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ready hailed by opposition men of every class as a triumph over the principles of the i present administrnt on, as evidence that the i State has abandoned the position she has i heretofore occupied ? That these things' are so, none will vennre to deny. W hat i do they mean ? Are the old enemies of' General Jackson better patriots and better friends of their country : and have they on a sodden changed their opinions, or do they know that Judge White has altered his? Do they support his election with the expectation that he will oppose their principles, and exclude them li out oilice under his administration ? Let the sober sense ol an intelligent people oclermine. But further : a convention of nullitiers in y Georgia nominated Judge White, and he Zj is now running as their candidate, Gover -7 nor Tyler, as their candidate for Vice Pre- Yysident, whose adhesion to that partv no one question. The nuliitica ion party in fcr South Carolina, in Alississippi, in Alaba- and indeed thrmtgliout the south, are purging Judge White upon the people as a I candidate. They and the presses ' (belonging to that class of politicians, are laboring to divide the friends of the present administration, and to create a feeling of hostility against the north among the peo ple ol the south. And for what? They are busy in abusing every prominent friend of the present admiuisli ation, as they acted in South Carolina towards every friend of the Union.-—They are establishing presses in this and other States, and disseminating inflamatory appeals to the people against the north about slavery, as they did in ! 1822 about the Tariff. They are labor-' ingto identify the administration candidate j with abolitionists, without proof, and j against the directest evidence. They have i grounded their opposition to Mr. Clav, and combined w ith his party to oppose the i administration in all its measures. They I arc denouncing Presidmt Jackson as a ty rant, usurper, and despot, on account of j measures w hich he recommended ; and; yet they support Judge White as his sue-> uessor, who voted for these measures, and pretends to be a friend to the present ad- i ministrations. We ask you what does all this mean? Have these nullifters renoun ced their doctrines, and become Union men ? Are they suddenly converted to the doctrines of the proclamation, and ready to acquiesce in the policy and constitution ality of the force bill, which they have here-! tofore denominated the “ Bill of Blood!” No, fellow-citizens: they know, as every one knows, that Judge White, like all other men, must be dependent for his support upon those who elect him. That elected, ' if elected at all, by their votes, he must look to the nullifiers and the opposition for couticellors, and form his cabinet from a-! mongthe enemies of the present adminis tration. And if it were meant to be some I cartvest to that party of his future course, I Judge M bite lias already begun the work ofhis political apostacy. VV hat! Judge \\ hite an apostate ? The “ AowesZ Judge White” a deserter from the administration, and his former friends ? I >et facts answer if we have too harshly charac terized his course. He was elected to the Senate as a friend of Genera) Jackson, and from the year 1828 until he himself was nominated as a candi date of the opposition, he agreed w ith Gen. Jackson in every thing, and differed with him about nothing. He supported the administration, advo cated the measures, approved the views and upheld the doctrines of General Jackson. Ifhe once separated from him in the minuter details of executive duty or of legislative recommendation, before he was himself a candidate, we do not know it. It is not believed he ever did. What General Jackson did, he approved. AVhat General Jackson opposed, he re sisted. But as soon as Judge White became a candidate, and his claims were overlooked by the President and his party, and were espoused by the nut lifers and all the other old enemies of the President, then, for the first time, he began to differ from the ad ministration ; to approve measures which he had before condemned, and to resist no minations that he had previously voted for. We believe Judge VV hite has never had an opportunity since he became a candidate to reverse any vote which he had previously given in support of the administration, but what he has done so; and gone against the President, against himself, and with the op position. Take these facts, and then determine for yourselves fellow citizens: whether it be uncharitable to suspect him ofhaving chang ed his politics to gratify his ambition ? Whether it will be sale to rely on him as a supporter of your principles? His friends may protest against our conclusions, with what earnestness they please; and still the common sense ol mankind will determine th»t in this conduct of Judge White there is ground at least lor serious suspicion. Judge White's Inconsistencies. Pcfocc Judge White, But after Judge accepted a nomination White became a con front the nullifiers and didate of the Oppo the Opposition. sit ion—' 1. He voted against ]. He voted against Air. Clay’s resolution expunging from the to censure and </e-journal, of the Senate grade Gen. Jackson the resolution of ccn for removing the de- sure against the Pro poses. sident. 2. He voted against 2. He voted/br Mr. Mr. Clay’s Land Bill Clay’s Land Bill. •nd approved of Ge-j neral Jackson’s Veto. was in favor: 3. He voted against of Judge Taney,whenLjmlge Taney when jet). Jackson tiomi-|Gen. Jackson rrnorni nated him to the ol- nated him to the Sp lice of Judge of the nate as .Minister to Supreme (Joint, ami England, voted for him alsol when he was nomina ted as Secretary of the Treasury. 4. He voted /or Mr.i 4.He voted against Stevenson when Gen. Mr. Stevenson,"when Jackson nominated Gen. Jackson nomi him to the Senate as nated him to the So ft Minister to Eng- nate as Minister to land. ‘ England. 5. He voted/o/’ Mr. 5.He voted against Kendall, when Ge- .Mr. Kendall, when neral Jackson norni- Gen. Jackson nomi nated him to the Se-Hated him to the Se mite as //7t>r. 'nate as Pott Master I General. The reason then, why Judge White is so I earnestly pressed upon the people by the niilliliers and other lenders of the opposi-1 lion, are obvious. But it is difficult to per ceive bow any sincere advr cate of the mea sures and the principles of the present ad ministration, can consistently give his vote in favor of Judge White. GE N EIIA LII A H RIS ON’SDE FEX (' F OF HIS PROPOSITION TO BFLL WHITEMEN FOR Fi.\Eßc COSTS. It seems that General Harrison’s advoca ‘ ll ,"‘ sa * e 111 tlle l n ’»ons of citizens at Sheriff's salts, in payment of a fine and\ costs (or petit delinquencies, is bin an old ' mound of objection revived against him.! W e have before us a v indication of his po-1 licy on this subject, put in a published let-! ter to the editor of the Advertiser, dated I North Bend, 22d december, 1821. This I letter, while it acknowledges the vote, and' maintains its propriety, is a most disingen-i iotts st itement of the objects of the bid ini question, and ol'its inevitable consequences ! if it had become a law. He says: I'or several years past, it had become ap parent that the penitentiary system was be coming more and more burdensome at eve ry session; a large appropriation was call ed for to meet the excess of expenditure a bove the receipts of the establishment. In the commencement of the session of 1820,! the deficit amounted to near $20,000 This grow ing evil required the immedi- i ate interposition of some vigorous legisla tive measure. ’I wo were recommended as being likely to produce the effect ; first, placing the institution under better man agement ; and, secondly, lessening the number of convicts who were sentenced for short periods, and whose labor was found, of course, to be most unproductive. In pursuance of the latter principle, thefts to Ute amount of $.50, or upwards, were subjected to punishment in the penitentia ry, instead of $lO, which was the former minimum sum—this was easily done ! But the great difficulty remniiied to determine what si.mild be the punishment of those nu merous larcenies below the sum of SSO! By some whipping was proposed ; by oth ers, punishment by hard lahvr in the countv jads ; and by others it was thought best to make them work on the highway. To all these there appeared insuperable objections. Fine and imprisonment w as adopted by the House of Representatives as the only al ternative; and as it was well known that these vexatious pilferings were generaly perpetrated by the more worthless vaga bonds in society, it was added that when they could not pay the fine and cost’s, which are always part of the sentence and punishment, their services should be sold out to any person that would pay their fine and costs for them. From litis it would seem that General Harrison endeavored in 1821, as lie does : now, to palm a deception upon the public, i by making the impression that it was tnere- Ily to commute punishment of penitentiary | offences, for the milder expiation, but deep 'er degradation, of being sold in the streets j as a slave. It is perfectly clear, however, from the : words of’the bill, that it was merely for pe cuniary penalties imposed for minor mis demeanors, that the execution was to issue, unoer w hich General Harrison proposed to sell the body of the citizen. It was not for crimes of such grade as would justify the j ignominy of the penitentiary, that General ; Harrison was called on to legislate. It . was for such as a sum of money would com pensate—for such as created a debt to the j Government, under the judgment of a court -—such as a fine and lite costsofa prosecu tion, would indemnify the public. Now, to say nothing of the harshness and severity of the feeling, and the little sense of respect for the pride of character which has, under the Legislatures of all the States, and at all times, preserved every free American citizen from wearing the badge of slavery for one moment, the injustice and anti-Re publican spirit of the measure supported by Gen. Harrison, is evinced by the ine quality of its operation. If a rich man is insulted, and lie chastises his trad user on the spot, he is properly subjected to a fine for the violation of the peace ami the laws. He pays the fine, and stands the higher in the estimation of his fellow-citizens fortlie promptitude with which he resents the wrong done to himself, and repairs the wrong done the public, by making the; atonement prescribed in the statute. But under General Harrison’s proposed law, if a poor man, who lives from day to day by his hard earning, is insulted, and resents it he is fined, and not being able to make the indemnity in money, is sold as a slave in the streets by the sheriff! This is certainly making at once a great distinction between the monied classes of this country, and, I those who live by the sweat of die brew, as there is between the lords of Europe and its lowest serfs. Under the ptovision supported by Harri son, there are a hundred immunities which the rich man’s purse would purchase, and the want of which would subject the poor to be sold as a slave. For instance, noth ing is more common than for the courts to impose lines for talking too loud in court | —for non attendance as a juror—as a wit ness— an arbitrator, or for failing to obey I some orderof court: and all such offences are called contempts of court, and ate pun ishable by fim-.—ail such judgments, which are nothing more than debts entered of re cord, the purse of the rich man at once satis iii.s; but General Harrison’s law would make the pt rsoti of the poor man responsi ble, and sell him as a slave to answer. This is the true feeling of an aristocrat, and just ly i e<<>mm<'uds Harrison to the party that supports him. From the Missouri Argus. GENERAL HARRISON. \s this individual is the man whom the Republican has concluded to have the “whigs of Missouri” vote for, it will be well enough to examine into his preten sions. And wiial does an examination ex hibit, but a mass of imbecility, and the ex istence of garrulity, vanity, ami the absence <if intellect? Was not he immediately recall ed from Colombia by General Jackson af ter his election as President, for notorious unfitness for the oflice of Minister Pleuipo c’ntiary at that Republic? And was not General Harrison appointed by Mr. Adams ■olely because he stood hyoid John Adams in the days ol his distress, and appointed him too against the wishes of' Air. Clav, who knew the weakness of his mind, and his want of" standing among the people ? No longer before that, than 1820, he run for the oflice of Governor of Ohio, and the vote stood thus: Ethan A. Brown, 31,83(5, Jeremiah Mor row, 9,426, and William 11. Harrison, 4,348 votes, lie afterwards (three or four years ago) run for the Legislature, and was beaten badly by ti young man who had never run before. He has no standing at home. In him, those who know him at Washington have no confidence. His /iz mih/, in the language of aristocrats, was highly respectable, and as he was unable to make a living by the practice of medicine, to which he was bred, his family obtained an appointment in the western country for him. He was appointed Governor of In- ■ diana, and ol course commanded the army sent against the Indians. Owing to the unparalleled bravery of the troops under his command, Doctor Harrison was not cut to pieces at Tippecanoe. Wherever the doctor went, misfortune followed him. Certificates, testimonials, &tc. had to be re sorted to, to clear up his character. Even a petticoat was made for his use by the la dies c.f Chillicothe. At length the Gov ernment wearied, and himself discouraged, Doctor Harrison resigned the oflice of Ma jor General, and Andrew Jackson was ap pointed Major General in his stead. The battle of New' Orleans followed, and peace was restored. Doctor Harrison and the petticoat, and the cert’ficates and the high praises of our offices, who thought they could in the hour of victory afford to be generous toa doctorso haunted with “mis representations,” and petticoats, were all soon forgotten. His extravigance soon ' dissipated the property given him, and but for the SIB,OOO obtained for going to Col ombia, from whence he was recalled by General Jackson before he could spend it, iiis family must have suffered or depended upon the benefactions of the family connec tions before spoken of. But the SIB,OOO soon went also, and to relieve him from the absolute penury into which his improvidence was plunging him, bis friends obtained the oflice of countv court clerk of Cincinati for him This of fice is worth from 5 to S7OOO per annum, and he is thus able to live again—off of the people, of course. This oflice was given to support him, not be appointed to fill the of fice and discharge its duties. He has nev er performed its duties. It was not expect ed. This is the man—one who could not be elected by the people, who know him, to a ! subordinate station; and one who has not .‘■nough of General Jackson’s confidence in his ability to secure his place at Colombia, although General Jackson has known him for near thirty years—this is the man for whoni the Missouri Republican has conclu ded to have the “Missouri Whigs” cast their votes for! He, it is true, is an old superanuated man of high family, but his pretensions must be examined neverthe less. That he is an old John Adams federal ist none deny, as he lias been too long be fore the people to render such assertion safe. Besides this disqualification, he is in fa vor of the emancipation of nor slaves. AVe make the above assertion deliberate ly and challenge the Republican to deny it. Ifit does so, if it dare do so, next week the proof shall be submitted. It shall be clear, unequivocal, definite. The Re publican is issued daily, and therefore has room and leisure to deny, or seem to deny, the charge. We venture, however, to pre dicttiiat it will not dare to say a single word n relation to it. Harrison is in favor of having the Gov ernment establish a system of emancipation, alias abolition of slavery, and so is the Re publican, as we can satisfactorily prove, from their own language, to the heart’s content of their own friends ; and he is for that reason supported by them. We chal lenge them to the combat. They are invi ted to choose the most favorable position witich the doctrine will admit of, as even then, abundance of employment, it is more than likley, will be at their disposition. To reconcile the people to him, Harrison is represented as a western man, as a great man, as a fighting man, and as an elcquen man. But it all will not do. He is still Doctor Harrison, lie still requires certifi cates. His bravery and skill in battle have been doubted by the ladies. He has been deemed worthy of a peticoat. And he is so unlike Andrew Jackson, whose courage, whose victories, never re quired certificates—the British army is the witness that Jtwkson would be obliged to call on for a certificate No: we do not want Harrison. Let us have a man who needs no certificates of courage, when that is the only qualificati »n he is considered to have. • Front the Washington Globe. JUDGE WHITE AND JOHN ROSS. Judge White first allied himself political ly with John Ross in 1824. At that time he put Ross upon his plan of asserting a na tional existence for the Cherokees, wholly independent of the State Government with in the limits of which they resided. This idea w hich has produced all the difficulties in that section and prevented the emigra tion of the Cherokees, and the population of that section of Georgia with industrious cultivators, had its origin in an elaborate paper, drawn by Judge White, supporting the right of Ross, and others acting with him as Chiefs and Legislators, to make laws for the Cherokees, as an independent nation, and as a consequence, ta.r-lraders licenced by the Unilcd States. This was the point contested by the Executive De partment of the General Government, and from which Ross appealed to Congress up on a written opinion, drawn up by Judge White. In that opinion Judge White as sumed the foilowing fundamental points : 1. “ 'l'lie Cht rokces arc to be considered a Nation ; a community having a country distinctly marktd out and. set apart fortheir use." 2. That “ their interest is as permanent and fixed in it as the pledge and faith, of the United. Stales can make it.” 3. That “ in our revolutionary war Huy had tahcnparl in ihc uar with, Great Bri tain, and were viewed as having been con- TI K STAN» AR I) 0 F II ipiered whenour I ndependcnee was declared." ■l. That they were held as other complet ed Indian tribes, until “ the treaty between them and the United States," when “ the Constitution of the I nited States had. been adopted," in which treaty they are spoken of as “ A nation”—the country “ As one OWNED BY THE INDIANS” —“ the desire manifested to reclaim them to the grade of herdsmen and cultivators of the soil,"— “ rzzzJ what is of still greater importance, hey are made sure of a permanent home." s.Upon these data, the Judge insisted— " The:/ have acquired the property itself. There must be laws to protect those who own it. By what community ought these Laws to be enacted'? Laws there must continue to be emanating from some, power capable of enacting them. Where is that power ? Il must be in Congress, or the Cherokee Con gress has never exercised it—the Cherokees always have." The State within which the Cherokees resided were then, by Judge AVhite, ex cluded from all jurisdiction over them— and al! sovereignty over the territory they held. He made them absolutely sovereign within the limits occupied by them with the Federal Government. Upon this point, the Judge was most emphatic, and summed up his whole doctrine in the following abso lute tone These • people are now to be received as a nati n possessing all the powers of Inde pendent nations which are not expressly, or by necessary implications surrendered up by the treaty" He then puts the Cherokee nation upon a footing with Slates, with regard to the points over which they are sovereign with in the limits. The Cherokees, he says “must have the power to impose taxes and make other municipal regulations for their own government." “There is nothing which forbids them to tax merchants, which would not equally prohibit the slates from doing so." Upon those principles he acted, when he reported against the first contingent treaty submitted to the Senate. It had been ne gociated by a portion of the tribe, and was to be consummated, when recognized by a I majority oftlie whole people. But Judge j White, as chairman oftlie Indian Commit ! tee, reported against it, because, as he says, I “ Andrew Ross and his party [the nego- I viators] were not Chiefs of the nation." Upon this principle, too, he acted as a Senator, when, to use his own admission and language, he says : “ / introduced and urged the Senate to adopt a resolution re questing the President to negotiate with the State of Georgia for a portion of her terri tory for the Cherokees." His object here evidently was to buy out the sovereign right as, claimed by Georgia, j and get her acquiescence in his doctrine, I which made John Ross an independent j Chief of an independent nation, within the | limits of the State. But the Judge at last reached the crisis i of a Presidential nomination, and after this, in an electioneering letter, designed to se cure his return to the Senate, and to aid his Presidential prospects, he reversed all his theory and practice of ten years, and as serted that “ Georgia was completely sov ereign and independent within her acknow ledged limits." That “ she had never granted the power to the Federal Govern ment, by treaty or othei wise, to dispose of her territory." And in this way he at once retracted all he had said about the inde pendent nation of Cherokees, and denied the validity of the treaty, in virtue of which he before bad solemnly declared they were “ a nation possessing all the powers of other independen t na Hons." PUBLIC SENTIMENT. The indications of public sentiment are every day becoming more and more favor able to the cause of Van Buren and democ racy. The people of Tennessee are be ginning to see the corrupt tricks which certain interested friends of Judge White are striving to play off upon them. They are becoming more fully satisfied of the shameful attempt, on the part of the White leaders, to deceive them into the support of General Harrison. It is now perfectly ap parent, that the friends of Judge White have no hopeofltis election by the people —or by Congress. This vve have hereto fore attempted to prove, and by reference to another column of this paper it will be seen that the point is given up by talented White men in other parts of the State. In an ar ticle from the Central (M’Minnville) Ga zette, headed “Col. Forrester—the Presi dency,” it will be seen that the Representa tive of that district has acknowledged be fore his constituents, that Judge White can not be elected by the People— but hopes he may be more successful before Congress. It will be seen also, that J. F. Morford, Esq. ex-Senator in the Legislature, although warmly in favor of Judge White, “deems it due to candor and, common sense to confess that Judge While cannot, be elected either by the People, or by Congress." Under this admission—in view of this solemn truth— why should Tennessee throw away hervote? Why shall she aid in the election of Gen. Harrison, a man for whom she has no per sonal or political partialities?—Why shall this be done? We call upon the noisy friends of the Judge to tell this people why this shall be done, ifthey still contend for it. Shall Judge White be continued on the field, when the only effect will be to strength en the Whig candidate, Gen. Harrison? Will the people of Tennessee—the chival rous Republicans of Tennessee—the State of Haywood, Overton, Carroll, and Jack son—sacrifice themselves and their politi cal intiuenee upon the shrine of selfishness? Will Tennessee, which has long been struggling for prittcipk—fought, bled, and conquered for principle—desert its holy standard in the moment of peril? Tennes see is now an important point. Aluch de pends upon her course. Will she sustain, in the present trying instance, the holy cause of truth, in the support of which she has won laurels which can only be denied by a blind subserviency to local prejudices? Let the people reflect upon this subject. Let them inquire where Judge White will be voted for—and they must find he can only get North and South Carolina, and Tentjessei—making 39 electoral votes. Let them then inquire whether these States would vote for Harrison, if White was out of the question,—and they vvi|l find that Van Buren only opposes White Let them next inquire whether the taking of 39 N! ON. votes from Van Buren can possibly bene fit hite—and whether the Republican par ty will not be weakened to the extent of W bite s strength. Let them, also, inquire whether White can get into the House with 39 votes —and whether taking that nutniter from Van Buren may not take the election into the House, where the contest will be between Harrison, Webster, and Van Buren. Let these points be fairly inquired into, and vve are satisfied that the people of Ten nessee will not throw their strength into the scale of Harrison—a weak, Federal U hig!—Athens (Tenn.) liepublican. ■:.. ‘•'l'lie friends of the Union are our friends,and its enemies, our enemies." TUESOAl 7 MOttNING, October 95. Vnion Democratic Republican. Ticket. FOR PRESIDENT, MARTIN VAN BDftEN. FOR VICE-PRESIDENT, RICHARD M. JOHNSON. “ For the Engrossment of the Bill, 18 votes—A gainst it, 18. The Chair voting in the AFFIR MATIVE, the Bill is ordered to be engrossed and read a third time.” Martin Pan Buren, on the Bill to prohibit the. cir culation of incendiary publications through the mails. ELECTORAL ticket. THOMAS F. ANDERSON, of Franklin WM. B. BULLOCH, of Chatham. SAMUEL GROVES, ofMadison. THOMAS HAYNES, of Baldwin. PITT MILNER, of Monroe WILLIAM PENTICOST, of Jackson. JOHN RAWLS, of Pulaski. THOM AS SPALDING, of Mclntosh. REUBEN JORDAN, of Jasper. WM B. WOFFORD, of Habersham. THOMAS WOOTEN, of Wilkes. For Consrefts. GEN. JOHN W. A. SAN FORD. (tj? 3 Our friends who are in arrears for sub scription or otherwise, are reminded that they will have a good opportunity of forwarding the amount by their Members of the Legislature. We hope they will avail themselves of it.- JUDGE WHITE AND THE i'KtE NE GROES. The statement made by us, some weeks ago, that JUDGE WHITE walked arm and arm with a FREE NEGRO to the polls in 1825, has been broadly denied by the Nullifying presses, and certificates are circulating from Tennessee, contradicting the assertion. When we stated the fact, we did so advisedly. It was not done upon rumor or false clamor, but upon the word of a gentleman, whose charac ter stands far above suspicion, and whose integ rity and veracity are wholly unimpeachable. When it was first denied, vve referred onr fellow-citizens to him,and gave his name to the public. We stated that the occurrence took place at the election in Knoxville, in 1825, in the presence of BENJAMIN L. LESTER, Esq. of Baldwin County. Since that time, certificates have found their way from Knoxville, and are now going the rounds of the nullifying papers, which are at tempted to be played ofl’ upon the people as proving that the charge is false ; but the good sense of the community is not to be blinded or misled by the stratagem. The certifu-rs themselves, devoted as they are to Judge White, cannot deny the fact, and only attempt to prove a negative, by stating that no such thing occurred in their presence. Will any man take such evidence against the di rect and positive affirmation of a witness, who states directly and positively, that the lact oc curred? The certificates of those persons may, no doubt, be true, and yet they do not, by any means exculpate Judge White, for in the bustle of a warmly contested election, where there were some fifteen hundred voters, an hundred things might have taken place, which did not come within their observation; so that their cer tificates in no wise exonerate Judge White, in the face of direct and positive evidence.. The difference between one witness stating that he knows nothing of a given fact, or saw nothing of a particular transaction, and the statement of another, that he knows the fact and witnessed the transaction, is so striking and ap parent, and so well settled by rhe law ol evi dence in all civilized countries, that nothing but a desperate cause, could induce a resort to such a subterfuge. We now re-assert, upon the authority of Mr. Lester, DISTINCTLY and UNEQUIVO CALLY, that he was at the Election in Knox ville, in 1825—that at the opening of the elec tion, he saw a number of NEGROES go to the pollsand vote-that the circumstance was so nov el and unexpected to him, thnt his attention was attracted to the scene, it being the first time that he had seen WHITE and BLACK com mingling together in the exercise of the elective franchise., and that he did then and there, see JUDGE WHITE and a NEGRO, WITH THEIR ARMS UNITED, WALK TO THE BALLOT-BOX. This is the authority upon which we commu nicated the fact to the public, and no man who knows Mr. Lester, will question its truth. lie was an eye-witness, and will sustain us fully in the statement vve have made. . . Will this satisfy the Recorder? M e hope'it will re-publish this article in its next. Since the remarks of flic Federal Union ol last week, expressing an opinion that Mr. LES TER may have been mistaken as to the person of Judge White, and that it might have been some other individual who walked to the polls with a free negro, whom he thought to be Judge While, vve have seen Mr. Lester, who says, that the person of Judge White was pointed out to him at the time, by a citizen of Knoxville, that he saw him afterwards, and is as confident of the fact, as he could be of tiny transaction which has ordinarily occurred iit his presence. Mr. Lester has been frequently in Knoxville, and has spent some time in the place, upon sev eral occasions, and formed some acquaintance among the citizens, and could not be mistaken. The certificates of General Anderson and other citizens of Tenneesec, by no means dis i prove the statements of Mr. Lester.—They de- clare that nothing of the kind took place, in their presence, and so might thousands of other men make the same declaration, and what does it prove? Why only that they were not present when it occured; but Mr. LESTER was pre sent, and states the fact, directly and positive ly, and there is no principle oflaw and com mon sense better settled, than that the direct evidence of a credible witness to a given fact, is worth, and will outweigh the negative tes timony of all mankind. The character of Mr. Lester is above suspi cion, and nothing has appeared to conflict with his statements. But why does Judge WHITE remain silent, if the charge is false? “Aye that’s the rub.” Ifhe is innocent, why has he not come out un der his own proper name, and denied it? When he does that, the public will be left to decide a question of veracity between him and Mr. Les ter ; but until lie shall contradict it under bis own hand, the evidence of Mr. Lester stands wholly unimpeached. This, we feel assured, he will never do. Had he been innocent, he would have met the charge promptly, with a di rect contradiction, but having failed to do so, is of itself prima facia evidence against him. M e have received within a few days, two communications from our political friends of Hawkinsville and Marion, recommending Col. 11 AR I \\ ELL 11. TARV ER, as a Candidate for Congress, to supply the vacancy occasioned by th® death of our lamented fellow-citizen, General Coffee. It is due to Col Tarver and the friends who have recommended him for a seat in Congress, to say, that there is no man of the party, for whom we would more cheerfully exert ourselves, and in whoso behalf we are ready to make greater efforts ; but the death of General Cof fee came so unexpectedly, and the time was so short, that it was wholly impracticable to have a general consultation upon the subject of his successor; and the name of General Sanford having been suggested, and having met the ap probation of every Union man to whom it was mentioned, it vvasdeemed advisable to announce it at once, that it might be known in every quar ter of the State, before the first Monday in No vember. We can assure our friends, that General San ford bad no desire to be nominated, and only consented to do so, from a desire to serve his party. It will afford us great pleasure at any time, to see Col. Tarver before the people for a seat in Congress, a circumstance which we hope and expect to occur in due season, when we shall make good these declarations, by giving him, our most zealous and active support. THE ELECTION. Another struggle is over, and another victory is won. Our eight living candidates for Congress are elected, and although with seven of them, the con test was pretty close, yet they have succeeded by an average majority of 8'26, General Glas cock, one of our Candidates, having received a considerable portion of the votes of the opposi tion, presents a poll of nearly fifty thousand, be ing by far the highest which has ever been receiv ed by any citizen of Georgia. In consequence of the lamented death of Gen oral Coffee, a few days before the election, Mr. Dawson, one of the opposition candidates, comes in. at the heel of our ticket, having received but a few hundred votes over the deceased ; but had General Coffee survived, his election was certain, and Mr. Dawson’s defeat inevitable. To a high minded and honorable man like Mr Dawson, it must be a source of extreme mortifi cation to know and to feel, that although he is entitled to a seat in Congress, ho owes it more to a severe and afflicting dispensation of Provi dence, than to the voice of his fellow-citizens. His election is no triumph to his party, when they reflect that his entrance into Congress is made, as it were, through the valley and shadow of death. We have the further gratification of announcing to our friends, that there is a majority of more than forty Union Members in the next Legislature. AGGREGATE OF THE OFFICIAL RE TURNS. Union; Nullification. Cleveland, 29,570 Alford, 28,805 Coffee, 28,544 Black, 28,347 Glascock, 48,448 Colquit, 28,677 Gra'ntland, 29,343 Dawsen, 28,994 Haynes, 29,490 Habersham 28,557) Holsey, 29,228 J. W. Jackson, 28,363 Jackson, 29,227 King, 28,458 Owens, 29,337 Nisbet, 28,419 Towns, 29,599 MR. VANBUREN AND THE UNION PARTY. Among many Union men [who prefer Judge White to Mr. Van Buren, an opinion prevails, that the Union party took up Mr. Van Buren, merely because the Troup party had dropped him. This conclusion has been made it seems to us, upon a hasty view of the facts, which when prop erly considered, will conclusively shew, that he was not taken up because he had been abandoned by the nnllifiers, but on account of his Union principles, as distinctly exhibited in his support of General Jackson’s administration, in regard to the ■ ultra measures of South Carolina. In the spring of 1832, Mr. Van Buren was nom inated for the Vice Presidency, by the Baltimore Convention, and received the warm support of a delegation of the Troup party who attended that convention, and thereby became tbeir candidate; but between that time, and the month of Novem ber following, the standard of nullification was raised in South Caiolina, and its contagion was becoming visible in Georgia. About this time Mr. Van Buren disclosed Ins sentiments and opin ions of nullification, in a letter to a committee of gentlemen in North Carolina, in which he ex pressed his decided disapprobation of the doctrine. This occurred shortly before the election, but as the Troup party had not then, openly declared tbeir preference for Mr. Calhoun’s theory, they could not drop Mr. Van Buto’n with a good grace, but voted for, and carried the ticket friendly to his election. But shortly afterwards, the altitude of South Carolina, became so ominous of mischief to the Union, that General Jackson, acting under an imperious obligation to his constituents, ad dressed a special Message to Congress, and issued his proclamatiou. No sootier were these State papers made pub lic, than the main body of the Troup party took an open stand on t lie side of nullification, and from that day onwards, have denounced Gen. Jackson mid Mr. Van Buren, as wholly unworthy of pub lic confidence. From these facts it appears, that [ tho nullitiers dropped Mr. Van Btiren in Decem ber 1832, on account of his union principles, and for qo other cause—and that they abandoned Gen- eral Jackson at the same moment, on account of his Union piinciples, and for no other caus*. The Union men had been the uniform friends of General Jackson, and the manner in which he maintained Union principles in the contest with South Carolina, had a tendency to increase their confidence in him, and nothing could be more nat ural, than that the firm and able manner in which Mr. Van Buren supported General Jackson and bis Union principles upon an occasion so full of danger to the country, should endear him to the Union party, and have rendered him an object of their esteem and friendship. It could not be oth erwise. We wero the devoted fiiends of Jackson so was Van Buren. We sustained him in his measures to preserve the Union—so did Van Bu ren, aud so has he done, oven to this day. Then we ask, was lie taken U|> by the Union party of Georgia, merely because the nullifiers dropped biiri? No! but because he had proved himself one of us, and worthy of our support. He lias stood by our patriotic President through thick and thin—and maintained our principles up on all occasions, and for this, he is abused by tho nullifiers. lhey dropped him because he was a UNION MAN, and we took him up because be was a UNION MAN. The nullifiers oppose UNION MEN—we support UNION MEN! Union men are pleased with General Jackson’s administration-—Van Buren is pledged tocarry it out-—all the other candidates for the Presidency, are opposed to his administration and will not car ry out its principles and its measures. A President, whose administration will come the nearest to General Jackson’s, will suit the Union party best, and Martin Van Buren is the man. “ STATE RIGHTHAND UNITED STATES RIGHTS.” When the bloody stripe and burning star of Nul lification was unfurled in South Carolina, the men who loved the UNION and revered the CON STITUTION, rallied beneath tho BROAD STRIPES and BRIGHT STARS, that glori ous emblem of LIBERTY, UNION and strength —the hnnner of STATE RIGHTS and UNIT ED STATES RIGHTS. Under its proud aegis, the Union and the Consti tution have been nobly sustained.—The reserv ed rights of the States, and the delegated rights of the General Government vindicated and preserv ed from the assaults of their enemies. The crisis has passed, and when ws contem plate the dangers which have threatened— tho struggles we have made, aud the triumph we have won, “our hearts are gladdened with gratitude to Heaven, and joy to our country.” The struggle is over, and the REPUBLIC IS SAFE. The agitators are overwhelmed—the public voice has spoken in tones of thunder, “THE FEDERAL UNION, IT MUST BE PRESERVED.” The balances of the Constitution are no longer disturbed, and our country is tnarchiag rapidly and boldly to a bright and glorious destiny. When we remember the predictions of ruin and desolation—of tyranny aud oppression which were poured out upon the head of General Jack son and the Union party within the last four years, and turn our eyes to the present prosperous anti happy condition of our country, we feel om strength re-nerved and our confidence increased in those great principles which lie at the founda tion of our party; and it is a source of the high est gratification, that after all the persecution which he lias endured, and the slander and vitu peration which have been cast upon him, the close of General Jackson’s civil career will be as bril liant as the splendor of his highest military aebiev inent. lie will leave his country at peace with all the world, her character exalted, and her name respected by the nations of the earth. He will leave the Constitution solid and entire—the States and the United States in the full possession of their rerpective rights, and the people free, prosperous and happy. What a proud contem plation for the closing scene of a patriot, after a long life devoted to the service of his country ? Union men rejoiee! To the success of your principles are we indebted for the blessings we enjoy. Faulter not in your course, but stand as sentinels on the watch tower of Liberty! You have just gained another triumph in the late Congressional Election.—You have met the snemy and they are yours. Rally again to the POLLS on the first Monday in NOVEMBER, and seal your devotion to STATE RIGHTS aud UNITED STATES RIGHTS! VAN BUREN OR HARRISON. The Richmond Whig hasabandoned JUDGE, WHITE, and the Whigs of Virginia are going head long for HARRISON, JUDGE WHITE’S prospects are now at an end, and every man who is honestly his friend, from a sincere desire to make him Resident, must be convinced that he never can '^W cdi and their alternative rests between; 4j|'jVRRI SON and VAN BUREN. . /A*'. In this crisis of affairs, the Southern are imperiously called on to guard their fig and protect their interests. ■ ’ j HARRISON ■ is an ABOLITIONIST-^<“ VAN BUREN isffidt/- ~ • '‘fdl ' I, DECLENSION OF MR. PETTIT. We were much gratified a few days since, at receiving the following note from Bushrod Pet tit, Esq. whoso name we announced in our last, as a candidate for Congress, to fill the vacancy occasioned by the death of General Coffee. This act of patriotic magnanimity on the part of Mr. Pettit, entitles him to the thanks of hie party, and affords additional proof of his devo» tion to those puro principles, which I;o has uni formly sustained with so much firmness and ability. Mr. P. is a gentleman of strong and dis criminating intellect, of studious habits, and I thoroughly versed in tho political history of the times. Os mild and unobtrusive manners, ha has never urged his claims upon his party.— voted to its interests, he will do nothing to cn« danger its safety. Tho value of such men cannot long remain dormant, and we hope the day is not distant, when he will stand in a position where the treasures of his mind wilLba displayed for th* goad of his count!y. “ McDonough, Ga. Oct. 17,1836. Sff? ;— I wrote you the other day, to say in your panel, that 1 was a candidate to fill the va cancy caused by General Coffee’s death, but seeing that a -nomination has been made, I de cline that intention. Respectfully, B. PETTIT. TO THE UNION PARTY. Remember the first Monday in November !!! ELEVEN ELECTORS’ and one MEM BER ol CONGRESS, arc to be chosen on davit! I!