is elected he will be bound to follow other principles, anil to adopt another policy in the administration of the government. This is undeniable. If' the union men are sup porters of the principles and policy of the pre sent administration, how can they, with consis tency, oppose Mr. Vat: Buren and support Mr White ? 3. The great republican party of the United States, of which the union party of Georgia constitutes a part, arr opposed to the great mea sures which the opposition advocate. The re publican party were, and are still, opposed to the Bank of the United States, and bank mo nopolies ; they are opposed to a protective ta riff, and to a system of internal improvements by the federal government. Mr. Van Buren is well known to go w ith this party in opposition to such measures ; and it is equally known, that the other candidates are friends of those measures. If union men in Georgia are also op posed to the same measures, how can they consistently with principles, oppose Air. Van Buren, and support one of the opposition candi dates. 4. Air. Van Buren is a Northern man. So much the better for the South in the present condition of the country. His inflhience will be greater, in the adoption of measures which can be equally beneficial to all sections of the country,and in the rejection of measures which might have a tendency to produce discontent and disturb the harmony of the Union.—Air. Van Buren is with the South in regard to the question of slavery in some of the Stales and in the District of Columbia ; he is with us in regard to a tariff for protection; and ho is with us in regard to the rights and powers retain ed by the States when they confederated. What can weask more? Mr. Van Buren was with Georgia in the contest with the federal govern ment about the territory then occupied by’ the Creeks, and has been with us in our endeavors to obtain the free enjoyment of our land in the occupancy of the Cherokees. Can we ask more from him ? Could we be so unjust as to expect that, if elected President, ho would act and use his influence exclusively for the South ? Cer tainly not. Then wc have nothing to fear of the measures of his administration ; he will be as attentive to the interest of the South, as he will be bound to be to the interests of the North and West. All we can ask, is an unequal par ticipation of all the benefits of the federal com pact, an impartial administration of the govern ment, a literal construction of the federal con stitution, and the rejection of ali proposed mea sures, which may have a tendency to injure the South, or to disturb the peace and safety of its citizens. And cannot we rely on the pledges' given by Mr. Van Buren, that he will so act,in the administration of the government, as to de serve the approbation of every member of the party which will have placed him in the Presi dential chair. It seems to its, that too great an apathy exists with regard to our approaching elec tions. The minds of the people have b< t n so steadily engaged about our Indian affairs, that for a time past, scarcely a dish of poli ties has been served up, and some have al most forgotten, that a crisis is near at band, ! pregnant with consequences, involving their j dearest interests. While making this re- : mark, we especially allude to the Union • Party. As for our enemies, they are ever ; on the alert; and we conscientiously believe | they have no superiors in vigilance, no e- ! qnals in adroitness and management. Con ! scions of numerical weakness, they essay to j supply the deficiency by intrigue and man- > agement; and often, while we hear notai whisper concerning their movements, deep | rooted plans are laid, and never tiring a- i gents employed in their perfecting. Wbv i stand we, comparatively idle, while our ene mies aie at the very door of temple? Let us arouse from our lethargy, bestir ourselves like men, and the day will again be ours. We have the same Congressional Ticket (Union) presented, which was our choice and pleasure to elect before. It is compos ed of well tried men, good and true ; men opposed to the speckled, amalgamation par ty,sailing under the colors of Whiteism, Harrisonism, Whigism, Nullification, &c. —Men who do not believe that the thread bare garment of a mis-called South ern Candidate, can have any other efl’ect, than for a time to conceal the character and designs of quondam enemies, but now po litical friends. Our election of members to the Legislature and C'ongress, will be viewed as furnishing some index lo the ap proaching one in November, for Electors of President and Vice President. It then becomes every man to be at the polls in Oc tober, and forthe Union men to show, that despite of the vaunting of their enemies, they have the ascendancy, and mean to maintain it. Southern Spy. THE SURPLUS REVENUE—CENTRAL BANK. 1 he disposition which has been made of the surplus revenue by the passage of the deposite bill, throws upon the different States of the U nion a heavy responsibility, and will call forth the.energies of their wisest statesmen and ablest politicians. It presents a question of deep and absorbing interest to our people. We suddenly find our State governments about to become the holdersol large sums of money, and the inquiry is at once made—what is to be done with it ! How shall it be disposed of, so as to be of most I advantage to our citizens, and yet in such a situ ation as to be available when called for? To ac complish these objects wisely and satisfactorily, it is important that the subject should be discus sed and reflected upon—that all the views which may be taken of it, should he presented to the public —-that it should be canvassed freely—so that as far at least as Georgia is concerned, her Legislature may know the wishes of their con stituents, and when called upon to act, take such measures as are called for by an enlightened public opinion. It seems to be generally supposed that about thirty millions ol dollars will he distributed on the first ot January next; if that should bo the amount, Georgia will be entitled to $1,176,000, and it will devolve upon the next Legislature to decide upon the manner of its disposition. Ma ny plans will he suggested anil strenuously urg ed by their several friends—indeed, vve predict that it will be found to be the most fruitful sub ject of debate, and the most difficult to dispose 01, that has been agitated in that body for many years. I'o lessen, and if possible to prevent this evil, it will be necessary, as we have said above, to exchange views on the subject before hand, that the people may be well informed, and able to make known their wisltcs clearly and distinctly. TI!E ST INII ARD OFU N I ON. Some among the most enlightencdof our cit izens wish to see this money applied to purpo ses ol internal improvement—they see anil feel that Georgia has been lamentably backward in the encouragement of works of that character, and think that now is the most favorable time to make amends for our want of energy hereto- I foie. Others wish to see it ileposited in the ( entral Bank to be loaned out at the low rate ol six per cent, interest, profits to be appro pruited to internal improvement. In this way the wants ol many persons who are now com pelletl to pay a high rate of interest will be re lieved, and at the same time something will be done forthe benefit of the State. Our own opinions on the subject are, that works of internal improvement succeed best when carried on by individual enterprise, but we at the same time believe that this enterprise should be encouraged and promoted by Legis lative enactments. Georgia would its we think consult her true interest, by offering to those engagedin these works, the use of the money which she will receive from the General Gov ernment at a very low rate of interest—say 2 or 3 per cent. ; those who take it to give bond with sufficient securety, that it shall be refunded whenever demanded by the United States. The interest accruing might if not needed for the support of Government bo advantageously ad ded to the Academy ami Free School fund, ami thus effect the double purpose of promoting in ternal improvement, and diffusing more gener ally the means of education. Whatever portion of the surplus revenue Georgia receives, ought to be considered as so much deposited, for the prompt p iyment of which when called on her faith is pledged ; and hence she should so dispose of it, as to be able to refund when necessary without taxing the people. Aliich as we ob ject to tie Banking system, therefore, wc would even prefer to see it in the Central Bank, to having it all expended in works belonging to the State. If loaned to responsible individuals, for the same purposes, and equal if not greater a mount cl would be obtained, and their management and foresight would enable them to meet die demands when made without great loss or inconvenience. Ihe objection urged against depositing the surplus revenue in the Central Bank, th it it will increase its power and enable it to exercise is dangerous and controlling influence, is one en titled to our serious consideration. True, it | may make it a formidable engine in the hands of ambitious and unprincipled men; but all wealthy corporations have a similar tendency. 1 hev aic evils to which we only ought to submit from the necessities of the case." We should on ly suffer them to exist when a greater good is to be accomplished by it. Whether the danger to be apprehended from the Central Bank is greater t ian the actual good it dispenses, wc shall not attempt to decide ; but if we were to judge of its future by its past cbarcter, we should entertain no fears of it. We do not believe a nother institution of the kind can be pointed out any where, whose business has been transacted I with more prudence correctness and impartiality | than that of tiie Central Bank, and we have I witnessed with mortification arid regret the ef forts whieh are now m iking to poison the pub lic mind in relation to it. If those who make the complaints have cause for them; let them obtain the evidences of cor ruption anti present their case to the next Le gislature.—ls they can show nothing more than a reasnnable ground of suspicion, let them do that, and ask for a Committee of the Legisla ture to examino into the matter. The truth can easily be reached in this way. But we do pro test against any and every attempt to injure the managers of that institution, or to destroy the confidence of the people in it, tvhen we are pre sented with nothing but mere assertion to sus tain the effort. It is unkind between members of the same political family, it is ungenerous and unjust, if some great and pressing evil existed, demanding immediate attention and re dress, then tiiere would be cause for prompt and public exposure ; but nothing of this kind is shown. We only hear the general charge made that the managers of the Bank are acquiring political power which may be dangerous to the people, but wc have no proof of the fact, or that any improper efforts have been made to ac quire such a power. Let those who would cre ate an excitement show some better reason for it than that certain office seekers have been dis appointed in their expectations from that insti tution, and there will then be more excuse for their efforts. South. Panner. From the Columbus Sentinel. MESSRS. CUTHBERT AND FORT. Messrs, editors: In reflecting upon the unfortunate controversy ” which for some time has been carried on in Milledgeville, between two distinguished individuals and their friends, (all members of the Union parly,) I have thought it not improper that the feelings of their friends here should be expressed in relation to the difficulty ; and that if those gentlemen have any regard for our views and the interest ol the Union par ty, they will at least give the following re marks a passing consideration. What is the origin of this difficulty? Is it t.f a private or party character? If the former, what have the Jriends and acquaint ances of those two gentlemen to do with it in a party point of view. Every one should allow them to settle their own private differ ences according to their individual notions of right and wrong, and friends should not interfere, and threaten serious and unhappy consequences to the party to which those gentlemen belong. If any injury has been done by one to the other, the injured party lias his redress as a citizen and as a gentle man; but let him not carry his cause before the party, and there make the downfall and ruin of his adversary the test of the justice of his quarrel, and, moreover, hazard the very party itself. Who is it that will not de fend himself when attacked, and particular ly, if lie be a public man, and the attack is made, as he believes, to deprive him of of fice, or of political character and influence? I make this remark not to reflect upon the course of either party, but to show that de fence, tinder the circumstances 1 have sup posed, is right, is reasonable, and to be ex pected. If this is a political controversy, commen ced on account of political eiror in either party in the administration of the duties of office, then I hold it to be sound policy that one member oftlie party and his friends have not the right to sit in exclusive judgment upon the case, anti make their decision the governing rule of the whole party. No— our principles teach us that the majority shall rule, and that if that majority deter-1 mine upon certain measures, or justify cer- , tain men, those differing in opinion should i yield their own predilections to the popular' or party will. If, then, one of the parlies lias erred, for Heaven’s sake let him be tried *Aintcus is mistaken when he calls it a con troversy between Doctor Fort and Air. Cuth bert. Duct. Fori lias never, as far as wc know, or believe, written or published a syllable, nor has he induced or procured others to do so. [Standard. ' ■ and defended before the party, and not be fore a few only of that party. I have thought it proper to express this much in relation to the difficulty, without entering into the merits of it—without ex pressing which is right or which is wrong. All that is sought or desired by this commu nication is, that the matter for the present should be suspended ; that the evil conse quences likely to grow out of it to the par ty should be at once arrested and put down. Already have our party opponents began to rejoice at this wide and destructive breach in our ranks, and look to it as the certain and destructive cause of the defeat of our party in several counties, and perhaps in the Stale. What a great appeal, then, is this to the patriotism, magnanimity, and party devotion of those gentlemen, to know they have the interests, perhaps the welfare and prosperity, in their own hands; and that upon their prudence and discretion in this matter hang, in many counties, the suc cess of the party they both have supported with such distinguished and unwavering zeal and fidelity. Gentlemen, I know you will forbear; I know you will not, can not forget the struggle you have past, and the achievements your party have attained. Forget, bury all in the interest and devo tion to party and your country, and you both will show yourselves worthy of the confidence of your party, and more than ev er display those honorable traits of charac ter which, in your past lives, have charac terized your conduct. He of you who is reckless and will not forbear, will not offer so reasonable a sacrifice on the altar of his country and party’s unity and harmony, will be, as he deserves to be, treated as an unworthy member of our party. Your friends here will hope for the best; and to none will the covenant of peace af ford more gratification than to the Union men of Muscogee. AMICUS. POLITICAL CATECHISM. Who said wheat would sell at fifty cents and tobacco at three dollars, and negroes for little or nothing.’' The Whigs. Who said the country could wot exist, without a National Bank? The Whigs. Who said there must be war with France by the fault of the Administration ? The Whigs. Who said France had acted with justice and honor, and their own country disgrace fully? The Whigs. Who said it was satisfactory? All Amer- ■ ican patriots, the natural people of Eng land and the French themselves. Who now say it contained a humble a pology ? The Whigs. Who denounced the Proclamation, Force Bill, Protest, and Removal of the Depos i ites, as arbitrary, unconstitutional, tyranical 1 and ruinous? The Whigs. Who sustained all these measures zeal ously? Judge White. : Who supports Judge White? The Whigs. 1 Whom did Virginia sustain as Vice Pres ident in 1832, against Judge Barbour?— ' Martin Van Buren. What offence has been committed since? He is only accused of being favorable to those measures which Judge White actually ; sustains, and which the people have ap proved. Who was the most able, zealous, and ac tive supporter of Mr. Madison’s war meas ures in the State of New York? Martin Van Buren. Why did Martin Van Buren sustain Clin ton against Madison’s first term ? Because the republican caucus in the Legislature, of which Mr. Van Buren was not a member, made out a ticket for their own citizen in stead of ours, and to have divided the re publican vote, would have thrown the State of New York into the hands of Federalists, and lost us the State of New York during the war, and in aid of Air. Madison. For what have the northern Whigs al ways denounced Van Buren? For his Jef fersonian Republican principles. For what do the Southern Whigs de nounce him as a Federalist? Who sustained Jefferson against the el der Adams, Crawford against the younger Adams, and Jackson against the same, and Henry Clay? Van Buren. In what party ranks are now those men who sustains the Adamses and Clay? The Whig ranks. What party accuses Van Buren of being against the war? The Whigs. Who raised qualifications of free negro voters in New York from nothing to two hundred and fifty dollars property?—Van Buren I What has been the practical efl’ect of this ? To exclude them nearly entirely from the polls, only the most respectable and indus trious being able to vote. In what State do free negroes vote with out any property? In Judge White’s Slate, Tennessee. What is the difference in the condition of these States? New York is a free state and lias Pennsylvania, another free state, inter vening between her and any other slave state, but Tennesse is a slave state, in the midst of other slave states. In what other slave state did free negroes vote? In North Carolina. In which oftlie other non slave-holding states has a free negro the very same right to vote as a white man —and without the restriction imposed in New York ? In ALL, with the exception of Connecticut. So says Judge Kent, in his speech in the New York Convention. Whose talent, influence and exertion con tributed most, and against his personal in terests, to bring New York from being- a ta riff to be an a mi-tariff state ? Martin Van Buren’s.— Rich. Hnq. JOHN C. CALHOUN. This gentleman paid us a visit during the commencement, and was received by his ad herents and faithful followers as became the liege subjects of so potent a pontiff as the high priest of nullification. We had the pleasure of witnessing the grand entree of His Grace upon the stage of the College Chapel. Just after the first speaker had closed his address on Tuesday, and as the President was about to call upon the next, the loud clattering of some half a dozen feet attracted our attention, and on looking to wards the stage we saw one of Waddy Thompson’s “commanding figures slowly mounting the steps. The clattering ceased for a moment—-was then renewed in anoth er quarter by a few additional feet—His Grace bowed, not low, but most benignly, and smiled upon the applauding few —this gave a new impulse, and as he took his seat a few more from the gallery joined in—but the effort at applause was no go—it failed for the best of reasons—his admirers among that intelligent auditory were too “few and far between.” We did feel for the gentle man, but when we reflected upon his uni form opposition to Georgia, and particular ly upon his recent attempt to continue the Indians upon our soil in defiance of the ob ligations of the General Government to re move them, we could not but wonder that there should be even one so lost to all res pect for bis own rights and character as to do him reverence.— Southern Banner. cf ggtthu. “The friends of the Union are our friends, and its enemies, our enemies." _TL’IJESOAY AIORXiINC;, iwsnst 16. Union, Democratic Republican Ticket. FOR PRESIDENT, MARTIN VAN BUREN. FOR VICE-PRESIDENT, RICHARD M. JOHNSON. extract from MARTIN VAN BUREN’S LETTER Accepting the nomination of the Conven tion, and to the N. Carolina Commit tee. “ I content myself on this occasion with saying, that! consider myself the honored instrument selected by the friendsof the Ad ministration to carry out its principles and policy, and. as well from inclination as from duty, 1 shall, if honored with the choice of the American People, endeavour to tread generally in the footsteps of President Jack son, —happy if I shall be able to per fect the work which he has so gloriously be gun." Jackson men in these days of mis representation, look well to the above ex i tract, and then to the following from his letter to the North Carolina Committee, on the subject of Abolition. “ I prefer that not only you, but all the people of the Uhited States, shall now un derstand, that if the desire of that portion of them which is favorable to my elevation to the Chief Magistracy be gratified, I must go into the Presidential Chair the inflexible and unebmpromising opponent of any at tempt to ABOLISH SLAVERY in the District of Columbia against the wishes of the slave-holding States. “For the Engrossment of the Bill, 18 votes—A gainstit, 18. The Chair voting in the AFFIR MATIVE, the Bill is ordered to be engrossed and read a third time.” Martin Van Buren, on the Bill to prohibit the cir culation of incendiary publications through themails. ELECTORAL TICKET. THOMAS F. ANDERSON, of Franklin. WM. B. BULLOCH, of Chatham. SAMUEL GROVES, of Madison. THOMAS HAYNES, of Baldwin. REUBEN JORDAN, of Jones. WILSON LUMPKIN, of Walton. WILLIAM PENTICOST, of Jackson. THOMAS SPALDING, of Mclntosh. JAMES C. WATSON, of Muscogee. WM. B. WOFFOR D, of Habersham. THOMAS WOOTEN, of Wilkes. Union Congressional Ticket. JOHN COFFEE, of Telfair. JESSE F. CLEVELAND, of DeKalb. THOMAS GLASCOCK, of Richmond. SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin. CHARLES E. HAYNES, of Hancock. HOPKINS IL HOLSEY, ofHarris. JABEZ JACKSON, of Clark. GEORGE W. OWENS, of Habersham. GEORGE W. B. TOWNS, of Talbot. It has been well said, that “we are not to be heard for our much speaking.” We are glad it is so, for we have neither time nor inclination to say much at present. The la bours ol a hard weeks work, superadded to the debilitating influences of the summer solstice, are enough to make us stagger, although we are made ot pretty tough materials. But neverthe less, we summon our energies, and sans sun shine and labor, here we go, in the good old cause of Union and Liberty. The Election is approaching—the day is at hand, when the people, holding the government in their own hands, are to decide among those who seek high places—when they are again to determine their preference of men and meas ures, and render their verdict in favor of Union or Nullification. Os the result, we entertain no doubt, but ev ery man should do his duty. Every man should vote, and no man should, by his negligence, or supineness, dispense with his highest privilege as a citizen, but all should come to. the polls, in one solid, unbroken phalanx. The Nullifiers, despairing of success, in an open contest upon, their principles, are operating at present, upon another tack- They are en couraging dissentions among Union men upon the Presidential election, as well as upon every other plan which they consider available, with a view to divide and conquer us. Will Union , men allow themselves to be made instruments i in the hands of their enemies to destroy them selves ? No! They will rally to the banner of the Union, and fearlessly and zealously main tain those principles, which they have so nobly rescued in past times. < To our Union friends, we preach peace and j good will. Be not divided among yourselves—r 1 When difficulties arise among you for personal i preference, submit the question to your mutual i friends, and suffer not your passjons to operate, t We exhort Union men every where to harmo- t ny. Let their acts be in accoj-dance with their ( natny, and all will £0 well. i , PARTIES. s There never has been a time, when the lines I of political parties should be more distinctly t drawn than the present. Union men should separate themselves from ’ opposing influences, and with mutual forbear ' ance and concession, upon points of minor im portance, stand up as one man, in support of those great principles which have so long pre , served our glorious institutions solid and entire, . and which have conducted “our great and • growing republic” to its present state ol ttnex- I ampled prosperity and renown. How is this great object to be secured? By a ' steady and zealous support of those measures which have been so successfully carried out by ' the General and the State Governments. We must either support both or abandon both. 11 we continue as we have done, to sustain both ad ministrations, we shall finally triumph, and the fundamental principles of our creed will become the permanent faith ol our country. During the struggle of the last four years, we have, to the best of our poor abilities, supported the administration of the General Government, and that oftlie State of Georgia. We shall con tinue to do so, with all our zeal and perseve rance, from a well founded conviction, that the leading measures of both, are based upon the Constitution. Let it be remembered, that “The friends of the Union are our friends, and its enemies are our enemies” —that the adversary is abroad, and that nothing but concert and vigilance can defeat his machinations. A great contest is at hand. The approach ing election is big with consequences, and upon the shoulders of the Union Party, rests an awful responsibility. Union men to your posts, and let your cry be, VIGILANCE AND VICTORY'. TO CORRESPONDENTS. “Justice” has been received and shall ap pear in our next, as well as “ Henry”—both up on the subject of the Central Bank. WHITE AND HARRISON. j It is now distinctly avowed by the nullifiers, that they will take Harrison in preference to Van Buren if they cannot get White. Harrison is an open, undisguised abolitionist, and is in favor of’ taxing the people to raise a fund to purchase their own slaves and set them free. White stands no chance to be elected, and as his interest is pledged to Harrison in the last re sort, every man who votes for White, will find in the end, that he has done so for Harrison’s benefits The Whigs of Virginia, as they call themselves, have already declared their preference for Harri son, but to secure the joint stock interest, are running a ticket in conjunction, to be given in the end t > him w hose prospects they consider the best. Suppose then that noelectiou takes place by the people, and the three highest candidates go into the House of Representatives, altho' White will be one of the three, his whole interest will settle upon Harrison, for added to his own strength will be that of Webster’s who can in no event get into the House, and should Harrison be elected, he must owe his success to the aid of men who abhor his principles. Will Union men put their votes upon such a hazard I Will they, by voting for the name of White, cast their weight into the scale of Harri son ? and make themselves the instruments of electing a President whose principles are so utter ly hostile to their best interests ? This is a question of serious consideration forth» Union men of Georgia; and however some of them may object to Mr. Van Buren, we are sure, they will never place their votes and their influ ence in the hands of a party, who will use them ultimately for the elevation of an abolitionist. The following letter from a gentleman of high standing in Talbotton, assures us that there is malpractice, or the most culpable negligence some where. Similar complaints are pouring in from various quarters. We assure the writer of this letter, as well as our patrons every where, that the Standard of Union is regularly made up and placed in the Post Office here, in proper time for all the mails. We beg leave to call the attention of the Post Master General to this grievance. Reforma tion is demanded, and with proper vigilance, de linquents may be detected and punished. We shall be wide awake—and if those who are so grossly abusing the public to our injury, do not look sharp, we shall catch, them napping. Talbotton, Ga. Aug. 12, 1836! Ta the publisher of the “ Standard of Union."' Dear Sir, —I am feaiful unless you can fall, on some plan toget the Standard of Uuiouto this. Office more regularly, that you will loose most of your subscribers, there are great complaints about it, and m fact there is good cause for such: complaints, your paper never or seldom arrives here at the proper time, and not unfrequently unr til the next week, your last week’s papers hav£ never as yet arrived at this office—whpre they, are gone, or what has become of them we are un able to divine. I am particularly anxious for the Standard t» gain ground here; in fact it is highly appreciated : and no complaints, except its irregularity incom ing to the office, and frequent non-appearance al together. On this ground yell willjcertainly loose subscribers unless an alteration. Below will be found the certificates of two so ber industrious young men, who are engaged in the office, which must satisfy our patrons, that no blame can rightfully attach to us, for the irrei gularity with which our papers are received at several Post offices, Milledgeville. 15th August 1836. W c the undersigned, Journeymen in the office of the Standard of Union, do certify, that thp papers are regularly printed, and directed ; that they are well wrapt in packages, securely tied up, and properly directed ; and that they are u r nifornily deposited in the Post office in this place, in proper time for the respective mails, lIILM AN B. HUTCHINS. GEORGE M. RINGLAND, The proceedings, toasts, &.c. of the dinner given to the Baldwin Hussars, by the citizens of Milledgeville, have been handed to us for pub lication, but too kite for them to be gotten into the paper of this week, the business of prepa ring them for the press, was put in charge of a gentleman, whose constant professional en gagements rendered it impossible for him to have them reaty earlier. 'j’Jtpy shal| qppear in our next.