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TW EN I V-l’oi i:TH
SECOND SESSION.
IN SENATE.
SATt nnAr, January 2. s , 1837.
The V ice Presii lent rose mid addressed I
the Senate nslolknvs:
Sk.NATOUS : The period is nt hand'
which is t<» exterminate the official relation
that has existed between us, and I leave,
probably never to return to it, ti bndv with !
which 1 h ave been lotisf connected—— w here j
•nine remain whom I found here fifteen |
years ngo, and where, in the process of!
public duty, personal associations have ari- '
•en never to. he forgotten. From such
•cenes, I cannot retire without emotion. I
Nor can I give to the Senate the usual op
portunity of choosing another to preside,'
for a time over their deliberations, without
referring to the manner in which I have en-1
deavored to discharge a most gratifying ;
•nd honorable trust connected with the of-!
■ce to which my country called me.
Entering upon it with unaffected diffi
dence, well knowing how little my studies!
had been turned to its peculiar duties, t was
yet strengthened by the determination, then ,
expressed, so to discharge the anrhority with;
which I was invested as best “to protect the i
rights. to respect the feelings, and to guard J
the reputations of all who could be affected l
by its exercis..” I was sure that, it" sue-1
cessful in this, 1 should he pardoned sorer- I
rurs, I could scarcely expect to avoid.
In the inter* al that lias since elapsed, it'
has been our lot, in this assemble, to pass
through scenes of unusual excitement. The j
intense interest on absorbing topics which!
has pervaded our whole comtncinity, could
not be unfelt within these walls. The
warmth of political partie ~ natural in such
times, the unguarded ardor of sudden de
bate, and collisions, seldom to tie separated
from the invaluable privilege of free* lisens
sion, have not iinfrequentiy been mingled
with the more tranquil tenor of ordinary
legislation. I cannot hope that in emer
gencies like these, I have always been so
fortunate as to satisfy every one around me;
yeti permit myself to think, that the extent
tn which my decisions have been approved
by the Senate is some evidence th.it inv ef
forts justly to administer their rules have
not been in vain : and I conscientiously
cherish the conviction, that on no occasion
have I have departed from my early resolu
tion, or been regardless of what was due to
the rights or the feelings of the members of
this body.
Though I may henceforth be separated
from the Senate, I can never cease to revert
with peculiar interest to my long connec
tion with it. In every situation of my fu
ture life, I shall remember, with a just pride
the evidence of approbation and confidence
which I have here received ; and as an A
merican citizen, devotedly attached to the
institutions of my country, I must always
regard, with becoming and sincere respect,
■ branch of otir Government invested with
•uch extensive powers, and designed by our
forefathers to accomplish such important
results.
■lndulging an ardent wish that every suc
cess may await you, in performing the ex
alted and honorable duties of your public
trust, and offering my warmest prayers,
that prosperity and happiness may be con
stant attendants upon each of you along the
future paths o( life, I respectfully bid you
farewell.
Mr.GRUNDY, moved that the Senate
proceed to ballot for a President pro tern;
and there being no objection made, the bal
lots of the several Senators present were
eollected in the ballot box, which, on being
counted, showed the following result :
There were 37 ballots given, 25 of which
were necessary to a choice ; of these
Mr. KING of Alabama icceived 26
Mr. SOUTHARD 7
Scattering 4
So that Mr. Kingof Alabama was duly elec
ted ; and was conducted to the chair by
Mr. Benton.
Mr. KING of Alabama, on taking the
Chair addressed the Senate as follows:
Gentlemen of the Senate :
To be again called to preside over the
deliberations of this august assembly, fills
my heart with the liveliest emotions of gra
titude. When at the last session it pleased
th« Senate to place me in this exalted
•ituation. I solemnly plekged myself to dis-1
charge the duties it devolved on me, without
favour and without partiality. I felt con
scious that I had done so ; but could any
-thing add to the grateful sense I entertain
of the honor you have again conferred on
me, it will be found in the unequivocal tes-1
timony you have this day borne, that I had j
faithfully redeemed that pledge. The Se- I
nate of the United States, gentlemen, is,
from its very organization, the great conser
vative body in this Republic. Here is the
•trong citadel of liberty. To this body,
the intelligent and the virtuous throughout
our wide-spread country look with confi
dence for an unwavering and unflinching
resistance to the encroachments of power on
the one hand, and the effervescence of pop
ular excitement on the other. Unawed and
unreduced, it should firmly maintain the
Constitution in its purity, ami present an
impregnable barrier against every attack
M that sacred instrument, come it from
what quarter it may. The demon of fac
tion should find no abiding place in this
chamber; but every heart and every head
•hould be wholly occupied in advancing
the general welfare, and preserving unim
paired the national honor. To insure suc
cess, gentlemen, in the discharge ol our
high duties, we must command the confi
dence and receive the support >f the peo
ple. Calm deliberation, courtesy towards
each other, order and decorum in debate,
will go far, very far, to inspire that confi
dence, and command that support. It be
comes my duty, gentlemen, to banish, if
■practicable, from this hall, all personal al-
Xfncalmrt* — ln t-heck at once every remark
of a character personally offensive, to pre
serve order and promote harmony. TXese
duties, as far as my powers will permit, I
•liall unhesitatingly perform. I earnestly
••licit your co-operation, gentlemen, in ai
ding my efforts promptly to put down eve
ry species of disorder. For your kindness
gentlemen, I tender you my grateful ac
knowledgements.
The following resolution was offered l>y Ma.
FENTON, and by unanimous consent, was
,• •n«sr|«- I 'r , d Tid .T'rv'ed to :
licsolrcd, That the Senate cordialy recipro- !
cate the sentiments of personal kindness, ex- '
pressed by Martin Vim Buren, Vice President I
of the United Slates, towards the members of j
this body upon taking leave of them ; and that j
the thanks of the {Semite be presented to him,!
in testimony of the impartiality, dignity ami!
ability, with which he has presided over their'
deliberations, of their entire approbation of his !
conduct in the discharge of the arduous and ini- I
portant duties assigned him as president of the |
Senate.
DEPARTURE OF SANTA ANNA.
Our Correspondent of the Baltimore Ameri
can, under date *27th ult. liirnislie»us the follow- 1
in” ; General Santa Anna accompanied hv bis |
aid Col. Almonte, and by Capt. Tattnall, of the ;
United States Navy»twrived in this city yester- !
day morning from Washington and immediate- !
ly took passage on board of the steam boat for i
Norfolk, wliicli left yesterday at three o’-;
clock.
We understand that General Santa Anna
will enibark’on his arrival at Norfolk, an board j
of' onw of the Government vessels lying there
anti sail immediately. The destiiHtiim of the
vessel is not known, but. is presumed tube Me.xi
! co.
The same correspondent on- tlte 28th ob
-1 serves—“ The Wash. Globe ofyesterday noti
-1 ces the departure of Santa Aanna and Almon
j te from that city for Norfolk and states that they ;
J will be conveyed to Vera Cruz in the U. S. brig I
Pioneer, oneof tlte vessels intended fortlieex- j
I (during expedition.
The National Intelligencer adds—
We learn that General Santa Anna left the'
! city yesterday morning in the cars for Bdti- j
! more. This siiddendeparturc of the Mexican |
Gen.was the more unexpected here as it had i
| been generally understood that he was engaged!
! to dine yesterday at the President’s in company !
I with a 1 age official and diplomatic party. We I
1 presume, however, that he has departed without i
the previous knowledge of tt.e President of the i
' United Slates, it is rumored, indeed, but we I
j know not what the authority, that Gen. Santa j
i Anna is to be conveyed to Mexico in a public 1
vessel.
The steamboat Pocahontas, with Santa Anna j
! on hoard, which left here Thursday afternoon j
, for Norfolk, ran down to the mouth of the ti- '
ver, in consequence of the ice in the Bay, re
! mained there until yesterday afternoon, when
; the southernly wind having apparently broken
I up the ice,—she proceeded on her course down
l the I'ay.
The Telegraph at the lower station (Bodkin
j point) states that the Pocahontas, unable to
! make her way down the Bay, had returned
I yesterday evening and anchored off the
Rocks.
‘gfantwi) of
"The friendsuf the Lnion are our friends,and its
enemies, our enemies.”
k'zi Sh’jS'j H It) '<3aTS''i
TUESDAY MOIIM.XG. February 11.
DARIEN BANK APPOINTMENT.
Doctor JOHN M. McAFEE of Gainesville,
Hall Comity, lias been appointed by tho board of
I Directois of the mother Bank at Darien, Cashier
of the Branch Bank at Dahlonega, Lumpkin Coun
'y-
JOHN C. CALHOUN AND THE TA-
R1 FP-
It has been well said, that although “jus
tice has leaden heels, she has iron hands;”
and never was an adage more strikingly ex
etnplified, than in the posture which public
I opinion has placed John C. Calhoun and
his followers.
; It is not more than five years, since their
seemiiis: abhorrence of the tariff, was wrought
|upto a frantic pitch. It was condemned,
; denounced and anathematized, in every form
of execration and malediction. Ityvas pro
nounced the most flagrant and dangerous
usurpation which the government had ever
assumed, and as tending directly to the
prostration of the Constitution, and the
j rights and liberties of the people. That it
presented a case which could not—should
not wait the regular and peaceful decision
of the people, but demanded the immediate
action of the Stales, at the hazard of the
most disastrous consequences. It must be
; overthrown—it could be no longer endured--
it was spreading ruin through the South—
! plundering it of its wealth—taking “ forty
bales” out of every hundred of our cotton—
robbing us of our honest earnings, while it ’
was rapidly undermining the sovereignty |
of the States, and paving the way, to a con
solidated empire.
Such was the outcry raised in 1831, and.
continued by the nullifiers, until the reck
lessness of their measures the
memorable catastrophe of 1833 ; a catastro
phe which opened the eyes of many honest,
but misguided citizens, who had surrender
ed their judgment to the guidance of their
passions, and who were not only ready to
dissolve the Union to throw oil’ the tariff,
but were so far blinded by the professions !
of their leaders, as to believe they would ex- )
ecute their threa s, unless the tariff was at '
once reduced. But tlte tug came—the first I
of February, 1833, was in view, and the
eyes of the nation were turned with the most
anxious solicitude, to Hie State of South
Carolina, to witness, for the first time, the
application of the “ rifrlilftd rcifw.dy,” But
the “ides” of February came, and benold*
What? The execution of the ordinance?
The practical application of the great
“conservative principle?” The revolution
! of a Slate, and the dismemberment of a Na
tion? No! On the contrary, the first of
February found them in a comparative state
of tranquility —the ordinance suspended,
the drum and fife hushed into silence, and
“all the pomp and circumstance qf glori
war,” suddenly exchanged for peace and
tmnquilitv.
In this dilemma, the Magnus Apollo ol
this war of wind anti words, was called on
to find some means of escape, from the odi
um and just indignation of public opinion.
Heturned bis eyes to the east and the west,
the north and the south, but none stretched
out a helping hand, until the billows were
fast closing over his head, when the cltampi
onol'the tariff, the father of the system, kind
ly “ plucked up his drowning honor by the
locks.”’ The compromise followed —the
tariff was continued, and its bi.Tthens, in
some respects, increased; the ordinance
rescinded, and from that day to this,, no
State in the Union has borne tli3 tarifl' with
greater resignation, than South Carolina.
No more cries of plunder at»d oppression—
no more “forhj, bain" theories, but upon
this subject “all is silent as the tombs, or
the shades beyond them.”
How changed ! Even the name has lost
its charms to its once infatuated votaries.—
Nullification is almost an obsolete term, and
thetariff, which was to be made the fulcrum
upon which the lever of nullification was to
move the world, is still making its accus
tomed inroads upon the industry of the
Country, ami there is no voice heard, and
no hand raised against it in South Carolina.
These facts, when duly considered, must
satisfy every unprejudiced mind, that the
authors of nullification were impelled by
, unworthy motives in the clamor which they
' raised against the tarifl", and the measures
to which they resorted, or that, in their
! present attitude, they have acted in derelic
! tion of their duty to the Constitution and
' the rights of the people. If nullification
■ was “ the rightful remedy,” it should not
have been abandoned. If the tariff was so
grossly outrageous as it was pronounced by
I the nullifiers, it should never have been
I compromised; but so it is, they nave aban-
I doned nullification, and compromised the
I tariff.
In contemplating the history of this case—
in comparing the scenes of 1832-3, with the
calm which now pervades Carolina, who
can trust the sincerity of those, who were
instrumental in raising the excitement ?
i Who that has traced the course of Mr. Cal
houn from 1831, when he was lighting the
; torch, “and beating thelarum to rebellion,”
to the position which he now occupies in the
Senate of the United States, with not enough
of nullification in his composition to beard
the tarifl", nor of independence to stand up
like a man for his own compromise, without
emotions of regret for the infirmity of the
flesh, and the havoc which ambition makes,
A vigorous attack has been made upon
the tariff, during the present session, but
the champion of “ free trade,” has not come
up to the scratch.—Mr. Calhoun stands ofl"
winking at the protective party, and blink
ing at bis free trade brethren, as if he were
afraid of the one, and ashamed of the oth
er. The truth is, he has rode down his
hobby—the object of his ambition is defeat
ed. His hopes are rut off and bis prospects
are blasted. His inconsistencies are be
coming every day more glaring. At one
time he urged as an unanswerable argument
against the tariff, that it would produce a
great surplus revenue to corrupt the people,
destroy the sovereignty of the States, and
build up a consolidated empire, and yet he
made a compromise which has already pro
duced the surplus which alarmed his State
rights principles so much, and which ?he will
not now, make one effort to reduce ; but on
j the contrary, is urging its accumulation, and
exerting himself to render the system per
manent. Mho can depend upon his princi
! pies—his judgment, or his firmness? Who
' can rely upon him as a statesman, or a po
i litical leader, when be has boxed the com
pass upon almost every great question
which has arisen since the commencement
of his career.
The following article, from tlte Globe,
has pictured him to the life and is sustained
by indisputable historical facts.
Let those who have marked the history
of political events, for the last twenty-four
years, but take a review of the course of
Mr. Calhoun, and they will find it one con
tinued round of vascillation and intrigue,
for the single purpose of reaching the Pres
idency; and when bis little day is done, and
the impartial judgment of posterity shall
have been passed, all that he has claimed
on the score of pat. iotism and disinterested
love of country, will be set down to the
most inordinate and selfish ambition.
THE COMPROMISE ACT.
The proposition to reduce the taxes has
brought out the MONOPOLY PARTY
every where, to claim a vested right in the
law by which Messrs. Olay and Calhoun
have attempted to bind the hands ol Con-
■ gress, and prevent the reduction ol the
| tarifl". The contracting parties are eager
! surplus and’distribution men, as is now ev
ident. Pacification was the pretext to jus
tify their attempt to contract, against the
exertion of the inherent power of subse*
sequent Congresses to reduce the taxes in
obedience to the will of their constituents.
Mr. Clay, when recommending his cove
nant to hisfriends, said that a President and
Congress were then elected to put down
his surplus system, and he avowingly pro
posed tlte adoption of his compromise to in
tercept the action of the then elected and
instructed representatives of the people.
Mr. Calboug cordially united with him,
and without objection to this his declared
object. While be pretends that his only
aim was a gradual retrogade to duties of
20 per cent, in 1832, let it never be forgot
ten that he at once raised the duties on
woolens, cut tlown at the preceding session
to 5 yer cent, up to 50 per cent.; that this
most onerous item of the tariff was thus put
Tin-] NT A Nil UHI OF UNION.
m a condition never again to reach tliatt
immunity from taxation w hich the public
voice had decreed for it, and that while
Clay’s whole system vvtts made perma
nent by the twentx per centum premium,
the tardy progress even to this point was to
beget, according to Mr. Calbotm’s own ad
missions, a distribution ot’surplusscs, wbicli
“could not fail to create an antagonist in
terest between the States and the General
Government and which, he adds, '
.“would be considered b.y the section stiffer- j
ing under the present, high duties as a fix
ed ireterminatio'.i to perpetuate for ever
what it considers the present unequal, un
constitutional, and oppressive burden.”
And how was the perpetuation of the ob
noxious system to be accomplished? in
this same paper he tells us the surplus would
effect it.
“THE SURPLUS, (savs he,) I HAZ
ARD NOTHING IN SAYING, JUDG
ING FROM THE NATURE OF MEN
AND GOVERNMENT, IF ONCE
PERMITTED 'I’O ACCUMULATE,
WOULD CREATE AN INTEREST
STRONG ENOUGH TO PERPETU
ATE ITSELF, SUPPORTED AS IT
WOULD BE BY OTHERS SO NU
MEROUS AND POWERFUL.”
Mr. Calhoun, in a late speech declares
that “he foresaw, when the (compromise
act was about to pass, that there would be a
surplus.” He foresaw, too, that “it would
create an interest strong enough to perpet
uate itself;” and yet he agrees with Mr.
Clay to raise the most oppressive item of
the tarifl’from five to fifty per cent, especial
ly to enlist another strong interest, [the
woolens,] to aid the new interest about to be
created by the surplus, w-liich it was to in
crease, and all to perpetuate the tariff; and
more effectually o accomplish this object,
he agrees to intercept the action of the
Congress just elected to carry on the work
of redm tion, and tie the hands of future
Congresses up to 1842, that the surplus
distribution may ripen into tlte system
which would as he foresaw, enable it to
perpetuate itself! ’
The National Intelligencer, perceiving
how this stale of facts, and the bargain or
compromise producing it, was likely to af
fect his patrons, by a most sinister artifice,
tried to make the friends of lite administra
tion parties to the contract. They voted
for the law, it is true, but with a distinct
protest against the obligations of those sec
tions introduced to bind the hands of their
successors. The intelligencer says :
“When this scheme was submitted and
explained by Mr. Clay, Mr. Calhoun,
united with other members in expressing
his acqniesence in its provisions ; and we
find amongst those, who supported and vo
ted for it, the names of Messrs. Forsyth,
i King, Rives, Robinson, and Wright. If
there was a bargain, therefore, these gen
tlemen xiere parties to it, as well as Mr.
Calhoun ; and the editor of the Enquirer
is able as we are to inform his readers
whether these gentlemen are at all likelv
to have entered into a conspiracy with Mr.
Clay for the purpose of inflicting injury
either upon their country, or ofembarass
ing tbe Administration.”
In reply to this artifice to commit Messrs.
Forsyth, King, Rives, Robinson ScWrijrht,
to tlte private stipulations between Clay and
Calhoun, which they endeavoured to mat e
obligatory, by introducing into the body of
the act, we give Mr. Forsyth’s speech made
at the time. It will be seen that the vested
right in the tariff, which tlte contrivers at
tempted to extend to control Congress up
to 1842, was expressly repudiated by the
friends of the administration.
Mr. FORSYTH said one thing had been
conclusively established by the discussion
that the bill was bad. It was taken b\' all,
not as cood in itself, but as probably good
in its effects. He voted for it with all its
imperfections on its head, repling upon
the declarations of those who ought to
know that it would put an end to the dis
tractions of South Carolina. He would
have voted for it with pleasure as some
what better than the act of 1832, if the
second section had been expunced ; as it
was, he did it reluctantly, confiding tn the
disposition of his fellow citizens to bear
without complaint their portion of the ad
ditional burden o("§ 144,000 for the ensuing
year, ns their irri’ated neighbors were wil
ling to endure a yet larger part.
The Senator from Massachusetts had re
peated to-day a question he asked some
days since—how could those who should
vote for this bill attempt hereafter to modi
fy or repeal it, in the face of the pledges
upon it? Mr. F. had no difficulty in giv
ing a distinct and satisfactory answer to
his inquiry. Those who voted for it,
were no more bound to regard the law,
and it would be nothing more, as sacred,
than those who voted against it. It was to
be obeyed while it existed, but was change
able like all other laws, the follies engraft
ed upon it to the contrary notwithstanding.
The idea of pledges was every where given
up. How far the circumstances under
which it was passed gave firmness k and en
durance to its provisions was another af
fair. That was for the people to judge ;
for himself, he considered himself as total
ly uncommitted to endure it a single mo
ment beyond the time it should be of public
benefit. Had any scruple been felt on this
point it must have been removed by tbe
declarations of the Senators from Kentucky
Mr. Clay, and Delaware Mr. Clayton.
They had openly anticipated a better and
more effectual bill of protection within the
nine years, founded on a looked for change
of public opinion in the VVeste.in States.
Mr. F. anticipated a further modification,
if not a complete abandonment ol tlte pro
tective system, from a progressive and pro
gressing change of public opinion in the
Western, Middle and Eastern States.
Mr. F. congratulated himself that afew
days of reflection had shown that the sug
gestions he had thrown out when the Sena
tor from Kentucky Mr. 2Clay, asked leave
to introduce the bill, and lor which he had
been so fiercely assailed from all quarters,
were not entirely so unreasonable and anti
pacific as tin v had been denominated.
Toe validity of the constitutional objection
had been subslainially conceded. The
Senate, too, to save time, had waited for
the bill from the House of Representatives
and it was now admitted that to wait lor
the next Congress to settle this vexed ques
tion would be losing game to the manufitc
turen.’ The Senatcr from Kentucky says
he saw the torch about to be applied to his
favorite system, and he seeks to snatch it
away. He ( |j c j n , ()re . | le demonstrated
that it was in imminent peril. Mr. F. recom
inet-.ded to tbe Senator from Maine, (Mr.
Sprague,) who had rushed upon him w ith so
.mich knightly fury for expressing this opin
ion some days since, to couch his lance and
charge upon the Senator from Kentuckv,
whose crime was certainly the greater, as be
has taken the trouble to prove what Mi" F.
had only asserted.
I lie Senator from Massachusetts has
spoken of the absurdities of »be bill verv
truly, I hey are numerous and inevitable.
Mr. F. had endeavored to remove them ; not
u c ed ng,J v was contented to make them
fur the sake of peace, although certainly not
a little surprised that they were deemed ne
ceasary or sufficient to secure peace. Had
the reduction of duties in the time specified
been alone insisted on, all would have been
well—introdui ing the pros and cons neces
sarily begat confusion and eontradiet’on.
Fire and water united produce smoke—oil
and vinegar shaken into a union produce
air bubbles—directly opposite political or
politico-economical opinions acted upon
in concert produce absurdity. The mod
erate mtn of both parties have not united
to arrange this question. They are not
numerous enough at present to effect it.
But the fire and sword opposers of the tar
iff have entered into negotiation with
the plunderers of the South. The rob
bers ami robbers had made terms to
gether. [Mr. F, in using this language
begged to be understood as speaking of
the parties not as he thought of them, but
as they spoke of one another.) Tbe ques
tion was how much black mail was to be
paid to the C atcrans, and for how long for
! a contingent promise of future immunity,
from their predatory inroads. Both par
ties must have ground to stand upon for
defence of their respective adherents.
Hence the contradictions of the bill. In
| one point of view it was all protection—
protection, tlte right of plunder, admitted
Iby the payment of security money falling
ias low, as twenty per cent and then to
! stand forever. In another, it was all free
trade and sailor.’s rights—the revenue be
ing to be reduced to the wants of an econ
omical administration of the Government,
in 1842. Both sides admit that all this is
to depend upon contingencies over which we
have no controlling power ; but here is the
basis for argument on both sides, and each
may claim a triumph and support the claim,
by quoting the bill as a compromise. Mr.
F. did not think that either side could safe
ly cry out with crooked backed Richard—
Now is the vvin’er of our discontent
Mad ■ glorious summer by the son of York ;
And all the clouds that lowered upon our House
In rhe'deep bosom of the ocean buried.
Now are our brows crowned with victorious
wreaths.
But if they could, the sound would be
more pleasing to his ear than the trumpet
call for one hundred thousand bayonets to
reduce the rebellious spirits of the South,
or the war cry of the gallant general to ex
act a promise from his inflamed auditors to
follow him “ to the death for his sugar.”
So far as his opinion was of any value,
! Mr. F. would not withhold it. He thought
the highlanders bad made the best of tbe
bargain.
, 1 tie Senator from South Carolina, (Mr.
i Calhoun,) had introduced again tbe topic
lof the bill passed a few days since in the
! Senate, and now just passed in the House
of Representatives—tbe bloody bill—the
bill to repeal the Constitution. Mr. F. re
gretted to hear that Senator introduce a
gain this topic : he had been heard on it be
fore, at large, with indulgence, and with all
the attention due to his character and the
peculiar position'in which he stood. This
oughttohave satisfied him. It cannot have
escaped the Senator’s observation, that on
■ this subject he is struggling against public
opinion. Mr. F. would not add any thing
; to what he had said when the bill was dis
i cussed. But there was one remark made
by the Senator which was almost excbisive
! ly applicable to himself and bis friend from
Virginia, on the other side of the chamber,
(Mr. Rives.) The Senator sain, no one
who valued his reputation for candor could
; deny that that bill was a violation of the
Constitution, if fie admitted that the Con
stitution was founded on compact. Now,
Mr. F. said, we (Mr. Rives and himself,)
admit that the Constitution is founded on a
compact between the people of the States
for themselves and for their States. We
are the only persons expressing that opinion,
who have participated in the discussion, and
voted for the bill.
[Mr. CalhoUN interposed and said, he
hoped the Senator from Georgia would take
his whole proposition between the States
as separate, independent communities, and
still subsisting as independent communiti s
united by compact.] ,
Mr. F. said, he did not understand the
remark to have been so qualified. It was
not important, however, to enter into theo
pinion in detail. He had expressed and be
now repeated his conviction, for which he
claimed all the credit for sincerity due to
that expressed by the gentleman from South
Carolina, that the bill passed by the two
Houses was constitutional and expedient.
He knew well be was to be assailed o.t that
ground, and was quite ready to meet the as
sault. Standing alone more than once be
fore bis constituents, he had never failed to
receiveta patient heat ing, and never was or
would be deserted by them while he was sus
tained by reason and justice. Mr. F. heard
with pleasure that the Tariff was to be no
longer discussed ; that the bloody bill was
to take its place as the battle-word in the
next Southern campaign. The old subject
was threadbare as a matter of dispute ; a
pretty quarrel enough until it was spoiled
by the late explanation. It was now time
to look for something new, and the bill “ to
repeal the Constitution” might serve for a
term, until something better offered. Mr.
F. rejoiced to bear that the contest was to
be bloodless ; there was to be no force. Pa
per bullets of the brain were to be substitu
ted for musket balls ; the cannons of the
press for the cannons of the artillerist; steel
pens for steel bayonets; and the cartouch
box was to be thrown aside for ever, while
we are to stick to whal should never have
been abandoned, tbe great panacea for all
our political evils —the ballot-box. With
this chapge in the mode and material of war,
the Republic was safe. To the end of the
contest Mr. F. looked with a confidence
proportioned to his knowledge of the en
lightened People who were to award tlte
palm of victory.
Mr. F. could not refrain from addressing
a few words to those of his southern friends
who were so censorious dur'iny the past year
of his vote against the indefinite postpone
ment of the bill of 1832. He was accused
of ab.tn oning his opposition to the princi
ple of protection. He surrendered, they
maintained this principle, and yet now at
this day his honorable friends were about
to vote with him for this bill, confessed a
bill of protection (protection its great and
only end) for nine years. Admit the right
to p oteet for an hour, and theoretically ami
practically it is admitting it for ever. The
amount of protective duly is also unimpor
tant to the prim iple. A duty of 20 per
cent, not for revenue but protection, is an
abandonment of opposition to the principle
as complete as a duty of one hundred. Mr.
F. deferred to this matter with no feeling of
resentment to those who had differed with
him, or of gratification at their changed
position, but simply to satisfy those who
were disposed to condemn him that they had
not done him justice. They act no w as lie
had acted then. They make the most of
the circumstances of tbe hour ; are wiling
to admit some evil, that greater evil may
not fall upon us.
FOR THE STANDARD OF UNION.
TO THE PEOPLE OF GEORGIA.
A crisis has arrived in the money oper
ations of our State, that demands immedi
ate and energetic measures on the part of
the people. Il is announced in several of
the public prints of the State, that the
Pennsylvania U. S. Bank has bought up
the Charter of the Columbus Insurance
Bank, and contemplates the early establish
ment'of branches in the Cities of Macon,
Augusta and Savannah; thus forming a
line of communication through the heart of
Georgia for the purpose of speculating up
on the community, and of exercising an un
limited control over the other State estab
lishments. And it may not be hazarding
too much, perhaps to say, that it meditates
the waging an uncompromising warfare a
gainst the Central Bank, as tbe State’s de
pository of the surplus revenue. Mr. Bid
dle and his bank it is well known, claimed
the legal, if not constitutional prerogative
of the custody and use of the surplus reve
nue of the country, under the charter ob
tained from Congress. As he was disap
pointed in the full engagements of its avails
by the removal of the deposites, it may be
expected that be will endeavor through the
instrumentality of his Columbus Bank to
defeat the intention of the Legislature in a
general destribution of this fund among the
people ; or at least, so to cripple the oper
ation of the Central e ßank as to disappoint
the just expectations of the citizens. This
last, it may possibly attempt by taking up
all its paper it can command, and then run
ning on it for specie payment, thus draining
it of its capital and causing it to curtail its
issues. That it will holu this power over
all the banks of the State, is too apparent to
everyone at all conversant with that insti
tution, to require proof; and that judging
from its past history, it will assuredly exer
cise it. With its thirty-five millions of capi
tal, it can concentrate a most tremendous
power at any given point, and crush, one
by one, the local banks of every State, where
it can find a “local habitation and a home,”
whenever its interets or its policy may dic
tate the procedure; and finally to extort from
the general representatives of the people
another charter, which will doubtless again
be prostituted to political purposes as the
firstone was. No patriot can contemplate
the question in this aspect of it, without
disiriay—and no American can look to an
other batik panic, without honest and irre
pressible indignation.
But to avert these anticipated ills is the
only object 1 have in addressing my fellow
citizens upon this occasion. As yet, I have
seen but one remedy proposed for the dis
ease, and that is the convocation of primary
assemblies of the people, to demand an ex
tra session of the Legislature, to prohibit by
“constitutional and legal means” the es
tablishment of this monster in the State.
With all due deference to the sagacity of
the Editor of the Constitutionalist, I must
demur to his proposition from the follow
ing considerations : And Ist, from the at
tendant expense ; for tbe general assembly
cannot be convened without great, and as
I conceive, unnecessary cost. 2nd, That
the Legislature might deem it the proper
policy to charter a number of new banks or
greatly to increase the capital of existing :
ones, so as to create sufficient competition
to countervail the apprehended evil : But
3rd, as I believe the danger to lie against j
the people, so the people can prevent or!
remove it without individual loss, or cost
to the State.
The plan then, that I propose, is sim
ply this; let the merchants ant.’ other busi
ness men of Macon, Augusta and Savannah
—together with the same classes in every
village and county in Georgia, call public
meetings of the people condemnatory of the
fraudulent interference of Air. Biddle and
his Bank in the concerns of tbe State; and
solemnly to resolve that they will not take
the notes of the Insurance Bank, either in
the payment of debts, or for goods or other
commodities sold after a limited but short
period of time, and the danger will have pas
sed away, at once, and forever. And let each
meeting appoint a central and sub-commit
tees to collect all the bills of the Insurance
Bank in circulatioti, and return them to its
vaults without cost to the holders, or loss to
the community. No apprehension can be felt
of producing a panic, as the bank reports
itse fperfectly solvent, and there can be no
danger of loss.
If any other plan should be devised of
safely and expeditiously accomplishing this
great object, I will give to it my most hear
ty co-operation and support; for I am not
wedded to the plan proposed in this paper,
but have offered it in order to elicit thought,
and prompt to energetic action.
Who then will be the first to move in this
important business ? We wait to see. Cer
tainly the cities threatened should set the
laudablp example.
WASHINGTON.
N. B. Will the presses in Georgia, op
posed to the United States Bank, spread
the above remarks before the people.
From the Columbus Sentinel.
THE CREEK DISTURBANCES.
We stated in our last that fresh hostilities had
been manifested by some of th« Creek Indians,
and published a letter stating that an engagement
had taken place between a few citizens from Ir
winton, (eighteen in number) unde l- tbe com
mand ol Gen. Welborn and a party of Indians in
the Cowagga Sw amp. Since then we have been
favored with Gen. Welborn’s official account to
that affair, furnished to Capt. Page, at Fort
Mitchell, which will be found below.
\\ e also learn verbally from a passenget arri
ved at this plate from Irwinton, Wei
born started a second time from his camp with
thirty-eight men, in persuit of the Indians, but had
not found the main body when our informant,
left. They hawevermet a gang of four, three
men and a woman ; two of the men they shot
and took the won an pri ioner—the other man
made Ids escape. One of the men killed was
found to he an old offender who had always been
host de.
The number of the savages in the Cowaggee
Swamp that aie again disturbing tbe peace of that
quarter, are variously estimated from fifty to six
hundred. Our ow n opinion is, from the best in
formation we can gather, that they cannot at this
time exceed one bundled and fifty in the swamp,
perhaps not over one hundred. But decisive
measures should be resorted to at once, before the
irruption comes to a head. Whoever knows augs
thing of the Indian character is awa.e that none
of them have any love for the white man. This
thex openly avow, even while they profess friend
ship, and boldly tell the whites that they wo«ld
fight them to the death i.f half the nation, if the
other half could hope to be ultimately victorious..
And nothing so much encourages the inert to pro
ceed to hostilities as a temporary success of any
of tbe more hostile. I'hey have met Wellborn
once, and he retreated ; and though we know the
man too well not to know’ that he had ample rea
son, as his report fully shows, the Indians will con
strue it into a defeat. They should therefore be
proceeded against at once. If they are a party
of the hostile* returned from Florida after the de
feat of Oseolii, they should be subdued before those
who profess to be friendly join them ; if a part of
the latter they should be put down before others
join them. We marvel that Gov. Clay does not
act promptly and efficiently in affording this sec
tion of his .State relief. A volunteer company of
horsemen, under the command of Capt. Whitman,
left Montgomery some time ago and proceeded to
the Cowaggee—we have not heard from them
since they arrived iu the nation. These men mar
ched without the orders of the Governor, and we
believe are the only troops besides those' of Gen.
Wellborn, who have gone to the aid of the suffer
ers. We do not apprehend the danger to the in
habitants generally to be great ; but where they
have but just returned to their homes, after having
been driven away in alarm and terror by the sava
ges, and the marks of their merciless footsteps still
thick around them the very name of Indian strikes
dismay to the heart. Nor in their indiscriminate
warfare is any one sale. Tbe tender mother and
the infant at her breast, are equally the subjects
of their murderous rifle and tomahawk with the
armed warrior.
Many of the women and children near Colum
bus, have been sent to this side of the river, and,
as will appear from another letter which we pub
lish below, the are organizing themselves for more
elective warfare. We dolnot know that our Ex
ecutive would be justified in ordering any of the
Georgia volunteers into the State of Alabama on
his own responsibility, but we state, and Jo it at
the request of ths inhabitants on the other side,
that volunteers, for a short time, from this side,
until they organize themselves into a posture of
defence, would be received with gratitude among
them. We trust the neighboring counties of this
Slate will not be unmindful that we are all mem
bers of the same republican and that most
of the inhabitants of the disturbed territory were
but a short while ago their immediate neighbors at
lioute, and still remain thetrtrends aud TellOxv citi
zens.
As regards our own city, we trust the authorities
will keep up a nightly patrol. That our arms will i
be furnished up, and tbe military kept in a state of."
readiness at a moment’s warning. We have al
ready said, that we do not apprehend the danger
to be gieat in the nation, and we apprenend none,
whatever here. Still we dare not trust an Indian.
Besides, there is something due to the feats es the
timed. Where they see every thing prepared, they
can retire to repose in the confidence that should
danger invaded them, they will be protected. This,,
itself, is an important duty to the timid and the
helpless.
GEN. WELBORN’S OFFICIAL REPORT.
Cap. John Page, U. S. Army.
Camp at Da. Battells, Jan. 30, 1837.,
Sir—According to your instructions through
Maj, D. G. Skinner, a volunteer company raised
some time before for the defence of the citizens iu
the Creek nation (and which was in service at the
time cf the receipt of your instructions) of which
I was elected Captain, xvas posted at this place..
The swamps in the neighborhood were diligently
searched for several days, but no Indians could
be found. Last Friday, the 27th, information
was received at tbe camp by several neighbors
that fresh signs of Indians had, within a day or
two, been seen in the neighboring swamps, I
therefore, on the evening of ihatday, left the camp
with eighteen men and the surgeon of the com
pany, Dr. L. T. Wellborn, lor the purpose of
searching forth. se Indians. After leaving the
camp tw o or three miles, we w ere met by an ex
press, young Fagan, who informed us that on tho
evening before a band of hostile Indians (which
he estimated at about twenty or thirty iu num
ber) had attacked the family of old Mr. Pugh,,
killed the old gentleman, his overseer, and sever
al negroes ; also burned bis houses, &,c., that he
with 18 other men had gone to the scene of niassa
cree and destruction on that morning, and made
an attack on those devastating Indians who were
resting over the ashes ol the houses and the slain;
the Indians returned their fire with great effect,
killing two of their company, McDaniel and Bry
ant, and the rest .were compelled to retreat. 1 had
left a part of my company at the camp for its pro
tection, and some were gone to remove theit fam
dies from the neighborhood. Notwithstanding the
fewness oi our numbers we resolved immediately
to go in pursuit of those destroyers, and if possi
ble put a stop to their savage butchery. The sun
was now about one hour high-, we put off (Mr.
Fagan our guide.) After ’.ravelling up the mid
dle prong of the Cowaggee Creek about 10 or 12
miles, we discovered a house in flames a little a
head of us ; we approached within half a mile of
the fire, when we light and tied our horses, then
formed a hue, and on foot went near enough to.
see, to our very great disappointment, that no In
dians were there. We then concluded thatit was
most likely they had gone on to Mr. Fagans’, a
bout five miles further up the creek, where we
then expected to find them burning Mr. Fagans’
house, but when we arrived at Fagans’ we
were again disappointed; all the houses were
standing and not a human being there. There
we tarried until day break, when we concluded
to go back to Martin’s, where the house was burn
ing, which we passed as before stated. When we
refreshed ourselves a little, saw no Indians, but
ouud their trail leading into a den se eane brakeon.
the creek; we pursued it along a path Mr. Martin
had hem Ins dwelling to a field in the swamp.
\\ e lost tbe trail in the swamp, and alter making
diligent seai eh for them down the creek and did
not find them, we mounted our horses and determ
ined to search tor them above, which in a few
minutes resulted in meeting them iu tho path be
toru spoken oi, leading from the field to the bouse.
1 hey announced our meeting by firing a Volley of
rifles at us and yelling tiemeudously. The canei
on the other side ol the path was unusually thick
and stout, so 1 thought it best to fall back to the
field, which was done in good order, and when I
had reached as favorable a situation as I could
find I ordered my men to halt, dismount and fight,
vv hich order was promptly and eagerly obeyed.
I he Indians wore in close pursuit aud firing all
the while, but without effect.. When we com
menced firing they haslchcd behind trees and lay
xety close in the weeds. A brisk fire was kept
up 1 rout lu>th sides tor about half an hour, when
discovering they greatly out numbered us, and
was ilankuig us oneitheiside, I reluctantly order
ed a retreat, which was performed coolly and in
steoa order, not neglecting the wounded (six tn
\ number) nor those who had lost their horses, hnt
all was brought off sale except Lieut. Patterson
(and seven horses who were killed dead upon the