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J Not so eau as h;: thought.—A Broker*!'Phil- PuNflphia <»u Saturday haviug received iu one ]>.<r | i-cl the sum of twenty-seven thousand c'ollin t, ) placed itiu a drawer in his uffico. w hile he urentkil to the other affairs. Soon after ho hid owaMoti 1 to look into the drawer, and tho whole of the 1 cnsh dhnppearNl. The nlarm was imniaiiatcly given ; me»M'nt;crs wire despatched to th' vari ous Banks, th..t the notes might he stopped if an attempt should he made to have them chinped. while the Broker himsolf. iu a state of n< little agitation repaired to the Mayor’s office to nvoke the a d ofthe police. Quite a hubbub rcisned in tho " tnotiev market." mid rumor had it tint half it dozen b; o'kers st least had been plundered. The tnvstery howewr soon disappeared when .me of the gentleman connected with the establishment emie in and «'> enquiring tho cause of the excite 111 nt stated that before going out he had shifted the nmiier frois one drawer to another for safe keep ing. s» l h’d forgotten to mention the circuinitaiiee The n mer was opened and there lay the notes reposing iiiieonscious of the turmoil they had ciu -e.l. The relief of the broker nail the •iun.eiii.snt of his lately sympathising friends may [Philadelphia Pennsylvanian. KING LOUIS PHiLLIPPE. 'Ac copy lite following very interesting account ol his majesty of France, ami the present stale of matter* in that kingdom, •<» far as iiis majesty is concerned, from the Pans correspontlatice of the Albany Daily Advertiser. T IliuttS bavv «rr««*«d to such a pitch that Louis Pbiliippe is not one instant sure of lii» existence, independently of bis dis contented subjects, there are in France 6 or 7000 foreign political refugees; all men of courage and resolution, who are even day teased and tormented by his police, and who may, like Alibaud, wish to drain the source of their sufferings by striking their author. The dagger is a familiar weapon to the Spaniard and Italian, and the noble Pole may also be tempted to wield it when reduced to despair and mad ness. Alibaud, it appears certain, had no accomplices in Paris, but 1 would not be as tonish, d if he was one of a party, who had sworn the king’s death. It is evident he came directly from Barcelona for the pur pose, and there had found himselfin a com pany of desperadoes of all nations, w ho, disappointed in their expectations, may haveconceived the most diabolical projects. Alibaud told the attorney general to bear io mind that his name began by the first letter in the alphabet, which was as much as to say that others wotdd follow when he was no more. The royal family have of late lived in a state of constant terror. The king is a s aid to go abroad, and remains secluded in his chateau of Neuilly. When public af fairs render his presence in Paris absolute ly necessary, his ride to and fro is protect ed by two hundred persons, between milita ry, town sergeants and policemen in color ed clothes. When he wishes to visit Fon tainbleau to superintend the works of the palace, beset- out in the dead of the night and returns at the same hour, and no one is aware of his journey until it is oxer. A few days after the attempt, the queen and count d’Appony, the Austrian ambassador, were talking together iu the embrasure of a window of the chateau of Neuilly. The latter was complimenting her majesty on the beauty of the site and the taste with which the grounds were laid out, their de lightful rose groves, &c. “Ab,” replied the queen with a deep sigh, “nature and art have certainly done a great deal to make I this a beautiful spot; ,till there is ; Uo hap-1 pinrss to be met where an assassin may be concealed behind those rose trees.” The existence of the king is truly one of wretchedness, and I cannot better depict it than by borrowing the following paragraph from a journal, Le Temps, one of the or gans of the present administration.--“If there existed in France,” says that paper, “a private family whose title and rights were every day contested, whose chief could not appear in public w ithout running the risk of l:f ; a family who beheld assas sination multiplying itself around it under the most hideous and frightful forms, chi] dren, a wife, a sister, always trembling lest a father, a husband, a brother, should return to them maimed by some infernal machine, condemned, from affection, to accompany him unceasingly, and every where to share in his perils and expose themselves every whore to the same dagger, ami compelled to conceal tinder an apparently serene brow, the anguish of their disconsolate hearts, there certainly would not be 100, much sympathy fir so distressing a misfor tune. Well, that unfortunate family is seated on the throne of France. Fifty years of revolution have destroyed the pres tige of royalty. Party spirit renders the human heart callous to royal calamities. It was said of a statesman that his heart must have been iu his head; political enmi ty partakes so much of statesmanship, that it evidently cannot have its heart in the usual place.” The report that a new attempt at assas sination had been made on the king, the ve ry day Alibeau was executed, which gained some credit from the silence of government, was officially contradicted in the Moniteur of yesterday. The arrest of a young man, with a long beard, who had been seen two ' days in succession walking on the road to Neuilly, gave rise to that ntmor, but the I individual having been searched, and noth-' ing discovered on him to warrant such a’ supposition, he was immediately released. The following remarkable passage ap pears in article upon the state oi parties, in Fraser’s M igazine lor June. I was writ ten and in all probability printed, before the late atrocious attempt to assassinate the Kmg:-“0;ie man says, l-.i,| take my gun, I will go and stand at his palace-gates; and as lie conies o it I will take deliberate aim »thim at six feet distance, lie is a very large roan; my hand is perfectly steady. If I can hit a hav stark, therefore, f can scarcely mi,s King Louis. He goes, ami stands, and fires; but he cannot even graze the sum of the heaven protected victim. Another man says, 1 will not rtly on a sin gleball. Fifty bullets shall fi v about him in the same instant. The bullets, fly, but “every bullet has its billet,” and there is not one of them directed to Louis Phillippe.” CALCULATION. Let no one say hereafter, that the negroes lack the organ of numbers—here is proof of a very cautious estimation of chances. “Wat you do, Sambo,” said one, ‘‘\pos. we meet de Mixick j ine.al, Saint Antit r?’ “Wat I tin, sir? 1 run like de debil, and never stop. Wat you do —you run tool’ “No sar, 1 too’much American to run from de enemy. I stanji* behind de cuptin, ’cept when he run, den 1 git gis alorc. Silt. Citron. Not many years ago a man appeared in Court, whether as plauliff, defendant, or witness, tradition does not inform us. Be this ;t» it may, the following dialogue en sued. Judge. What is your name, sir? Answer. My name is Knott Martin, sir. J. Well w hat is it? A. It is Knott Marlin. J. Not Martin again! We do not ask vou what your name is nut, but what it is. No contempt of Court sir? A. If your honor will give me leave I’ll spell my name. J. Well, spell it. A. K-n-o-douide-t, Knott, M-a-r, mar, t-i-n, tin, Martin—Knott Marlin. J. O, very well, Mr. Martin, we see through it now, but it is one of the most Knotty cases we have had before us for some t ime. ECCENTRIC HOSPITAITY. During the late American war, a soldier who had been wounded and honorably dis charged, (lint perlmps not paid) being- des titute and benighted, knocked at the door of an Irish fanner, when the follow ing dia logue ensued : Patrick. Ami who are you, now ? Soldier. My name is John Wilson. Pat. Ami where are you going from, John Wilson ? Sold. From the American army at Erie, Sir. Pat. And what do you want here? Sold. I want shelter to night; will you permit me to spread my blanket on your floor, and sleep to night? Pat. D—l Jake me if I do, John Wil son—that’s Hat. Sold. On the kitchen floor, Sir ? Pat. Not 1, by the Hill o’ Howth— that’s liar. Sold. In your s able then ? Pat. 1 will not do that either—that’s flat. Sold. I am dying with hunger: giva me but a bone and crust, 1 ask no more. Pat. I will not —that’s flat. Sold. Give me some water to quench my thirst, I beg of you. Pat. Beg and be hanged, I’ll do no such thing—that’s flat. Sold. Sir, 1 have been fighting to secure the blessing you enjoy ; In have contributed to the glory and welfare of the country which has so hospitably received you, and can you so inhospitably reject me from your house ? Pat. Reject you ? Who talked a word about rejecting you? May be 1 am not the scurvey spalpeen you take me to be, 1 John Wilson. You asked me to let you | lie on my floor, my kitchen floor, or in my j stable ; now, by the (lowers, do you think I I’d let a perfect stranger do that when 11 have half a dozen soft featiier beds ail empty? j No, by the hill o’ Howth, John—that’s flat. 11l the second place, you were dying w ith hunger, and wanted a bone and a crust to eat. Not, honey, do you think I’d feed a hungry man with bones and crust, when I my yard is full of fat pullets and turkeys and i | pigs? No, by the powers, not I—that’s flat. In the third place, you asked me for some simple water to quench your thirst, j Now, as my water is none ofthe best, I nev- I er give it to a poor traveller without mix i ing it with plenty of wine, brandy, whiskey, or something else wholesome and cooling. Come into the house, my honey ; you shall have the best supper and breakfast that my farm can supply, which, thank the lend, is none of the worst: you shall drink as much j water as you please, provided you mix it with plenty of wine or spirits, ami provided your perfer it. Come iu, my hearty, come in, and feel yourself at home. It shall nev erbe said, that Patrick OTT-dierty treated a man scurvily who has been fighting for the dear country which gave bin protec tion—that’s flat! A True Story— The following story of “ Love and Prudence,” which we accident ly met with as revived in a late Hagerstown paper, is an “ o’er true tale.” It first ap peared, some time since, in the York (Pa.) Recorder, and the facts which it records ■occurred in a neighboring county, beyond the Snsquehannn. The way this beautiful and sprightly heiress treated her fortune hunting lover, should be “ a caution” to the whole order: Love and Prudence. —A young gen tleman, who was desirous of entering the holy state of matrimony, and who had tur ned his attention to the ‘ gilded’ beauties of ithe day—selected, at length, for his par ticular addresses, a lady, who was re ported rich, as well in the “matter of lu cre,” as in personal and mental accom plishments. He felt the charms of his fair , one, stealing over his senses and casting a j “ witching spell” upon his faculties. But like a discreet young man, before he was too forgone, he wanted to make assurance I doubly sure—and to leave no “ loop where ■on to hang a doubt” touching the worldly ’ possession of bis beloved. Fame it is true had spoken her wealthy but Fame had a cruel fashion of exaggerating in these mat ters. In a word, if the truth must be told, our lover was not so “ madly” in love, but he was able to preserve some “ method” in it. And before the glorious passion reach ed its crisis, he had the singular prudence to examine the records— and so obtain an exact knowledge of the wealth of his < har mer! How happy was he to find that her estate was clear ; ami for once even more valuable that) rumor had proclaimed it. Flying then, on the wings of love, to the dwelling of his fair one—in good set phrase, he declared liis affection for her—- made a tender of his heart and hand—and besought her to smile upon his passion, and make him happy. But the “ flattering •ale” of Hope, was not to be realized. The star of our lover’s happy fortune, had alas ! not yet cast its silver light above the hori zon ! By some means, it happened, the young lady had been apprizedof the extent of her lover’s curiosity—and, in the midst of his descant upon flames, and darts, and Cupids—she very composedly drew from her reticule a small piece of money, and approaching him, made this reply—“ Al though I may not profit by your very fa-, vorable sentiments towards me, still I can not think of your being a looser on my account. As vou have been at the expense of a “search,” 1 must insist upon being al lowed to replace the amount so expended.” So saying, she put an eighteen penny piece in her lover’s hand, ami he —went his way. [/•’■mh Martin's Hist.of the British Colonies.] Magnanimity and gratitude of a Lion— Prince, a tamo lion, on board his majesty’s ship Adriatic, had a keeper to whom was much at tached ; the keeper got drunk one day, and, as the captain never forgave the crime tite keeper was ordered to bo flogged: tho grating was rigged on the main deck, opposite Prince,s den, a large barred up place, the pillars strong and cased with iron. When tho keeper begun to strip, Prince rose gloomily in.in his couch, and got as near to his friend as possible ; on be holding his bare back, he walked hastily round the den, and when he saw the boatswain inflict the first lash, his eyes sparkled with fire, and his sides resounded with the strong and quick beating of his tail; at last, when tite blood be gan to flow from the unfortunate man’s back, and the “clotted cats” jerked their goty knots close to the lion’s den, his fury became tremen dous, he roared with a voice of thunder, shook the strong bars of his prison, as if they had been osiers, and finding his efforts to break! oose un availing. he rolled and shrieked in a manner the most terrific that it is possible to conceive. The captain fearing that lie might break loose, ordered the marines to load and pi esent at Prince ; this threat redoubled his rage, and at last the captain desired the keeper to be cast off and go into his friend. It is impossible to describe the joy evinced by the lion ; he licked with care the mangled and bleeding back ofthe cruelly treated seaman, caressed him with his paws, which he folded round the keeper, as if to defy any one renewing a similar treatment, and it was only after several hours that Prince would allow the keeper to quit his protection, and return among those who had so ill used him. Extraordinary and successful pursuit of two Robbers by a Lady. Some months back a Mrs. Margaret Johnson, who kept a cloth shop in Man chester, (England,) went to Dublin on some business, and left her shop in the care of John Mullen, her brother-in-law, who during her absence, decamped with about §>2ooo worth of her p w operty. Short ly after the robbery, Mrs. Johnson return ed home, and on discovering her brother-in law’s perfidy, and learning that he had gone to Liverpool, she immediately pursu ed hitn there, and found him on board the Marengo, in which vessel he had embarked the stolen properly, and was about to sail with it for America, accompanied by a man named Charles Egerton, who it ap peared was bis accomplice in committing the robbery. Nirs. Johnson caused Mul len to be brought on shore, and was taking the necessary steps to have her property ’ taken outof the Marengo, when Mullen of- | sered to save her all further trouble, and , get her goods relanded for her if she al- ; lowed him to go on board forthat purpose. I Mrs. Johnson consented, and Mullen went ! on board under the pretence of getting the goods brought on shore, but took care to be so tardy in his operations, that the Mar engo sailed with Mullen and his accom plice and Mrs. Johnsons property, for A merica, Mrs. Johnson was not however to be thus foiled and in a day or two after took I passage in the ship John Linton and pur- | sued the two robbers across the Atlantic. ' Fortune seemed to favor her enterprize, for [ the John Linton arrived here several days ; back, before the Marengo, though the hit- ■ ter left Liverpool some days before her.— j As soon as Mrs. Johnson landed in New : York, she applied at the Police Office, and i obtained a warrant for the apprehension of Henry Quin, alias Jonn Mullen, and Chris- ! topher alias Charles Egerton. The war- | rant was put into the hands cf Mr. Boy-! er, who went down to Staten Island to await j the arrival ofthe Marengo, and as soon as ■ she came to anchor he went on board her j and from the description he received of Mui- ! len, he at once singled him out, from amongst ninety passengers, and informed him o! the charge against him. Mullen was at first thunderstruck with astonishment, that intel ligence ofthe affair had already reached A- ; merica, but in a moment or two recovered his presence of mind, and supposing that at. the worst nothing more than a letter had been sent out after him, he feigned the greatest astonishment at the charge, and asserted that he was the husband of Mrs. j Johnson, and of course the property was his own, and sent Mr. Boyer at defiance. Mr. Boyer, however, very quietly took out two pair of handcuffs, and having fastened them on his two prisoners, he brought them to the Police Office, from whence they were both committed toprison. The property is, in the’ mean time, in the Custom House store, where the collector had placed it in order to secure the duty. N. Y. Journal of Commerce. PoiiticaL From the Augusta Constitutionalist. PRESIDENT JACKSON. Extract from the reply of the Pres ident to the address of Gen. Pillow, on behalf of the citizens of Maury County, Tenn. Let us then, not be surprised at the ex citement which prevails al the present day. Let us rather rejoice at the many fruits it has produced of public virtue, and of the encouraging proof it affords, that the bone and sinew of our land will never tolerate a power which can palsy their will or trifle with their rights. The injustice of a high protective tariff—-the dangers of a system of internal improvement, which claimed a I power of appropriation as unlimited as the term general welfare — the unhallowed at tempts to nullify the laws of the Union and dismember the confederacy, were not to be overcome and repelled without erecting ex citement. Nor can we hope to see our do mestic relations entirely tranquilized as long as there is a power within their bosom ca pable of uniting such heterogeneous ele ments of discord into one common foe to the principles of republicanism. That pow • er is the Bank of the United States. Not withstanding its admitted and well ascer tained corruptions, the country is full of the proof that this institution is yet in the field of politics, in full connexion with the vari ous interests which have for the last seven years been aiming to mould the Federal Government into an instrument to extend the partial and sectional, at the expemeof: the general and constitutional interests of all : TI! E S T:! N AR B 0 F li NIO N. the members of our confederacy. To sup pose that such an institution as this, as sub tle and undefined in the mode of its opera tions as it is rich and powerful in its means, will not have advocates in the public press and elsewhere of every hue and profession, is not more certain than that the people will repair any breach which it can make on the citadel of their rights. To be denounced by the advocates of such a foe is but to be told that we are at our posts, and that the tru>ls confided to us are yet unsullied. Yon have said that my election was de picted as a worse calamity to the country than war, pestilence or famine. It is not my province to criminate the freedom which thus boldly denounced, in advance, the character of the measures which the coun try required me to pursue. The feelings which employed such language were not prompted merely by a wish to injure me. They had a higher ambition to gratify. They aimed at the prostration of the prin ciples which the country had decided should be brought into operation. The party, which entertained these feelings fell into the error universal with those who distrust the capacity of the people for self govern ment, of expecting to injure the republican cause by assailing the individual whom it has honored with its confidence and trust. The same party is using the same means now to accomplish its objects in the at tempt to represent ine as a dictator, if the people continue to withhold from them the power to administer the Government. Such charges pass by me as the idle wind. They are but the devices of an exposed and dis appointed ambition and cannot but benefit the cause they intended to destroy. From the same. Wecall the attention ofthe reader to the following communication taken from the Richmond Enquirer. The writer might have added the following challenge of Mr. Van Buren, which neither whig nor nullifi er, has dared to meet. It is the conclusion of his letter accepting his nomination by the Baltimore Convention. “1 have neither solicited the aid nor sought the support of any man in reference to the high office for which I have been nominated. For the truth of this declara tion, I can safely appeal to the hundreds of honorable men who composed the recent Convention-—to the numerous Editors and politicians throughout the Union, who have distinguished me by t heir preference, and to imy private correspondents and intimate j friends, not excepting the considerable num jberof persons once my friends and associ ates, whom the fluctuations of political lite have converted into opponents. In none of these classes, or tn anij other of our com j munity, is there a man who can truly say, \that 1 hare solicited his political support, or I that J have entered or sought to enter with \ him into any arraugement, to bring about \ the nomination which I have now received, lor to secure my elevation to the Chief Ma gistracy of the country. M. VAN BUREN.’ THF ACULbEiib ACCLsED. “ The times are rife with the inventions of cunning and effrontery.” • * ♦ * “is this dictation, or is it not ? Is there a man of you who does not | see, and feel, and know, that if he desires ,to elect any other than Mr. Van Buren to I the Presid ency, he will have to struggle a- i I gainst the whole strength and influence of i the Government, exerted to the utmost ? We trust that you aie not so far sunk in ap ' athy or servility, as not to heed this plati : ned and deliberate scheme, to forestall, bind, I and defeat the freedom of your choice ; or ! heeding it, not to rise indignant, and spurn I the impudent attempt.”— Address of the , Central IV/iig Committee at Richmond. Verily, this Address of the Central Whig Committee teems with barefaced evidences ! enough of the fact, that “ the times are rife with inventions ofcunningand effrontery.” With their monopoly of brass, and their “cunning and effrontery,” they have eclip sed all the Arch Magicians of the age, in conjuring up “ inventions,” to hoodwink the People, and to conceal their own sins, under the smoke of their naked accusations against their opponents. People of Virginia.' When, where, how, and by whom, has the whole strength and influence of the government been exer ! ted to the utmost to '■'•forestall, bind, and defeat the freedom of your choice ?” Who have been the dictators 1 / Is there a man amongst you who does not know, that it is the enemies of this Administration, and the enemies of Martin Van Buren, who have availed themselves of their stations in both Houses of Congress and in our State Le gislature, and have exerted the whole of their strength and influence to the uttermost, for the purpose of forestalling, binding, and defeating the freedom of your choice 2 From the day of the dissolution of the President’s first Cabinet, to the present mo ment, they have kept up a continual uproar about who should and who should not be the successor to Gen. Jackson. The bu siness of legislation has been swallowed up in the business of President making, just as though that was the business of ourselves, and just as though we have nothing else to think of, or care for, and our Legislators nothing else to do, but to make Presidents. We have seen the public business neglected, panic after panic created, our Legislative! halls converted into electioneering theatres,' our instructions violated, the public peace j disturbed, and the Union endangered, all for ! the purpose of blasting the character ol Martin Van Buren, and biassing the peo ple against him. Yes; after all the excu sesand pretences which have been pleaded, for the fury with which this Administration has been assailed, and for the violent pat ty conflicts, which have disgraced our Nation al Councils, haired of Martin Van Buren, and a determination to blast its reputation, and set the people against him, has at last been assigned as the (taramount objec . “ Is this dictation, or is it not ?” Fellow Citizens! You know, that the friends of Mr. Van Buren have not been forward,in urging his claims upon you. You know, that thev have been constantly reptoached, because they would not avow their preference for him. You know, that from 1832 up to the last wittier, they have act< d with as much forbearance under the , luuelessch irge,and virulent abuse of his cm mies, as ever did the friends of any can didate for the Presidency ; often, yea, gen- ( etally, leaving him undefended, under the), rudest assaults. What then becomes of this brazen assertion, that the whole “ strength and influence of the Govern ment has been exerted to the uttermost,” to ■ force him upon you ? Fellow citizens, you < are bound to pronounce it false. You know, I that it is the accusers who have been guilty ' ol this sin, of exerting the whole of their I strength and influence in the Government. ’ “to forestall, and defeat the z// ■ of your choice."— The friends of Air. Van Buren may proudly appeal to the public • journals for the proof. Fellow citizens, read the following extract •! from this Central Whig Address, and see 1 ! what these modest gentlemen say of the ' Baltimore Convention—- ■| “A Convention of Delegates without > constituents, got up by office holders and I demagogues, to anoint the favorite of the • President as the chosen one of the people, it can be compared to nothing but the troops • ofthe palace, confirming in the name of lite ! I people, the Emperor’s designation of his i ■ successor. And, while we hope that its ef ' feet will be to disgust many of those who inconsiderately lent their countenance to it, ■ we shall be content, if the candidate there nominated, shall receive only the votes of those who were there represented. More cannot with any show of decency, be daitn- 1 ed.” What but a monopoly of brass, could ' have enabled these Whig leaders to put forth such tt paragraph as this ? Their 1 slang about “ office holders” Sic. is false ! “ Convention of Delegates, without con stituents”—False! “ Troops of the palace, confirming the Emperor’s designation.” &.c.—False, and ridiculous. Candidate only entitled to the “votesof those who “ were there represented. Alore 1 cannot, with any show of decency be clai med.” Brass! brass! ! and what a bra ’ zen commentary upon the claims which they 1 are nowsittting up fortheir twin candidates! How many of the people of Virginia could they, with any show of decency, claim for White upon this principle?—Who bought him out ? Eleven members of Congress, honest reader ! What agency had the great body of the people of Virginia, in making him a candidate ? Not an atom ! And after a minority caucus had ratified the proceedings of this caucus of eleven of .ficc holders in Washington—after a ticket had been formed for Hugh Lawson While, and after his name had been used to cheat honest voters at our last elections, by whom, and by what authority has William H. Harrison been made a joint partner with White ? How has it been managed, that the White electors are left free to give the vote of Virginia for Harrison ? By What ' s rt of causes have all these matters been arranged and managed? How many dele gates ? How many constituents ? How many votescan, “ with any show of decen cy be claimed” for these three candidates, upon the principle here laid down by their partners? Let the election turn upon this principle, and the Arch Magician would be triumphantly elected. For. whether the great body of the people did, or did not, take a direc t agency iu the Baltimore Con vention, it is certain that respectable por tions of the people in all quarters of the Union did, and that thousands of others did approve the Convention and the nomin ation. It is also notorious, that the friends of Mr. Van Buren did stake his claims up on the decision of a majority of a Conven tion, the delegates to which to be freely chosen by the Republicans in all quarters of the Union. And the fact, that neither Hugh L. White, nor any other aspirant of the same political party, would risk this test of strength before the people, is a ta cit admission on their part, that Van Buren was strongest before the people. Their ob jection was not to the priniciple of caucu sing. Their pretended objections to that are false, as is proven by the fact, that they themselves are holding and huzzaing over their little minority caucuses all over the Union. But wo are called upon to vote against Air- Van Buren, because General Jackson prefers him. And we are told, that but forhis being the “President’s favorite,” he would not have been dreamed of as a condidatefor the Chief Magis tracy. What! Martin Van Buren not dreamed of as a candidate, when their own journals bear record, that they themselves have been dreaming of, and dreading him, as the rival of their Chiefs, from the first day cf his entrance into the President’s Cabinet! They kept him constantly in the eyes of the people as a can didate, long before it is even pretended that Gen. Jackson had expressed a preference for him, and before any of his friends came out in bis support. But letthem make the most of the President’s preference ; they are the men who are stiiving to make Gen. Jackson’s likes and dislikes operate upon this election, for it may well be questioned, whether one voter in ten, throughout the Union, would have known that he had expressed such a preference, if his enemies had not raised and kept up an outcry about it. Fellow citizens I Shall Gen. Jack son be gagged, and Martin Van Buren be pro- ' scribed, because they have pulled together in sustaining Republican principles and measures dear to Old Virginia, and in opposing Federal i principles and measures, at war with the Con stitution, the rights ofthe States, and the Uni on of the States ? Let those self-styled Whigs ( cant about the President’s preference and Van Buren’s “obsequiousness.” To the firm ness of Andrew Jackson, we owe a debt of I everlasting gratitude : but what would his firm- ■ I ness have availed us, if he had not been sus j tained by Alartin Van Buren and his friends ? ! Jackson would have been defeated and dis- I graced ; the Bank Veto, the Alaysville V eto, and the Land Bill V eto, would all have been nullified; the Bank would have been re-char- ( tered,and the Internal Improvement System anti the high Tariff System would have been dissolved, but for the unfaltering firmness of Martin Van Buren and his friends. 1 appeal to facts, to the journals of Congress, for the proofof these assertions. Let all honest friends of State Rights turn a deaf ear to empty pro fessions, and look to the state of parties, and to nif.asiu'es, and they will see, that tho cause of the Constitution, of State Rights, and popular rights, and that the triumph of the modern Whig party will be for the triumph of ultra Federalism, with enough Nullification and Ab olition to convulse the South and endanger the Union. A Friend to Van Buren, Because, a Friend to the South and the Union From the Charleston Courier. THE U. S. TELEGRAPH AGAINST TEE SOUTH. Messrs. Editors—The U. S. Telegraph has 1 long arrogated to itself the almost exclusive guar- 1 diansliip of SoiHhein right and Southern honor, and indeed has carried its insolence so far as to lecture the South lor not being sufficiently sensi tive and pugnacious on the slave question, and al so for not attesting a due appreciation of its cham pionship, by an adequate patronage. This same Trltgruph, so jealous oi Southern interests and character, so mm b so as to denounce Mr. Clay, for being friendly to colonization, as a plan of emancipation, scruples nut, however, to advocate the election of Geu. Harrison to the Presidency, with a fitll knowledge that the General is an open and avowed colonizalionist and einancijration ist, by means, too, of the surplus levinue of the General Government— the most obnoxious shape, perhaps, in which those measures could be pro secuted. Ibe following article from the Richmond En quirer, ought to open the eyes of the'South. The Telegraph, vs. Clay und Harrison. i be Telegraph must play upon the abolition panic to keep up lliu false c/a/nor against Van Bu ren. Ist. it lashes Clay for declaring in favor of colonization. 2d. It support Harrison as Presi dent, though it knows that be goes even further than Clay, in favor ot colonization and emanci pation. i t takes ail these grounds—and no man but a piebald Whig could attempt to reconcile these various propositions. The Telegraph, how ever, does go tite whole. It swallows the entire bolus, without a wry face. The Telegraph had previously absuedMr. Clay for his late speech in Kentucky on behalf of the Colonization cause. The Alexandria Gazette [ could not"stand quietly by and see Mr. Clay stig •( matized by the telegraph as more dangerous than an abolitionist.” Whatsays the Telegraph of Fri day in reply ! Why it allows for Mr. Clay’s motion, iiis zeal, sincerity, &c.—declars that “ our ob jection was not personal to Mr. Clay, it was against all who sustain the cause of colonization as a plan of EMANCIPATION”—and asks, “ AViilthe Gazette do us the favor to say how and why tiie south has more to fear from the immediate abolrtiouists than it has from these gradual aboli tionists I Does not the Gazette understand aboli tion and emancipation tobe oneand the same thing! will that paper do us the favor to point out in what is the difference except as to time ; ami then to tell us candidly, whether we have not cause to fear the gradual operation of colon ization, enforced under the guise of patriotic devotion to tho South, more than to open and hostile action of the imme diate abolitionists themselves? If the Gazette cannot do this, it will do wisely hereafter to stand by and permit us to defend ourselves and our opin ions against Mr. Clay’s assaults, without forcing itself as a volunteer between us.” We take the Telegraph at its own word. Say that the friends of Colonization aie more danger ous to the South than the Abolitionists—and now we ask him, how be can have the effrontery to abuse Mr. V. B. for an abolitionist, which he ab hors as much as the Telegrapa itself—and yet support Gen. Harrison, as the President of the United States. lias he thejaudacity to deny that Gen. H. is a thorough-going, nay ultra supporter ot the Colonization cause ? That he solemnly declared as follows, in his Cheviot Speech: “Should I be asked if there is no way by which the General Government can aid the cause of emanication, I answer, tha' it has long been an object near my heart, to see the whole of the sur plus revenue appropriated to that object. With the sanction of the States holding the slaves, there appears to me to be no constitutional objection toils being thus applied ; embracing not only the colonization of those that may be otherwise freed; but the purchase of the freedom of others. By a zealous prosecution of the plan formed upon that basis, wemigh look forward to a day not far distant when a North American sun, would not look down upon a slave.' 1 We defy the Telegraph to produce from all' the writings of any other man, who pretends to be a politician, a more flagrant tissue of heresies. The sanction of some ofthe States (less {than 3-4 ts) can make a power constitutional! This is itself directly in the teeth of the Constitution. Then the whole surplus revenue is to be thus appropria ted to the colonization ofthe free, and the emau cipation of the slaves. And yet, so gross is the inconsistency of this Whig Nullifier, that we shall hear him again abusing V. B. for his abolitionism —and Gen. H. who is worse in his eyes, than an abolitionist! SOUTHRON. "The friends of the Unionare our friends,and its enemies, our enemies.” TUESDAY MORNING, October 4. Union Democratic Republican Ticket. FOR PRESIDENT, MARTIN VAN BUREN. FOR VICE-PRESIDENT, KICiIARD JOHNSON. EXTRACT FROAI MARTIN VAN BUREN’S LETTER Accepting the nomination of the Conven tion, and to the N. Carolina Commit tee. “ I content myself on this occasion with saying, that! consider myself the honored instrument selected by the friends of the Ad ministration to carry out its principles and policy, ami as well from inclination as from duty, Ishall, if honored with the choice of the American People, endeavour to tread generally in the footsteps of President Jack son, —happy if I shall be able to per fect the work which he has so gloriously be gun." “ I prefer that not only you, but all the people of the United States, shall now un derstand, that if the desire of that portion of them which is favorable to my elevation to the Chief Magistracy be gratified, I must go into the Presidential Chair the inflexible and uncompromising opponent of any at ten pt Io ABOLISH SLA VER Yin the District of Columbia against the wishes of the slave-holding Stales. Martin Van Buren, on the Bill to prohibit the cii culalion of incendiary publications through the mails. ELECTORAL TICKET. THOMAS F. ANDERSON, of Franklin WM. B. BULLOCH, of Chatham. SAMUEL GROVES, of Madison. THOMAS HAYNES, of Baldwin. WILSON LUMPKIN, of Walton. WILLIAM PENTICOST, of Jackson. THOMAS SPALDING, of Mclntosh. REUBEN JOB DAN, of Jasper. WM B. WOFFORD, of Habersham. THOMAS WOOTEN, of Wilkes. PITT MlLNl'-R, of Monroe The proceedings at tire diuuer given to the Vol unteers at Hawkinsville came too late for iuser tion to-day-, they shall appeal; i,ti our next. (Lr’The name of JOHN HA\VLS, of Pulaski, is recommended to supply the place of Governor Lumpkin, upon the Union Electoral 't icket. SOUTHERN CIRCUIT. (Qr®-! would suggest the name of Gen. Black shear as a candidate to fill the vacancy of the Elec toral Ticket occasioned by the declension of Gov. Lumpkin, ' CITIZEN. JUDGE WHITE AND THE FREE NE GROES. It is well known, that in Tennessee, free per sons of color were entitled to vote without any property qualification or restriction, for about twenty-eight years previous to 1834, and that Judge White took no measures to exclude them. He was in the habit of going to the polls with them, and upon one occasion, did actually jwalk to tho Ballot Box, ARM AND ARM WITH A FREE NEGRO. r I his spectacle occurred in the year EIGH TEEN HUNDRED AND TWENTY-FIVE, |in a warmly contested election at KNOX- V ILLE, in which Judge White took a very active interest for his brother-in-law, Col. Wil liams, who was then a candidate. We make this statement advisedly, and chal lenge its denial. We can PROVE IT, and shew, by the evidence of a citizen of Georgia, of the fust respectability, that upon the occa sion referred to, JUDGE WHITE did LOCK ARMS with a FREE NEGRO, AND WALK WITH HIM TO THE POLLS. If this was not a full recognition of the most perfect EQUALITY between WHITE and BLACK, and a total leveling of all distinctions* we are at a loss to know what would be so con sidered. What would bo the effect of such a scene in Georgia ? Now we ask, what is the difference between Mr. VAN BUREN and JUDGE WHITE! We answer—Mr. VAN BUREN, drove the free negroes from the polls by a property quali fication which effectually excluded ninety-nine out of every hundred, while JUDGE White, was dragging them to the polls, and encoura ging them to vote without the least restriction- THE PROOF. When the above remarks were submitted to the public, we anticipated a denial on the part of the nullifying presses. That denial has gone forth, and it now becomes us to give our author ity for the statements we have made. For proof of the facts set forth in the above article, we refer our fellow-citizens to BENJA MIN L. LESTER, Esq. of Baldwin County, a gentleman of high and unblemished character, who was present at Knoxville upon the occasion referred to. It has not been our habit to raise false char ges against our fellow-citizens, nor to make as sertions which we could not substantiate. Wo have too much respect for the rights and feel ings of others, and too much regard for our own character to attempt to injure any man by slan der and vituperation. In the present instance, we spoke advisedly, and upon the authority of a citizen who is whol ly unimpeachable. “ LOOK AT THIS PICTURE.” To those men who supported Mr. Van Bu ren in 1832, and who at present feel some mis givings as to the course they should take in tho approaching Election, we now address our selves. It will be remembered, that from 1824 to 1832, the men who are now on the side of nul lification, were the open and zealous advocate* of Mr. Van Buren, and it was owing to their un tiring exertions in his behalf, that he became popular in Georgia. It will also be remember ed that in 1832, they recommended the ap pointment of delegates from this State to attend the Baltimore Convention—held public meet ings for that purpose in various counties, and actually nominated our delegation in Congress, a majority of whom, attended that convention and not only supported the claims of Mr. Van Buren to the V ice Presidency, but recommend ed him to the people, and gave him their influ ence and their votes. The presses of the same party, blazoned hi» name at the head of their columns, and held him up as a statesman of great abilities, and a pure and unsullied patriot; while they repelled, with z«al and perseverance, every assault upon his character, from every quarter. He was, so far as Georgia was concerned, the candidate of the Troup party, and received their undivided support; but since the body of that party have adopted the doctrine of nullifi cation, they have denounced Mr. Van Buren— charged him with high crimes and misdemean ors against tha rights of the citizen, and the principles of republican liberty, and as wholly unworthy the confidence of a free and enlight ened people.—But mark the date of their alle gations! Do they exhibit charges of a date sub sequent to 1832, or do they go back to the olden time? Why, strange as it may seem, the men who in thirty-two, could find nothing in his char acter or political conduci to condemn, but eve ry thing to admire, are now raking up the ashes of twenty years gone by, in the hope of sifting out something to blacken and defame his repu tation—men teo, who knew his past history in 1832, as well as they knew it in 1836; and if Mr. Van Buren’s acts from 1816 to 1532, were such as they represent them to be, those who palmed him upon the people in 1832, commit ted a most gross and palpable fraud upon the country; and if he is as pure and patriotic now, as they represented him to be in 1832, they are attempting at this time, to practice a most crim-x inal deception upon their fellow-citizeiis.; be-, cause it is known, that Mr. Van Buren has giv en but one vote since 1822, and that one in perfect accordance with the feelings, atnj opin ions of every true Georgian. \Ve allude to bis casting vote upon the amendment offered by Mr. Calhoun, to the Bill prohibiting the circula tion of incendiary publications. If wo look at the men who supported him in 1832, and the-spirit and energy with which they' sustained him, and contrast them with their pres ent position, we are left jn utter astonishment at the instability of human opiniptts, and human actions. As we understand this matter, the late Wil liam H. Crawford, was the first man of distinction in the south, who presented him to the consid oration ofthe people. Mr. Crawford was intis mutely acquainted with the political history of Mr. Van Buren—supported him warmly, and lived and died his devoted friend. Was Mr. Crawford an honest man ?—Were his and assertions worthy of credit? Let those an swer who wore his eulogists. Governor Troup was also the friend of Mr- Van Buren—was intimately ncquainti d wffb his GROES. THE PROOF. “ LOOK AT THIS PICTURE.”