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the Providence Republican Herald, fl GEN. HARRISON’S LETTER. Gen. Harrison has written a letter which been published, intended to vindicate Btiin^H' 'gainst the charge preferred against to justify his vote in relation to sel ling men for servants, alias st. WES. We ■ have given the letter a careful perusal, and E compared it with the bill containing the ob -7 noxious clauses, and for which his vote was ■ given; .and cannot see that the position ta ken by us on the subject, is al all affected Fby them. We have not assumed that the bill relative to poor debtors who had be -1 come snch in the ordinary course of busi ness, or the common concerns of life. Therefore, when Gen. Harrison denies that our declaration nor does his argument reach us.. Rut there is another point con-j renting which we are at issue; and on which Gen Harrison manifests either ignorance of the spirit and provisions of the bill in ques- j lion, or an intention to deceive his readers. After having penned his dielaimerof any intention to sell poor debtors, such in the common acceptance of the phrase, giving some explani tory views, and spoken of the great and increasing expense of the peni tentiary system, he goes on to say: ‘•This growing evil required lie immedi ate interposition of some vigorous legisla-, five measure, two were recommended as | being likelv to produce the effect; first, pla- I cmg the institution under better manage ment, and secondly lessening the number of; convicts who were sentenced for short pe- [ riods, and whose labor was found of course to be most unproductive. In pursuance of the latter principle, thefts to the amount of SSO or upwards, were subjected to punish ment in the Penitentiary, instead of $lO, which was the former minimum sum, this was easily done! But the great difficulty remained tn determine what should be the j punishment ofthose numerous larcenies be-! low the sum of SSO. By some, whipping j was proposed; by others, punishment by | hard'labor in the country jails, and by oth ers it was thought l est to make them work ou the highways. To all these, there ap peared insiipero’de objections, fine and im prisonment was adopted by the House of Representatives as the only alternative, and ■ as it was well known these vexatious pilfer- | ings were generally perpetrated by the; mere worthless vagabonds in society, it was ' added that when they could not pay the ; fines and costs which are always part of the ! sentence and punishment, that their servi- | res should be sold out to any person who ' would pay their fine and costs for them.” This is the ground on which General Harrison rests his defence. His exposition leads to the conclusion, that the bill was in truded to embrace “worthless vagabonds,” guilty of “vexations pilferings;” and to whom he afterwards applies, that there may be no mistake, the still stronger terms: “in famous offenders, who depredate upon the property of their fellow citizens, and who, by the constitution of the State as well as) the pi inciple of existing laws, were subject! to involuntary servitude.” There can be no two ways in which to understand this language. Its plain and inevitable import is, that the bill was designed to embrace on ly “worthless vagabonds, infamous offen ders”—guilty of theft to a “less amount than SSO” and who unless sold for ser vants, would be committed to the peniten tiary. Unfortunately for the General, the pro visions of the act flatly contradict his state ments. The language is, “Be it further enacted, That when anv person shall be imprisoned, either upon ex ecution or otherwise, for the non-payment of a fine or costs, it shall be lawful for the sheriff of the county to sell out such person as a servant to any person within this State, who will pay the amount due for the short est period of service; of which sale public notice sha'l be given of at least ten days, and, upon such sale being effected, the sher iff shall give to the purchaser a certificate thereof, and deliver over the prisoner to him; from which time the relation between such purchaserand prisoner shall be that of master and servant until the time of ser vice expires; and for injuries done by either, remedy shall be had in the same manner as is or may be provided by law in the case of masters and apprentices.” This language is as plain and simple, and its otdy possible construction as perspicu ous and definite, as that two and two make four. It includes all cases in which 'fine and cost'' are imposed; and to render it cer tain that it is intended to apply as well to civil as to criminal actions, its application is to all persons “imprisoned for the non-pay- i inent of fine or cost,” either upon EXECU TION or OTHERWISE.” Here is nothing; said about “worthless vagabonds, infamous ! offenders,” or petty thieves, or even about a criminal prosecution of any ..ort. No: the conclusion is irressistable, from the ve- [ ry language before us— "any person"— not any “worthless vagabond* "infamous offen der" or petty thief—but "any person"— not one who but for this bill, might and would by the constitution and spirit of the laws, be subject to involuntary servitude— not “any person” exclusively committed to jail on a warrant, or u ider the sentence of! a criminal court—No.—but "any person" committed on execution or otherwise, for thd non payment of‘fine or cost,’was doom ed by the provisions of this act to be sold to pay the amount. The truth is and it can not be denied, that the language, and the title, intent, and meaning of it, includes, without the shadow of a doubt, and beyond the reach of cavil, every offence, whether criminal or civil, and every species of fine and cost detailed on the pages of the statute book. There is no single exception. The bill applies to the entire catalogue, and it is vain for general Harrison to tell what he and others thought and intended, so long as language such as the above can speak lor itself. Suppose such an article as the above on the statute book of Rhode Island. A re spectable, but poor citizen, entirely uncon scious ol committing an offence, perforins an act in violation of some one of the num berless provisions of law, which act, though not made criminal, and for which the per- Mtn is not indictable, is nevertheless finable on a “civil action of debt.” Some enemy in revenge for « private pique, lodges a complaint against him. He is mulcted in fine to the amount of twenty dollars. What is the result? Read the statute: “Any per son imprisonedj cither upon execution or OTHERWISE, for non-payment of cost, or fine, may be sold lor a servant, Sic.” Is not the conclusion inevitable? Th s poor man who cannot pay, who has been guilty of no crime, but who owes twenty dollars to the state "on an action of debt’," maybe sold ns a servant to some person, who, un der the law, may inslal him as a hostler in his stable, set him at work shoveling salt, hoisting molasses, brreaking coal, or doing any thing else. He says, “this was considered a substi tute for whipping,” and “as the most mild and humane mode of dealing with offend ers.” Admirable substitute! wonderful hu manity! To take a man out of the hands of the law, which could whip him but once for one offence, on a verdict of twelve men, and | put him into the hands of a man who could apply the cowskin daily, if he pleased, by virtue of a master’s prerogative over his apprentice! Such a law would have dis graced even the Goths and Vandals. AN bat true hearted republican patriot would have voetd for it, where even criminals only,were concerned? Such is the obvious tendency of the law, as presented to the public, it belongs to General Harrison and his friends to show if the bill, in its details, contained any qual ifying provisions, which were intended to exempt offences not criminal from the ope ration of this severe penalty, lie says it was confined to theft; but, unfortunately for him again, the very language he has quo ted to show that it was not aimed at poor debtors indiscriminately, goes to prove that it included all offences, whether criminal, or otherwise. He say sit was an act for the "punishment of ojfenees." This, it would seem, by its being a quotation, was the ti tle of the act “For the punishment of offen ces.” He adds, in his own language, not , quoted, against the State.—The act there ! lore was intended "for the punishment of offences — indefinitely—of all “offences”— ' of every species of “offences”—committed by any person —whether theft perpetrated by worthless vagabonds, infamous offend ers,” orthose whom the laws consigned to "involuntary servitude," or petty acts which no laws define as criminal, fqr which no I man can legally be incarcerated in a pen-; ; itentiary, and which thousands of respecta- 1 | ble and honest citizens might commit, with-1 out the intention or even suspicion of evil I ! doing. We contend therefore that the I ground we have assumed on this subject is a ; correct one; and that Gen. Harrison’s let- I ter is at variance with the bill. JUDGE WHITE. The Judge accepted the nomination of the Whigs of Georgia, on the 30th of May j ina letter which is just published and he tells I the people that he believed “ the election ol a Chief' Majistrate ought to be the work of the people themselves," fye, fyc. Therefore, ' his political friends had originally his con- I sent to use his name—and lie yet sees no ' I reason for believing he h .d “ fallen into any ) ! error.” Is the Judge still blind—or was be I insincere ? Surely be ought to see that his , name is only used to defeat, if possible, an ; election by the people and throw it in the , House. The Judge will find, when it is too late that he has committed one egregious error, viz abandoning the best friend be had in the world, to throw himself into the arms ol a parly who are now aboudoning hitnjior Gen. Harrison. Thevery Whig paper inthiscity which once pledged itself to support him, is now quitting him forHarrison and the W{ ih committee of Illinois, on the sth inst. is adopting a double ticket, relying upon the Electors of Judge White that “ in the event of Gen. Harrison receiving more votes in I other States than Judge White they w ill I give the vote of this state to Harrison.”— j According to present appearances, the Judge will soon have to repeat the pathetic j soliloquy of the abandoned Cardinal Wolsey ■ “ Farewell! along Farewell to all my great ! ness,” &ic. &c. Richmond Enq. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. The election of President and Vice Presi dent of the United States, for the term of ! four years, commencing March 4th, 1837, ! will be made on Wednesday, the 7th day of {December, 1836, the electors meeting at I the Capitols of the respective States in which j they are chosen. The choice of the elec ; tors must be made within thirty four days I of the said first Wednesday of December. ; The following shows the number of votes to ! which each State is entitled, with the time of : election: Stales No. of voles. When held! Maine, 10 November 7 New Hampshire, 7 do 7 Massachusetts, 14 do 14 Rhode Island, 4 do 23 Connecticut, 8 do 7 i Vermont, 7 do 15 New York, 42 do 7 ; New Jersey, 8 do 4 Pennsylvania, 30 do 4 | Delaware, 3 do 7 Maryland, 10 do 14 Virginia, 23 do 7 I North Carolina, 15 do 17 South Carolina 11 Georgia, 11 do 17 Kentucky, 15 do 17 Tennessee, 15 do 17 Ohio, 21 do 4 Indiana, 9 do 7 Mississippi, 4 do 7 Illinois, 5 do 7 Alabama, 6 do 14 Missouri, 4 do 7 Louisiana, 5 do 8 Michigan, 3 Arkansas, 3 Total 294 All tlie States choose by general ticket, except South Carolina, which chooses l»v the Legislature. It will be seen that Pen nsylvania and Ohio open the poll tin ec days in advance of any of the other States. From the Savannah Georgian. THE PRESIDENCY. The Lynchburg, (Va.) Democrat, of the 24th tdt. remarks, and with truth : “ 07*Judge White is making election eering speeches in Tennesse, and denounce ing Martin Van Buren. “ Gen. Harrison is travelling through several States, showing himself oft’ as the Whig candidate for the Presidency. “ And where is Mr. Van Buren?—at- tending to his private afl'airs, leaving the people uninfluenced by his presence or bis harangues. Yet the Whigs pretended to have the utmost horror of electioneering candidates.” If Martin Van Buren were to travel in the South, West, or East, the Whig presses would at once erv out that the “ ■magician" was electioneering, Again — If Al ARTIN Van Buren’s private afi'airs were to cause him to visit anv portion of this country, he could not find the Democracy, who support him, degrading themselves, like the // Zz/gsof Philadelphia, in the case ol Gen. Harrison, by pulling, like so many beasts, his carriage, instead of allowing the four footed animals, whose places were thus usurped in Philadelphia, by tlie Whigs. But Van Burexi does not travel, as Harrison does, for popularity. The Whigs brought him home from England by refu sing to confirm his nomination as Minister to the Court ol’Sl. James. Tlie people ol the Union then took him up more firmly,; than ever, as their favorite, and Harrison, where he to travel over the country all the; days of his life, were be to bend the “ preg-; nant hinges of his knee,” from now until | the 4th of march, to the Whig "thousands" \ of New York and Philadelphia, (proved! by the Democratic Presses of those cities,; to be a few Bank Leaders, followed by a crowd of mischieveous boys, who delight in; laughing at the “ Old Granny" as one of! the Whigs themselves call him.;) where he | (William H. Harrison) to bow to these jeer ing boys forever, he would not succeed in depriveing Martin Van Buren of the at tachment of the yeomanry of our land—of those sterling men, who swell not thecrowds of New Y r ork or Philadelphia, but, settled on their farms or in their work shops, labor ing for themselves, also read for them selves, and judge tor thetn/elves. These men see, (because it comes home to their fire sides,) the good effects of Andrew Jackson’s policyin crushing the odious mammoth, which threatened to destroyall their own Banking Institutions—they see in Martin' v an Bt ken a man, sprung from the Democracy, and one prepared to carry out the measures of Jackson’s Adminstra , tion. The People of Georgia will not, in : November next, heed the idle and uiifouu ; ded clamor against Van Buf.EN, that he “ is an Abolitionist". They will view suchj'iu assertion a[salibel agAnsUhemselccs, for such a charge, if true, would involve them in the same guilt, with which the self ! styled II Itigs would at tempt, to brand the character of the Democratic Candidate. They|will recognize the lihelers, as men who support White, for the purpose ol distrac ting the Republican party of the South, —a Candidate, who cannot be elected by tlie people, but to advocate whose elect ion is indirectly tn aid in the elevation of Harri ; son, whose constitutional views of the rights iof the Southern States, and whose opinions lof the rights of the poor white man, whom ] misfortune or penury has deprived of the means of support for himself and family, ■ are odious to every free citizen of this hap ; py Republic— Harrison, a man, who thinks it constitutional to appropriate the surplus revenue, with the consent of the Southern States, to emancipate our colored popula tion; —who is prepared to bail the “ day.” (in his opinion “ not very distant")" when a North American Sun would not look doe. n upon a slave”—a man, who would deprive the poor citizen of bis Liberty and permit his hard|hcarted and unfeeling creditorlo sell him into bondace, because accident, or the midnight incendiary, had whelmed his dwel ling in Hames, and depriving him of his scanty pittance, had turned his children up on the world to beg a morse,, (perhaps) of Mr. A. Harrison himself. Can snch a man, whose approbation of the Administration cf the ELDER Ad/.MS is still fresh in tlie recol lections of the Republicans of Georgia— can Harrison, identified too with the Ad ministration of liie.younger Adams, the suc cessful candidate of the coalition against ! Andrew Jackson, the People’s Candidate, |can this ultra Federalist of 98 aud’36, thrust | for ward by the Northern W higs, and bv the Slades the Tappans, the Garrisons, anil other enemies of tlie south, as a fit mat; to compete with Van Bulien, whom these vile Abolitionists denounce—can this al!\ of those men, inimical to our happiness, as a united people,— this man, who runs at the North on the same ticket witita Granger, another Abolitionist, can this man (Ilarri sojt) "ho inveighs against masonry and courts with flattery disgraceful to the man, the votes of the Anti-Masonic party —can he, who, like the Despots of Europe, would break up the institution of Masonry,—and in a free country like this, would be afraid to trust with office freeman of America, be cause he chooses to exercise the t ight of a freeman in becoming a member of that so ciety, to be associated with which a La Fayette, the distinguished adopted citi zen of America, thought it an honor—Can such a politician, (whateverhis military ser vices may have been,) receive, even indirect ly, the votes of Georgians— of the Demo cratic citizens, who (or their fathers) stood by tlie virtuous JEFFERSON, when the el der Adams was driven from power by the i indignant voice of an insulted People ? Can Georgians support a man, who sided ! with the yonger Adams ? Can they vote 1 fora man, who, as a Legislator, would make ! a free white citizen, a bondman ? Can they advocate one, w hose constitutional opinions • are so anti-republican ? Their answer, the answer of both parties in Georgia, is an emphatic.—No! Yet, fellow citizens, a por tion of you, by advocating Hugh L. White, are aiding in the advancement of Wm. 11. Harrison. If hitc and Harrison are run, the one at the South—ihv other at the North, lor the purpose of defeating the people—nf depriveing them of their Consti tutional right of choosing their own Presi dent. Union. Republicans, who rallied a rottml Andrew J ACKSON, when lie display ed on the outer-wall of the Constitution the Star Spangle Banner of these United States, —you, who bared your bosoms to the shock ol Nullification, and sustained your Chief Magistrate in die course which he pursued to nullify tlie horsey,—von, who value your principles, because (identified with the permanence of the Union-—be cause cherished as the key-stone of our con federacy,—as l\w middle ground, by which l«i avoid Consolidation, on the one hand, Ndli/icalion, on the other, both involving doctrines subversive ol the rights of the States, and the Union of the States,-—on THE STANDARD OF UNION. jy.'iu, Union men of Georgia, we call to sound the alarm, that the principles of the Democracy are threatened—that if they are permitted to succumb before the effort of the opposition to Jackson’s administra tion, it will be too late for you to deplore your apathy, t< lament the defeat of your candidates, and, with them, the overthrow of your principles. I such a calamity be fal us from vour tupineness, or, from your disposition to regard the misrepresentations ofthe l> higs against the candidate of the United Democracy of the land, more than the candid expositions of his political creed bvxour brethren, in’wbom you have hereto fore trusted, and whomyou have ever found faithful to the Constitution, be it so. But such supineness—such credulity will be de plored, when too late, for when the power has departed from you,—whenffrtrmwi mounts ’■ the chair of State, and While is ( sent home to I Tennessee to be consoled by a Nashville I dinner, you will perceive that you have er red in not rallying round the Union Flag ! and voting for men, prepared to yield noth ! ing in the advocacy of your principles. | _ ‘ Columbus Ohio Democrat.'} CHRONICLE OF THE TIMES. CHAPTER I. AND it came to pass in the reign of ! James, whose sir-name was Madison, that a ! King from beyond the seas marie war against ; him, and he sent his armies into tlie coun ! try of James and fougt the with him and bis people and sont on the heathen to make war against him also, and James was sorely distressed, because of his enemies for they came into his city and consumed it with : fire. ; 2. Now there was a certain man that I dwelt in the west by the name of Andrew j and his sir-name Jackson and he was a just I and good man, and a friend to James : j moreover, lie was a man of great valor, ; ami he girded on bis armor and went out to I.battle against the enemies of James and i discomfitted them and slew them and for j ced tiie remainder to flee to their ships and I return to their own country; and he smote i the heathen round aboutwith the edge ofthe j sword ami subdued them and took their i country and gave it to Janies and his peo ple. | 3. And James spake unto his people ! saying ; how shall we honor Andrew, for he bath delivered us from all our enemies ? ' And the people »i’James answered him and said u hen thou ceasest to rule th at Andrew [shall rule over us. And the saying of the ; people pleased James well for he loved ; Andrew greatly. 4. And it came to pass in process of time that Andrew was chosen ruler for he I wa» a man of great wisdom and much be loved by ail good men ; and his fame was spread afar into all lands for he still contin , ucil io do many great and good things for ! his people. I 5. But there was a certain man who lived jin the south by the name of John, and sir ; named Calhoun, and he secretlyenviedAn | drew, and yet at the same time pretended ! to be his bosom friend ; moreover, he had [ tried secretly to have Andrew imprisoned for putting to death two men* who like ; wolves in sheeps doting, were aiding the ; heathen to make war on the people of the • south. 6. And John was greatly grieved at the prosperity of/mdrew aid envied him ex ; ccedtngly ; Ami when he found that An ! drew was aware of treachery, and knowing that he was guilty of hypocricy towards i Andrew, be then threw oft’the mask and ; came out openly and tried to subborn the people to overthrow Andrew and ruin ; his country ; yea to hide his knavery he ; pretended to be in a great rage with An drew, and accused him of every thing but the truth ; and exceeded Aaron sir-named Burr, and all lite sons of Belial that had been before him in wickedness but the peo ple loved Andrew and they heeded him not. ! 7. And there was a man in those days ! who dwelt in the north, named Martin, and sir-named \ an Buren ; and lie was a meek I and wise man ; moreover he was a friend to Andrew and to all good men. And he wasbeloved by the people insomuch as when i Andrew’s time was ended they had a mind to make him ruler over them. 8. Now when John came to hear that the people had a mind to make Martin ruler, ; was exceedingly wroth and greatly troubled in spirits, and he called aloud unto his people saying ; Alas ! what shall we do that Martin may not rule over us lor he is a friend to Andrew and the people love him great ly? And his friends auswerd him, and said, alas ! master we know not, we will do ; w hatsoever thou sayest. 9. Ami John said unto them behold we have done a great many wicked things a- 1 gainst our country and against Andrew ; ! and should one of us set up to be ruler, the' peopid would not put faith in us.— Behold, now let us entice or borrow a man who cals himself a frind to An ; drew (but is not) to setup to be ruler over us : peradveuture, the people may believe him. And the friends of John answered him ami said, mauler liu>u hast spoken wise ! ly Amen ; so be it. JO. Now it came to pass in those days that there was a certain man who dwelt in the east of Tennessee, whose name was Hugh,-and bis sir name was White and he was three score years of age and small in person and low of stature ; moreover, he was exceeding!V lean and ill-tavored, hut a : giaiit in pride and set his heart greatly on ! being chief-ruler. 11. Now this same man Hugh was well knoU'n to John, and he wrote unto him saying; behold now let us be friends and I make a league together ; and do thou set up for ruler of the people against Martin, mid helieveing thee to be a friend of Andrew they will, peradveuture, appoint thee chief ruler over them ; and seeing that 1 know that thou art not a friend of Andrew, 1 will aid thee with the Nullifiers from the south ; Ik. 1 willah.so peak to Daniel whose sir-name is Webster, and ruler of the federalists, to assist thee. Moreover, 1 will speak to 1 Nicholas, whose sir-name was Biddle, ru ler of the bank to hire writers to speak evil i of Martin, thine adversary. 12. And the words of John pleased Hugh well and he was greatly uplifted and his soul was knit .with the soul of John and he loved John as his own soul : and he i answered John ami said unto him—Blessed 1 art thou ; 1 will agree to all that thou sayest ; yea, more if required. Seeing that my heart greatly pineth in secret to be chief-ruler ever since I was appointed Vice President, pro tern. 13. Then John called together his dici ples and charged them saying ; Go ye out through all the country and tell the peo ple that Hugh is to be the chief-ruler; tell them that he is an American by birth and that he is a great statesman mid has done many great and wondrous works for his) country ; and speak well of Daniel also for we know not yet w hose bands we mav fall into. 14. And again I say unto you cry aloud against Martin, from Dan even to Beersheba, and spare not to make the people believe every thing that is evil concerning him, and proclaim it aloud upon the house tops, that he is an Abolitionist, and chosen ruler, he will liberate their slaves ; and that he is a Roman Catho lic, and will establish ids faith ; yea tell them that he is a Mahometan and will im pale them alive ; and then he is a Magician and will change their color to pi-.rple ; for! say unto you the people of the south are unwise, and will believe all these things. 15. And the friends of John answe-v-d him and said : Master, we will try flo all that thou sayest: but when did aJ/.ict of Hugh’s ever benefit his country ? y ’And vve also hear that be cannot prove\*iat lie was born in America ; moreover we are creditably informed that his follwers and the Abolitionists vote together on every main question in Congress at this time. 16. And John answered them saying be hold the people ofthe south are ignorant the y understand not these things that ye speak of, and it is my design to make tip a party for the the next four years ; therefore do as ye are bidden. 17. And the desciples of John spake un to him again saying, master if we should lose this man Hugh, how shall we re place him ? for alos, master he was borrow ed. 18. And he auswerd them again and said, verily be ye not of little faith, for we have many such among us to repray his loss with therefore I say unto you again the se cond time, do as ye are bidden. 19. And they drew near unto John the third time anJ said unto him, Master how shall we speak well of Daniel seeing that he is a Federalist and an abolitionist: and if he should aid Hugh in being chosen chief ruler, will it not be on condition that he have a Federal and Abolition Cabinet. 20. And he answerd them saying it matters not so that Martin the Republican . candidate, is defeated; then! shall step in) at the end offour years, when you shall! not be forgetten, and 1 say unto vou again ' that ihe people of the south lack wis dom, they know not these things that ye speak. 21. And they spake to him yet again and said Sir, how rhall Wc make the people I believe that Martin is an Abolitionist, see ing that be is opposed to the anti-slavery | petitions and that Arthur, sir-named Tap pan, the ring-leader of the Abolitionists, is, and ever has been his most inveterate ene my : or how that he is a Roman Catholic, when his ancestors were driven from Hol land to New Y ork for fighting agaiqst the Catholic religion, or that he is a Mahometan and wears no beard, or that he is a Magi cian and carries no wand or talis-nian ? 22. And the spirit of John began to wax ; hot against them, and be said unto them, ye perverse and crooked generation, will ' ye vex me unto death. Verily, verily, I told you before that the people lack knowl edge, that they know not the meaning of those things that ye speak of; and I also tell you again, that at the end of four years 1 shall walk into the tabernacle myself, j when I will remember you, when making . up my Jewelstherefore 1 charge you a gain to go your ways and do as you are j bidden. 23. And they said unto him, Master we j will obey thee. So they went out from thence every man his own way, to do as they were bidden : and further this chapter say eth not. THEOPHILUS. *Arbuthnot and Anibrister. f President’s Uonse. ‘f Cabinet. Newspapers, says the North Hampton Courier, are the only marketable commod- [ ity which has not advanced in price this season. The labor of men is worth more, the fruits ofthe earth are higher and the eggs smaller, yet newspapers are increased irt dimensions without the price having been raised a penny. ’•The friends of the Union are our friends,and its enemies, our enemies." i&LC Gj'i TUESDAY MOICAING, October IS. Union Democratic Itepublicau ‘Ticket. FOR PRESIDENT, MARTIN VAN BUREN. FOR VICE-PRESIDENT, RICHARD M. JOHNSON. “ For the Engrossment of the Bill, 18 votes —A- gainst it, 18. The Chair voting in the Al'FI It IVIATIVE, the Bill is ordered to be engrossed and read a third time.’’ Martin Can Buren, on the Bill to prohibit the cir culation of incendiary publications through theinails. EEECTORAI. TICKET. THOMAS F. ANDERSON, of Franklin WM. B. BULLOCH, of Chatham. SAMUEL GROVES, of Madison. THOMAS HAYNES, of Baldwin. PITT AiILNER, ofMonroe WILLIAM PENTICOST, of Jackson. JOHN RAWLS, of Pulaski. THOMAS SPALDING,of Mclntosh. REUBEN JORDAN, of Jasper. WM B. WOFFORD, of Habersham. THOMAS WOOTEN, of Wilkes. JUDGE WHITE AND THE FREE NE GROES. It is well known, that in Tennessee, free per sons of color were entitled Io vote without any property qualification or restriction, for about twenty-eight years previous to 1831, and that Judge White took no measures to exclude them. lie was in the habit of going to the polls wiih them, and upon one occasion, did actually walk to the Ballot Box, ARM AND ARM WITH A FREE NEGRO. This spectacle occurred in the year EIGH TEEN HUNDRED AND TWENTY-FIVE, in a warmly contested election at KNOX VILLE, in which Judge White took a very active interest for his brother-in-law, Col. Wil liams, who was then a candidate. We make this statement advisedly, and chal lenge its denial. We can PROVE IT, and shew, by the evidence of a citizen of Georgia of the first respectability, that upon the occa sion referred to, JUDGE WHITE did LOCK ARMS with a FREE NEGRO, AND WALK WITH HIM TO THE POLLS. If this was not a full recognition of the most perfect EQUALITY between WHITE and BLACK, and a total leveling all distinctions, we are at a loss to know what would be so con sidered. M hat would be the effect of such a scene in Georgia It . Now we ask, what is the Jiflerence between Mr. \AN BUREN and JUDGE WHITE? We answer—Mr. VAN BUREN, drove the free negroes from the polls by a property quali fication which effectually excluded ninety-nine out of every hundred, while JUDGE White, was dragging them to the polls, and encoura ging them to vote without the least restriction. THE PROOF. When the above remarks were submitted to the public, we anticipated a denial on the part of the nullifying presses. That denial has gone forth, and it now becomes us to give our author ity for the statements we have made. For proof of the facts set forth in the above article, we refer our fellow-citizens to BENJA MIN L. LESTER, Esq. of Baldwin County, a gentleman of high and unblemished character, who was present at Knoxville upon the occasion referred to. It has not been our habit to raise false char-1 ges against our fellow-citizens, nor to make as sertions which we could not substantiate. We have too much respect for the rights and feel ings of others, and too much regard for our own character to attempt to injure any man by slan der and vituperation. In the present instance, we spoke advisedly, and upon the authority of a citizen who is whol ly unimpeachable. VAN BUREN OR HARRISON. It is now openly avowed, not only by sever- ! al presses high in the confidence of the Nullifi- ! ers, but by many individuals of that party, that they will support General Harrison for the Presidency, in preference to Mr. Van Buren, and these expressions of opinion in favor of Har rison, are drawn out i'roni a conviction that Judge White’s prospects are utterly hopeless, and with a view to prepare the minds of their party for such an alternative. That the Nullifiers should prefer Harrison to Van Buren, or in the language of some of their distinguished organs, any body but Van Buren, is'not astonishing to us; for such is their settled ; and inveterate hatred to General Jackson, and ! the Union men who sustained him in the firm and patriotic stand which he took against “ the eccentric and centrifugal" action of South Car olina, that nothing short of a miracle could change them. And although they have aban- ; doned their former ground, so far as principle is ' concerned, and have relinquished their hostility ; to the measure upon which they based their strongest objection to General Jackson’sachnin istration, yet their opposition to him and his ; friends, is as vindictive and unrelenting as it ev er has been. , , Now let us enquire into the ostensible ground upon which the Nullifiers of Georgia first aban- ! doned General Jackson? We answer, it was) the Proclamation and the Force Bill. Up to i that time, they were opposed to Calhoun and his ) principles, as appears of record upon the State Journals, but no sooner were those measures adopted by the administration, than the war-cry was raised against General Jackson, and the Nullifiers of Georgia went over in a body, to the standard of Calhoun. The Proclamation was denounced—the Force Bill was exhibited as the Bloodiest act of the times, and the country was called on to put down, as tyrants and traitors, every man who gave his aid or his influence in their support; indeed so revolting did the Force Bill seem to be in the eyes of the Nullifiers, that from the time of its passage, up to the day on which Judge White’s nomination, as a candid ate for the Presidency was known in Georgia, the Blood}' Bill, as they termed it, was the gen eral and special subject of their most unmeas ured malediction. But how have times changed, and how have men changed with them? Had it beeu said in 1833, when Judge White had recorded his vote in favour ol the Bloody Bill, and was supporting the measures of General Jackson’s administra tion—when the Nullifiers wore pouring their vi als of wrath on the head of every man who vo ted for, or justified that measure—we repeat, had it been said at tiiat time, that in 1836, a man who voted for the Bloody Bill would have been the candidate of the Nullifiers for the Presidency, the man who had made the predic tion, would have been scouted as a false proph et, or pitied as a maniac, But nevertheless, so it has come to pass, that (lUGII L, WHITE, who voted for the BLOODY’' BILL, and sup ported General Jackson in all his measures to arrest tho wild and reckless projects of Nullifi cation in South Carolina, is now the candidate of that party, and openly recommended to the people for the purity of his political principles. And why is it so? Because the.Vjbave abandon ed their own doctrines? No, but because the voice of the Union wqs against them, and be cause their only hope of revenge, was to lay hold of such instruments as would serve their pur pose of breaking down and destroying the ex alted and enviable station which General Jack son occupied in the affections of his fellow citizens. JUDGE WHITE, unfortunately was weak enough to become that instrument. His moral, courage was not strong enough to withstand the gilded bait, and he threw himself into the arms of a parly which never intended to rtiake him President, and which had not power to do so,, even had they willed it. The truth of this assertion is becoming every day more apparent. As the election approach es, his chances of success are every day di minishing. Harrison is taking the lead with the Whigs.—The Nullifiers of Virginia, are oniy*’ using the name of White to secure the success of their Electoral ticket, to be given to Harri son, and in no State beyond the Potomac, is White dreamed of for the Presidency.— Tlie Northern Federalists, Bank men and ABOLI TIONISTS, are all Harrison men,and with the exception of Tennessee, the same coalition throughout the Western States, are all for Har rison. These are facts which cannot be dis guised.—They are known to every intelligent man in the country, and will shortly be verified in the coming election. VAN BUREN or HARRISON will be the President, and if Ilarrisen receives the votes which are claimed for him, and the White tick et is elected in Georgia, will not her vote be thrown into the scale? We are confident it will, and it rests with the people of tlie State, to decide, whether they will cast their rights and their interests upon such a hazard ? Judge White is out of the question.—He cannot, and he will not be elected. His prospects were nev er encouraging, but they are now totally gone, and the only purpose for which the Nullifiers are still using his name, is to distract and divide the Union party. Will Union men be used for such a purpose? Will they permit their preju dices, no matter how honestly entertained, ta prove the destruction of their principles and their friends? No, it cannot be. To the Union men who prefer Judge White, we make this solemn appeal. Can you believ'efora moment, that there is the remotest prospect of his suc cess ? Will you look to the signs of the times and take a calm and temperate survey of the political horizon ? If you will only do this, you must be satisfied, that however you may desire the election of Judge White, your efforts will prove unavailing, and your votes, honestly cast in his favor, may be used in the end, for the promotion of a man utterly obnoxious to your dearest principles, and your highest interests— and that the votes which you intend for White, may be eventually used to secure the election of Harrison. If the contest was between Y’an Buren and White, we should entertain no apprehension* for the rights of the South, or the safety and in tegrity of the Union, but the conviction, that it is to rest between Van Buren and Harrison, and that there is a powerful combination in four fifths of the Union, who are straining every nerve to secure Harrison’s election, is enough to make every Southern man shudder at the consequences. Will Union men assist the enemies of their principles, and the enemies of their friends, to bring down such a calamity upon tlieir country! Will they place their votes in the hands of men, who are not openly and solemnly pledged, that they shall never be given to WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, an avowed ABOLI TIONIST, and who voted to SELL the free white citizens of Ohio into slavery, under the Sheriff’s hammer ? To Union men we speak ! To the men who stood by our side through the storms of 1882 and 1833.—Wh0 were found at their posts when the UNION was trembling to its foundations I and who saved their country from desolation and bloodshed. Let us stand once more together.—Let us, as we have done, separate ourselves from our adversaries, and rally around the glorious ban ner of the Constitution. We have once saved our Union from the ravages of Nullification— let us save it again, from HARRISON and ABOLITION. THE RICHMOND WHIG. We give below the opinions of the Richmond Whig, expressed at various times, in Editorial articles, relating to the Presidential Election. It says, “ They (the Whigs) support Judge White, because they believe him a Whig in heart and inclination— because they are convinced he has supported the outrages of JACKSON, as a Senator from Tennessee, and not as HUGH L. WHlTE—because he is the best and safest man they can elect—because, finally and chief ly, if they elect him, he will administer the Government according to their principles.”— 1835. “ Judge White has never flinched ih support ing every LAWLESS THING that the mad passions of Jackson might suggest.”— lß3s. “ Elected, if elected at all, by the votes of tbq. Whigs, he (Judge White) will naturally and »e --cessarily select his counsellors from their ranks K and modify his measures according to their views.”—lß3s. “We really believe, tha\fortbe Union and its stability, the cZrctiaa offGENERAL HAR RISON would be the happiest cir?umstancQ that could bofal. He too is a viclorioui chi»£ tain; and as such, his name is familiar to tho lowest ignorifn^c" —1835, “We shall labour vvith all our force to im, I press upon, the VVhigs of Virgin,ia, x the patriotic ; policy, if they can carry theit; Electoral of voting fox HARR,IS.QN a if 23 votes of this commonwealth cg.n, twft to ffitU.” —133 G, These are the of tfee, Richmond Whig, a paper looked \tp to by the oppositipq, as their leading organ iu the State*, and which fully justifies the belief yfhicb we ex pressed last week, that the vote pf VIRGINIA would be given to HARRISQX should the W hig ticket succeed. Jt may qow be taken for granted «pw» the highest authority vvhjch can be'.baynfroin theij own woiqls, that the \Vhigs of ) irgipia feel q decided preference for Harrison oyer \Vhity. Adding the vote qf Virgipw tq what is clgipti: cd in other States fqr Harrison, it pannpt he di*: puled, that tho race lifts between VADj BURpN and HARRISON, The. position of Georgia is ope of no commoq interest, but W pooplp know, and wjl| duty,