Standard of union. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 183?-18??, October 25, 1836, Image 1

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Enrrcn bv tiionash aynes. esq. VOL. Bl I. AO. 41. of pinion, H 3 Y re, :r„ siomm Publisher (By Authority,) of the Lairs | of the United States: OiMce on Greene Street, nearly oppo site the Market. • Issued eveiy Tuesday morning, at $3 per annum , No subscription taken for less than a year ■nd no paper discontinued, but at the option oil the publisher, until all arrearages are paid. Advertisomests conspicuously inserted at the j usual rates —those not limited when handed in, | •will be inserted ’till forbid, and charged accord- \ inglv. CHANGE OF DIRECTION. We desire such of our subscribers as may a< ! any time wish the direction of their papers chan- • jed front one Post Office to another, to inform 1 us, t’» all cases, of the place to which they had been previously sent; as the mere order to for watd them to a different office, places it almost I •tit of our power, to comply, because we have no means of ascertaining the office front which they are ordered to be changed, but a search through eur whole subscription Book, containing severa thousand names. POSTAGE. It is a standing rule with this office, as well i as all others, that the postage of all letters and ! cammunications to the Editor or Proprietor must be paid. We repeat it again,—and re quest all persons having occasion to address us up»n business connected in any way with the establishment, to bear it in mind. Persons wishing to become subscribers to the Standard •f Union, are particularly requested to give their attention to this; or they will not have the pa per forwardedo them. POLITICAL. From the Nashville Union. Martin Van Buren. Who is this Kinderhooker Martin Van Buren ? is tauntingly asked daily—and by lawyers.! My friends, Martin Van Buren is the son of two Dutch people who lived in 1782, when he was born, at the obscure lit tle town of Kinderhook, on the Hudson ; and they were rather poor too—but the fa ther, Abram Van Buren, was a man of ex cellent sense, and withal, had fought thro’ the Revolutionary war, where he picked up much experience. But the mother had, perhaps, more mind than the father, and was a first rale Dutch woman, so said our informant. They were a solid pair oi l Dutch people—honest as the day ; hard working-neat as industry and water could make them —aud belonged to the Dutch Reformed church: regularly working six days in lite week ou their little farm, and hearing a three hours Dutch sermon on Sunday, in the little slope church with the gable end to the street, in the village of Kinderhook. Martin was their oldest child. He was square built and Dutch-looking,! as he yet is, but rather small. Reworked for his mother first—and his father when he got able—and went to the church as they went ; and thus grew up to the time when Dutch boys are sent to school-.— of Winters— say at about ten years old. His father had learned in the Army that Eng lish was the best, and he sent him to an English school, it is strange, and what not one Dutchman in fifty would believe; itis nevertheless true, Martin was sent to an English school. The boy went to work as he had worked ou the little farm at home, and forthwith left his fellows behind. In the summer lie staid at home and worked, and in the winter went to school ; which he longed for, as play compared to the plough-tail. And so it was. We have tried die change, and know. Strange to say, he beat the English boys, who went summer and winter—caught up, and in the spring was whole miles ahead. The like of this we have seen West of Kinderhook, and you who have boys to raise had as well remember it. He neither learned to swear nor drink; to gamble or wear fine cloths— he learned only how to work—l.ow to wor ship in Dutch—what the Conn, school-mas ter taught him of books, and little more. There was a sorter of an Academy at Kinderhook where a little Latin was taught and some bits of knowledge pertaining to the sciences—those slight sips at the foun tain, that have laid the ground work of so many eminent minds in the United States. There his father sent Martin when the Con necticut teacher could teach him no fur ther. Here be learned aud worked by spells as before, uxtd be got through the little latiu, and tlie scraps of knowledge taught, which took not long. Then a dif ficulty arose. The father made enough to pay ’or his salt and iron, his taxes, tea and sugar for Sunday, aud to pay the school master at home ; but to send his son from home was beyond his means; it was a bit ter pill for the lad. To be froze with pov erty in the bud, and the country full of wealth in the hands of the large land-hold ers, a decided aristocracy for the want of a mere trifle, was a w ithering misfortune ; but one under which almost the entire plebeian talent of his country had sunk, during the Colonial government, at least, and in this case seemed to have no remedy, for there were other children, ami the farm could not be sold to educate one, at Yaleor Harvard. The lad felt his powers: he had trite his young strength with ail around him and fl*eni qothing in his way. The very agony of disappointment, inflicted by the fiard hand of poverty which w itrhheid him from College, strengthened his resolution pot to sink under its weight; and it was u glorious determination for an untriended, poencouraged Dutch boy in an obscure Dutch village! He determined to make a Jawyer of himself; but to practice law in N. York it required the student should read reven years in a lawyer’s office, unless he was a graduate at some regular College or University. Seven years, therefore, the lad had determined he would read—ap- ||||k' i&itif plied to a little lawyer’s office in Kinder hook at the age of about fifteen, ami was received ; there to dredge tip lor himself the education, that ten thousand worthless coxcombs around him, the sons of wealthy parents, were daily but uselessly coaxed to acquire. Here lie studied six years, as he had been taught to work at home by his fa j ther and mother, six day in the week ; and hear the Dutch sermon on Sunday. That ■he neither trod the Howry path of knowl | edge, or travelled to it by a royal road, is very true : yet lie made a very profitable I six years of it. Magistrates had a consid- I erable jurisdiction and tried the causes be j fore juries summoned by const foie. The I Dutch people, as they did with Dan’l Shes- ■ fey ; ;«id as they w ill with every son of a ! dutchman, flocked to “Martin,” for help, ' and he appeared before the justices and juries as their champion during, perhaps, halt the six years noviate ; acquiring a Kin derhook name and fame, as gladding to the heart of every Dutchman that heard of it, as if Saint Nicholas had risen from the grave. One of themselves ; one who could but for their impassioned Dutch law story in English, bad risen up to protect and de fend their rights ! Few know the trust and faith a Dutchman place * in a DutJ'mnn. It has neither law nor limit. Then again I Mr. Van Burens father was a strong and downright democrat; and politics ran ex ceedingly high. The parties rarely broke bread in each others houses, or employed lawyers of different politics. Y oung Van Buren went with his father and the Demo cratic side, will) strong and youthful ardor; the petty law-suits before the Magistrates were generally steeped pretty deeply in po lilies, as was the advocacy; of course he got the Democratic party in general, as well well as tthe Dutch practice in particular. Thus a little money was picked up, and the seventh year Mr. Van Buren spent at the City of N, York and read ; he did’nt drink, smoke, swear, and haunt taverns, he read with Mr. Van Ness, formerly from Kinderhook, but then a very distinguished member of the New York bar ; and a dis tinguished leader of the Jefferson party in that State; about 1803, in the minority, and sorely beset by powerful federal oppo nents, whom Mr. Van Buren and his Dutch and Democratic friends some ten years years afterwards, helped to upset; for which I he has been called very hard names. The ! seventh year ended; Mr. V. B. took out I a license, and sat down at his native vil lage in November 1803, to practice his pro fession ; wnich he did w ith a degree of in tegrity, and eventually a splendor of ability of which every American lawyer should be proud. Os bis legal career from 1803, to the fall of 1828, when he descended from his legal pre-eminence to be governor of New York, we shall speak hereafter. HUDSON. REFORM IN MARYLAND. It is heart-cheering to witness the decis ve and resolved feeling with which the re publicans of Maryland assert their rights against the long endured usurpation of a minority, which has controlled the ma jority with despotic sway —taxed the mass of property of the Slate while unrepresent- ' ed, and created a debt of millions on a i commonwealth—and, in effect, mortgaging three-fourths of the estates of its citizens | for money to be disposed of for the benefit j of the other fourth. In Baltimore, Fred erick, Cecil, and many other comities, large public meetings have been held, de manding the rights of the people; and they take lor the principle of all their reso lutions the President’s sentiment: “To ' ask nothing that is not clearly right, and to submit to nothing that is wrong.” We rejoice to see the chief of the Republican party, and the Republican party itself throughout the Union, thus identified with the just cause of the people of Alaryland. We taser/ the preoeedings atßßalt imore GREAT REFORM MEETING. Agreeably to public notice, a meeting of the friends of Slate Reform was held at Monument Square on Saturday evening, September 17th. His Honor the Mayor, General Samuel Smith, was called to the Chair, ami the Hou. Benjamin C. How ard and W illiam Krebs, Esq. were appoint ed v ice Presidents, and Henry Al yers and 1. P. Scott, Esqrs. Secretaries. life following preamble and resolutions were introduced by Mr. Scott, and sup ported by Gen. Howard, and unanimously adopted by one of the largest meetings ever held m this city. Whereas, the people of Maryland have long been sensible of the oppression of the constitution of this State, and on various occasions and by divers means have endea vored in vain to obtain a redress of their grievances through their legislative ser vants; and, whereas, “forms of govern ment are for the enjoyment of justice,” and ‘by the v»ry construction of the e.xist irg constitution, this enjoyment is denied to the people, inasmuch as the majority is de prived of an equitable representation in the law-making power, and entirely exclu ded from a voice in the selection of their chief law-executing agent; and, whereas, by the effect of this, as well as other mis chievous features of the constitution, the i majority of the people and their rights and I interests are made subservient to the acci dental power of an extreme minority. i And whereas, the evils growing out of I the anti-republican constitution are made ! palpably manifest by the many and late acts of unconstitutional or ill judged legis lation ; by a deficient treasury; by increas ing and burdsome taxation; by tlie partial administration of justice; and by an odi ous system of ba gain and influence, where by the citizens of Maryland are made un certain as tQ tlje free and full enjoyment of their political rights, and the peace and prosperity of the people are placed in con- 1 slant and painful jeopardy. lIiLLKOGEVILLE, GEOIIGiA, TUESDAY OUTOBEB And whereas, itis now, solemnly assert ed, that, by these results of the constitu tion, “ the ends of government are pervert ed,” and it is conscientiously believed, from the experience of the past, “that all other means of' redress are ineffectual,” we there fore throw ourselves upon our sacred bill of rights, and in its language proclaim that the people may, at any time, and in any manner, they may deem most effectual, ami, under the existing circumstances, that they “ of right, ought to reform the old, or es tablish a new government, and, “that the doctrine of non-resistance against arbitra ry power and oppression is absurd, slavish, and destructive of the good and happiness of mankind. And whereas, the 15th section of the constitution declares, that no Senate can be formed utiles twenty-four electors agree to meet for the appointment of the mem bers of which it is to consist: And whereas, the late election for such senatorial electors has proved, that 19 elee tors, who are a minority in the electoral college, represent 205,922 of the white population of this State; and that 21 elec tors who are a majority' in that college re present only 85,179 of the same popula tion ; thus affording the incontestible evi dence that the objects for which the major ity of the people elected their agents, may be entirely subverted by but litle over one fourth of the white population. And w hereas, all past efforts have evinc ed how utterly hopeless will be any future : exertion by the same means to obtain re dress of these grievances from the Legis lature , and w hereas, the power is with the present electors to produce a reform of this and other outrages upon the people’s rights and privileges, either by obtaining a Sen ate friendly to reform, together with a ma jority, at least, in that Senate who may im- ; mediately represent the majority of the vo-1 ters as shown by the late election, or upon j refusal of this equitable demand, then in a ! peaceful manner to bring about the desired result, by withdrawing from the college. Therefore, Resolved, That we heartily j respond in letter and spirit to the proceed ings of the friends of reform adopted in I Frederick on Saturday, September 10th, and in Elkton, [Cecil,] on Thusrday the 15th instant. Resolved, That the elector of Senate from this city be, aud he is hereby in structed to concur with the members of the electoral college favorable to a reform of the constitution of Maryland; and that if a reform Senate, as specified in the pream- ; ble, cannot be obtained, that he refuse to , meet the college. Provided that the elec- , tors from other counties and cities, having a > majority of the white population of the j State therein, will co-operate with him to defeat the election of a Senate hostile to a reform of the constitution to the ext.en.t a bove detailed. Resolved, That we most warmly adopt the sentiment of our friends in Cecil, that “we demand nothing which is not clearly j right, and will submit to nothing that is wrong,” and that the proceedings recom mended in the above resolutions are the only means by which the people can be preserved for the next five years from the worst of tyranny, that which is wielded by a small minority in a government constitu ted as our own. SAMUEL SAIITH, Chm’n, Be.nj. C. Howard, ) ... .. ... Wm. Krebs. ) Henry Myers, s c . , ■ on i> i • L .. i Secretaries, Ih. Parkin beott, ) From the Baltimore Republican. THE CASE SETTLED. We lay before our readers this morn ing an address from Dr. Duvall respecting whom our opponents have made various allegations, all of which we know to be un true. From this address the public will perceive how entirely unfounded these alle gations have been, and the light in which he has viewed them. Difficult asthey have been to be convinced, we trust they will now’ perceive that they have nothing to ex pect from Dr. D. and we can assure them that they have as little to expect from any of the other gentlemen on whom they have been calculating. We tell them now, as we have always told them, that no Senate can or will be elected. All, therefore, that remains to be done, is to prepare for the formation of a new constitution, and our opponents may just as well conclude at once to join w ith ns in its formation. What say you f will you participate with us in the work, or leave us to accomplish italone? We leave you to decide, but you must de cide quickly, or the work will be accom plished without your aid, and to our own liking. TO THE PUBLIC. I had hoped that nothing would occur to make it necessary for me to appear again before the public. In the address o! the nineteen Electors, which I signed, it is an nounced to the people of Maryland, that no one of them would participate in the for mation of a Senate. The reasons for that | determination are succinctly given in that I paper. They were understood by me when j I signed it—they were sanctioned by me | then—they are adhered to now, and at no I time since that publication was first made, | have I by act or word justified a belief that j I would change the position then assumed ; on the contrary, I have uniformly declared I before and since the last election, that I had deliberately formed the opinion expressed i ji the address, and had solemnly determin 'd to act in accordance with it. Notwith -tandiug this unequivocal and undisguised course on my part, some busy bodies, who ipprarto think they know better than I do myself what I propose to do, have continu i'.'l to circulate the report that 1 intend to go to Annapolis, and afford an opportunity to tlie gentlemen there assembled, to form a Senate. It appears to me lobe a dutythat Oar 4'outtl I owe to the people of the whole State, to put to rest at once, and I hope forever, this idle, mischievous rumor. Forthat purpose, I now publicly det dare that I do not intend to change the ground assumed by me, as one of the Nineteen Electors. It was not taken without full reflection, and subsequent observation has s n ved to satisfy me that by the course we have pursued, and by it alone can the people of Maryland be speedily and peaceably restored to the enjoyment of their inalienable rights and privileges.— The issue ofthe last election, alone, ought to satisfy every reasonable and unprejudi ced man that a convention ought to assem ble to revise and amend the Constitution of this State. The election was in some de gree a trial of st l ength between two great political parties. By one of them twenty,and by the other sixty members of the House of Delegates, have been chosen, and by an examination of the returns of the election, it appears that the twenty Delegates elect ed by one party, represent about 176,000 of the free white inhabitants of the State, and the sixty Delegates have been chosen by about 113,000 free white inhabitants. If there was then, no other defect in the constitution, but that which produces such a gross inequality as this, in the power pos sessed by the people to vote for those who are to levy and disburse taxes—to partici pate in the passage of all laws, and in the formation of the Executive and judicial de partments of the Government, the constitu tion of Maryland would be utterly unworthy of the age. But the unjust apportionment of representatives to the House ol’Delegates is not the only objection felt by me, and entertained by those who are my constitu ents., to the present State constitution. I desire to see all life estates abolished, and a less tyrannical, and a more economical ju- j diciary establishment created. 1 desire to see power given to the people to elect their own Governor, Senators, and county offi cers, and hope the day is not far distant when Marylanders will enjoy like privileges, in the choice of all those who make and ad- i minister the laws, to those that are now | enjoyed by the people of nearly every ' State in the Union. 1 know that great pains I are taking by many men to inflame the pub- | lie mind and intimidate the friends of a con- i vention. These artifices for that purpose! have had, and shall have, no influence ou j my determination. 1 know the present con- i stitutipn w as formed by a convention of de- j legates chosen by the people, li the pec- j pie of Maryland, in the midst of a revolu- ! lion, could .calmly assemble, by their.repre- ' sentatives and form a constitution, in the name of common sense, w hy cannot we do so now ? We are at peace with the whole world, apd have no cause to apprehend that 1 W.c shall not continue at peace with one an- j other. And if so, with the advantages ol j experience under our own constitution, and I with opportunities to observe the action ofi Governments all around us, such as the people of Maryland appear to desire, why I may we not peaceably, speedily, and har moniously proceed to dojustice to all parts of the State, by forming a constitution well calculated to protect aud foster all its va rious interests. The population of the State appears to be willing to make an honorable compro mise with the counties, by giving to eaclt of them,, without regard to tb.e numbers of their inhabitants, the right to eject a Senator, and tbene.can be no good reason why the repre-. sentatives of the counties should not in re turn give to the population a small increase of the number of its representatives in the House of Delegates. Allgood and perma nent Governments are formed in compro mise, and I have no reason to fear that the people of Montgomery, in the midst of whom I was born and have ever lived, will disapprove of ’the course which 1 have adopted, since it is calculated to afford an opportunity to the whole people of die State to meet in convention, and there by a spi rit of magnanimity worthy of freemen, lay the foundation of a government, republican in its character and impartial in its dispen sations of benefits and burdens to the w hole people, for whose good and happiness, it is to be created. The political panic-xnakers may, .for a time, stagger and alarm the timid. But,there will b.e seen such a.re-actiou as will carry dismay to the hearts of those des perate men, who, for mere party purposes, are now jeapordizing the peace and good order of society, by circulating the most disgraceful and unfounded falsehoods. To the people of Montgomery, by w hom I was elected, I beg leave to tender now publicly tny heartfelt gratitude for their generous and prompt approbation, and to invite them to unite with the republicans of other portions of Alaryland in that spirit which did honor to, and immortalized the patriots of seventy-six in the good andjust work of establishing peaceably and soberly a form of government wot thy of the des cendants of Chase, Carroll, and Paca. I am, very respectfully, Your fellow-citizen, WASHINGTON DUVALL- From the Augusta Constitutionalist. There is a strange sight before the peo ple ; and this sight is presented by the par lies in opposition to the present federal ad ministration, and to Air. Van Buren. And what is it ? The combination of opposite principles, and the union of men who, if in power, would follow contrary and different courses. How can that be ? It is as clear as a noon-day sun. The nullifiers in the South support Air. White for the presidency, [ a man wim sanctioned the object of the “Proclamation,” and voted forthe“Bloody Bill.” The nullifiers in 11,le South pretend to be the inveterate enemies of the aboli tionists, and opposed to the reception of petitions by Congress, for the abolition of slavery. And yet their papers proclaimed it as a great triumph, the re-election of Mr. Slade to Congress, one ofthe most zealous abolitionists of the north. Air Granger i is the candidate ofthe XVbijgs fo|‘ the Vice Presidency. Would not the Nullifiers ol the south proclaim it as a triumph, should he be elected The whigs ol the north, with Air, Webster at their head, took a de cided stand against the dpctyines of Air. Calhoun, aud condemned in unmeasured terms especially tlje doctrine of nullifica tion. And yet, whenever a nu||ifier is eject ed in the south itis considered by them as a great triumph. The VV bigs, w ith Messrs. Clay and Webster, are advocates of a pro tective tariff'. And yet these same Wliigs would exult should the nullifiers succeed in electing Air. White and Air. Tyler. The union men in the soyth rejected nullifica tion, and yet some of them are seen acting with the nullifiers, voting for them, and supporting Air. Tyler for the vice presi dency. Is not all this a strange sight ? Apd can the people place men in power who act so consistently ? It would be folly to believe that a people so intelligent as the people of the United States are, should be so credulous as to believe the declarations of the leaders of whigs and nullifiers, who, 1 if placed in power, would create confusion in the measures of the federal government, and impede the prosperity of tfie country, Can nullification and the “ American Sys tem,” be associated in the policy of the government I Can Harrison, the aboli tionist, bank man, tariff man, and internal improvement man, be voted lor by the same individuals who will vote for Tyler, the nullifier ! And yet this strange and won derful sight, may be seen in Georgia. On the other baud, what do vve behold, in regard to the union party. The union men, as a party, are no nullifiers —no bank men—no tariff men—no internal improve ment men-—and no abolitionists. They support lor the presidency a man who does i not entertain any relish tor nullification, lor the ban[t, for a protective tariff, nor lor abolition. The union men are consistent in their principles, iij supporting Air. Van Buren for the presidency in preference to the other candidates. If this gentlemen is elected, the union men will not be disap- I pointed in the policy he will pursite in the 1 administration ofthe government. Should i Gen. Harrison be elected, would bis admi- i ! nistration please the nullifiers? Should' Mr. White be elected, will he be able to ■ obtain the support of the abolitionists, w ho ! j no doubt will consider as a triumph, the I I election of any body but Mr. Van Buren t i j Will harmony prevail among the support- j ers of either Air. White or Gen. Harrison, I ' should ope or the other he elected ? None ! ! can be anticipated. Confusion and disor der would ensue, which would place the union in the most imminent peril. Are the people of the United States prepared for such a result of the approaching presiden tial election,? They certainly are not: If ! they are not, they will make choice of Air. | Van Buren as their president. From the N. O. Bee. \ THE ADMINISTRATION OF GEN. JACKSON. The administration of Gen. Jackson is fast drawing to its termination, and one naturally recurs to its past history. No ad ministration has been more bitterly assailed, no administration has encountered greater difficulties, or has been more perseveringly opposed, yet none w.e say emphatically has ' rendered more important services to the contxtry or better developed science I pf human government. The mot! vexatious principles at home, and the most difficult diplomatic relations.abroad I have been surmounted .under it, and it J is a matter of astonishment and reflects the highest credit upon the President, that all those questions without a solitary ex ception have been settled definitely, and to the honor and future prosperity of the coun try. Our various claims upon foreign pow ers have not been alone acknowlegd, but have been paid; and the policy pursued in relation to the difficulty with France, has been of a nature to elevate us, and make us respected abroad. Weljave practically carried out the principle that while we ask for nothing which is not fully right we sub mit to nothing that is wrong. The esta blishment of such a determination has done more to secure us the b.essings of peace, and to make other nations cautious in over stepping the boundaries of equity and jus tice in,their communications with us, than all the diplomacy, or all the treaties we have ever had with them. Among tfie proudest trophies at home, the extinguishment of the iNational Debt, the reduction of the Tariff, the Retrench ment of Public Expenditures, and the de feat of the Bank of the United States are the most prominent and whose wisdom pos terity will most readily acknowledge. All those measures have alone been effected by a sagacity, an energy and an iron deter mination which fall to the lot of but lew men. The last act although we are aware we dii fer from many whose wisdom and,experience we respect, we consider the most important and the most beneficial of all that General Jackson has accomplished. The corrupt and dangerous tendency of that insinuation has been exhibited in its flagrant and out rageous attempt to control the government through the distresses whiqb it was compe tent to produce among the people. It wielded the greatest power which regulates numan conduct, and was capable of consli-1 tilting itself the great pivot upon which all national affairs should turn. Its pecuniary favors were dealt out with a prodigal hand .o members of Congress. Vast sums were spent in printing and circulating election eering documents, and in corrupting the press. Abandoning its commercial charac ter it became the political engine ami rally ing point of hostility to the government ; it determined at al! events to obtain a charter. With studied and heartless cruelty, it caus ed innumerable failures among unofl’emling merchants who were to suffer for its sin. Beggary and ruin were the portions of ihoiisaiid who after patient industry calcu lated upon the enjoyment of the fi’tiits of their toils. But no, in a moment their pros pects were blasted, and they were referred to the hostile measures ofthe President as the pretext for the persecutions they endur eff. Many a helpless father in this city has seen in one fatal week, his whole property fall a wreck to this most infernal policy. What would have been the fate qf the country if the Bank had been countenan ced by the President in its ambitious de signs, instead of meeting with his decided opposition ? it would be futile to expect that tlie ene mies of the President will acknowledge his foresight, in this as well as in the other mea sures of his administration. But when party spirit has subsided they will be the first to admit their propriety and necessity. At all events, he may fearlessly appeal to posterity : they will consider him the last of the Romans. WIHGGERY. Itis said that the Secretary of the Hart ford Convention, will publish a history of the New Whigs, giving a particular and authentic account ofthe party from its com mencement in 1775, down to the present time. It will contain the history of 1775, vyhen they were Tories. 1778, their residence on Staten Island. “82, their flight to Nova Scotia. “84, their return, white-washed patriot?. “89, monarchists in the Convention. “94, British Treaty men. “98, Black cockades. 1806, advocates of impressment, and oppo nents of the embargo. “12, Peace and submission men. “13, Blue Lights. “14, Hartford Conventionists. “19, British Bankites. “24, Federal Republicans. “28, Adams men. “31, Clay men. “32, National Republicans, “33, Nullifiers. ‘134, Bank WJiigs. ?\35, Harrison men, “36, to be filled after the | election with Harrison’s defeat.— Eastern Dem. Nathaniel Macon.—At the head of the Vgn Burep ticket for electors in North Carolina stands the name of Nathaniel Ma con—the Father pj Democracy. XV hat motive can actuate the venerable patriot in advocating tlie claims of Air. Van Buren? None w ill accuse him of being capable of being influenced by other than pure and patriotic motives—his sterling honesty, his indifference as to office, ids voluntary relin quishment of the office of Senator an r d his never-swerving devotion to democratic principles, show beyond all doubt or cavil, that he has stepped forward in his old age, aud taken sides with the Republican party, because that he believes that Mr. Van Bu ren is worthy of tlie support ofßepublicans. Air. Al.acon has served in the United States Senate with Air. Van Buren and Judge White; he knows them both, and under stands their qualifications and their politi cal principles. Betwixt the two he has se lected Air. Van Buren. When such a man as old Nat. Macon supports Air. Van Bu ren, how idle is it for the mushroom politi cians ofthe present day to charge him with a want es attachment to Republican prin ciples. We mention this fact, because ev ery man now of age knows the character ol Alacon for devotion to the Republican par ty-—and because we know, that the opinion of such a man must weigh w ith the Repub licans of Tennessee.— Tennessee Dem. From the Mobile Register. WHIG TRICKERY. Os all the ridiculous attempts to break down Air. Van Buren in the south, that which is based upon the pretence that he is “«« abolitionist" and “a northern man,” is the most bare-faced and outrageous. That those who have used these unfair weapons of warfare against,the Republican Candi date, know that they are unfair, is abun dantly plain from tiie readiness with whjch they ground arms on this subject, and sur render at discretion to Gen. Harrison, as soon as they discover the slightest hope that by so doing, they may possibly defeat Van Buren* Harrison, in his Cheviot speech, boldly takes the ground, that the .‘-surplus revenue” should be used to buy up the slaves ol the south, and expresses it as the wish “dearest to his heart,” that the period may be near at hand when it can be said that the “sun shines not on American slaves.” He has not only said this, but unlike Air. V an Buren, who candidly an swers the interrogatories even of his ene mies, “be buckles up his opinions in his own doublet,” and when asked by tlie citizens of Vermont for his opinions on thg power of Congress in regard to slavery, he dodges the question, and refuses to answei! And this is the candidate of the Nullifiers ol the south! That “chivalrous” party who were not willing to take Van Buren’s casting voteoi} Calhoun’s Rill as a guaran tee for his action towards the south in future, backed as that vote was by the unequivo cal expression of the opinion, that it be came whoever was elected to the Presiden cy, “to use all constitutional means to pre vent an interference” with slavery, even in the District of Columbia! But unblushingly as is this utterly inde fensible conduct of the Nullifiers, and char acterized as it plainly is by the piost utter destitution of any thing like the semblance of principle—there is anothejr small party of the south, who are co-operating with the Nullifiers against the Republican party, and who are not the less liable to severe uni mad version than are the reckless Nullifiers themselves. We refer to that small but bitter little faction in the southern States, who have always been found heretofore the warmest and loude.st in support <>J noithern men, provided those northern men happen ed to be thoroughgoing, full blooded fed eralists. Who was it that supported John Quincy Adams, a northern man, with all i his obnoxious notions about slavery, aslatc- £s¥ P. 1,. r,. iW. 144 ' •nrrzrwjrix-vr.' tn« i ma in n Ulk ly disclosed by liisspecch in Congress, oq the affairs of Texas? Who was it that strained every nerve for Henry Clay, whom Bull'Green now denounces ns “tenfold worse than an abolitionist?” Whr> yvas it V that sang pecans to John Sergeaut, the. v avowed abolitionist and Missouri restric tionist when he was on Clay’s ticket as Vice President? It was no other little, embittered, exclusive Federal party, Jv that is now shameless enough to affect to qS| forget its principles, and bark in with the Nullifiers in singing out “abolition,” for the purpose of hunting down Alartin Vaq IP Buren, as if lie were a wild beast. They I ' cannot forget that Air. Van Buren is a Re- V publican— that in their eyes is his unpar donable offence —To punish and destroy him, all principle is openly abandoned, ariff all arts, however contemptible, are seized on and used with the most voracious advidi ty. In due time, the people will put thiir. veto upon the conspirators. MISREPRSENTATION. The New York Express says the young men of the Union are opposed to Alarlin Van Buren. Astonishing! Wonder if the editor learned this w hile on his tour through Europe ? frent. Emporium. Note by the Globe.— The travelled edit or of tlie Express, now in the pmploy of the Bank party, seems, as a Baron Alun chausen, to be second pnly to Al. AL Noah, SPANISH INDEMNITY. We are much gratified tg learn |hat a portion of the Spanish indemnity has also been paid, <;;id arrived it) this country, be sides all the instalments due from France and Naples. Yet this is the administration which the merchants have been urged by the bank tq thwart and oppose ! WHAT DOES WIHGGERY MEAN On the re-ekciion of Slade and Everett, from Vermont, two of the leaders of aboli tionism, and, anti-masonry in .Cmjgres.s, the Chronicle and Patriot, cry out, ‘Huzza tor the Whigs.” On the election ofa nul lifier in Carolina or Alabama, the same pa pers repeat the cry, ‘ Huzza for H:e Whigc.’ ; At our approaching election for Delegates ! to the Slate Legislature, Daniel Raymond, 'is a candidate on the Whig ticket fiir j Alegany county—the same individual who ! was a professed aud ax owed abolitionist, or anti-slavery candidate for the same station in this city in 1525 and 1826 ; and’ not withstanding the hisdng he received when on tlie slump, he stood a poll, receiving in in the first 624 \ otes, and in the second, i o<4 voles, of the ten thousand voters of our city. He maintained his odious ffoctrines in ! an address signed by himself, and'pulished I in our city papers about the 22d 1825. Dull Green, moreover, who has re moved to Alleghany county, and who pro fesses to recoil from an abolitionist as he ( would from a rattlesn«ke, is understood to be engaged in supporting the election of Daniel Raymond. We repeat, what does M higgery mean r— Trent. Epiporium. A Compliment.—The Hampshire Mass Gazette, speaking of the election by tlie House oi Representatives, calls Harrison a “ lesser evil!” Whata name thisforaPre sident of the United Slates! and what an alternative too for a State whicli boasts a “ god-like” w ithin its borders! Sic transit gloria Massachusetts!—Trent. Emp. EXTRACT FROM AN ADDRESS, To the Freemen cf North Carolina. —Fellow-Citizens : The term for w hiclj General Jackson was elected President will expire ou the 4th of March next, and an earlier day will call upon the people of the United States io decide who shall be his successor. To whom tiie vote of this Slate shall be given on that occasion, is a question impor tant to our welfare, and to our consistency. The leaders of the party opposed to tlie present administration, who for years past, have denounced without measure, and cot.- cemded without reason, every leading act ofthe National Government, are perse vering in thir efforts to attract to Judge White the favor and confidence of the peo ple. It becomes an interesting inquiry among those w ho have supported, and still approve of the present administration, how far the support ol Judge V. bite is calculated tq Carry out the measures w hich Genl. Jack son so wisely begun, and the people have so ilrmlv sustained. Aleasures, the fiuits of which are already manilest in the un exampled prosperity of tlie country; mea sures w hie h the republicans of this State have advocated as our safeguard against the perils of disunion, our only sure de fence lor populai liberty. JUDGE WHITE, That Judge White is supported by the narty opposed to the present administration (br tlie purpose of subverting its principles and elevating into power those who have resisted its measures and intend to alter its policv, is so plain, that we wonder only how any man of candor can pretend tq doubt it. It is denied ? Then we appeal to every candid man in the State to look andseeif every Auti-Jacksoii man among us—if eve ry man w ho has been lukewarm or suspect ed in his attachment to the administration — if these are not loudest in their support of Judge White? if they do not proscribe every man, no matter w hat bis public ser \ ices have been, and however orthodox his politics heretofore, who does not go with them in the cause of Judge White? We ask you to look and see il the late elec tion ol'a Governor in this State is not al-