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$ POIJI’ICAL.
FRESI >ENT IND MIL CAL
-7Z lIOUN.
the Il aehiugle'n Chdw, iu.'.’i
give below lhe President's letter to
Uailiouii, written with a view to set
jfltht certain misrepresentations by which
wT. it was ii-ulerstoou by persons in the gal- i
■ jjC-ies. as well as by the reporters) the ex-
President sought to implicate the Pres-
Z/Hent in land speculations. AL. Calhoun, |
M reply to the letter, rose in his place in the
.''Senate, and spoke his speech over again.
/ As we have heretofore reputed these re-
A marks, we now subjoin only so much as
Si varies thealh'gations in regard to the facts
_ put in issue by the President’s note. Messrs.
< Walker and Grundy corrobnted the follow- 1
intr statement, made bv Mr. Calhoun, us
being substantially what he said on the
i occasion nlludetl to by the President:
/ *• The experiment coinn < need by :i trnns-
f ter of the public funds from w here they were
a placed bv law, and when thvx were under
v Us safeguard and protection, to banks which
were under the s-k- and unlimited control
•f the Executive- The eliccl was a vast
increase of Executive patronage, and the
opening a field ol speculation, in descri
bing which, in anticipation, 1 pronounced
it to be so ample, that «-<b*cbild himself
might eovy the which it affor
.u*t proved to be.
“ Tlx administration has profited by this
vast patroitMge, and the prejudice which it
his excited against Me bunk, as the means
of sustaining themselves in power. It is
unnecessary to repeat the remarks, iitalltls
tration of this.' The truth of die statement
is known to all the Senators, who have dai
ly witnessed the party topics which have
been drawn fro .1 this fruitful source. 1
then remarked, that it’ rumor were to be
trusted, it was nor only in apolitical point
of view that those in power had profited
by the vast means put in t'.ie hands of' the
Executive by the experiment—they had
profited in a pecuniary, as well as in a po
litical point of view. It has been frequent
ly slated, and not contradicted, that many,
in high places, are among the speculators
in public land ; and that even an individu
al connected with the President himself,
one of his nephews, was an extensive adven
turer in this field of speculation. I did not
name him, but 1 now feel myselt called
upon to do so. 1 mean Air. McLemore.
To the indefinite charge “ thune in pow
er ba I profiled in a pecuniary, as w 'll as
in a political point of view,” by the experi
ment, it is sufficient to say that Mr. Calhoun,
by failing to specify any mdiv'uiual in pow
er who has so profited, or any particular
fact showing how they li tre so profited, evi
dently skulks from th? duty which, as a
Senator, he owes the country. If citer are
any such great State criminals, why does
he fail to bring them to justice?
It is very clear, however, when we take
his repeated speech in connection with the
r-qnesl made by the President, that Mr.
Calhoun cannot venture to give bis accusa
tion the scope which it was supposed by
many he intended to give it. He connects
the President (it will be seen by the only
specification extorted from him) very re
motely indeed with the profits of that expe
riment* “ which Rothschild might envy.”
He says : “ One of his nephews was an ex
tensive adventurer in this fid I of speculation.
I did not name him, but I now fid inysdj
called upon to du so. I mean Air. McLe
more.”
z\ud why did not Air. Calhoun name him
before ? Why did Air. Calhoun leave it to
be inferred by those who did not know the
family of the President, that he alluded to
the son of some brother or sister of the
President ? Why did he leave to the infer
ence even of those acquainted with the fact
that the President has no blood relation in
the world—that the person alluded to was
some of those adopted nephews of his wife,
who, as allied to herby consanguinity, have
a place in the affections of the President ?
Why did he not name Mr. McLemore to
the Senate at the threshold ; and instead of
saying lie was the President’s nephew, tell
the body that he was a gentleman (as he well
knew the fact to be) connected neither with
the President nor bis deceased wife by the
ties of blood, but had married a lady w ho,
while living, was the neiceof Airs. Jackson,
but that death had long since dissolved the
remote alliance, which made Air. .McLe
more, as thenephew-in-law of A/rs. Jackson,
in some sort the nephew-in-law of General
Jackson, but that this relation has never
subsisted between President Jackson and
Mr. AlcLemore ? Every body will see the
motive which induced Mr. Calhoun, under
these circumstances, to cover his charge
under the name of a nephew, without giving
the name of the individual.
But the insinuation through which Mr.
Calhoun connects Mr. McLenon, as one
profiting by the experiment, in the only way
in which it can be understood, is utterly
false. The onlymodein which it is possi
ble that Mr. McLemore could be supposed
to have turned the removal of the deposited
to account, as a land speculator, is, that he
availed himself of that event, to borrow
money from the deposite banks to invest in
the public land*. Hut even this far-Ltched *
suggestion, which is left by Mr. Calhoun:
to be gathered from the circumstances, as i
grouped by him, instead of being distinct
ly m ide, turns out to be without foundation.
Mr. McLemore is not a borrower of money
from the deposite banks to invert it in land
speculation. He is the mere agent of some
large Atlantic company of capitalists, and
receives a stipulated eompensation from
tlu-m for locating the lands is which their
niouey i» invested.
So mu<-h for Mr. Calhoun’s specific case,
designed to connect the President mid t.'ie
experiment with land speculation. If he '
were driven to designate “ those in power”
who have profited by the experiment, we
suppose he would be compelled to hunt up i
some register or receiver, who has borrow
ed money from »„me bank, ami bought a
few sections of land with it.
Washington. Feh. 7, 1837.
Sir*. In the Globe of the 3d iust. 1 find
tn report of a speech made by you or* the
4t i upon the Ltnd bill, which contains the
.ol owing passages, viz,:
” tVas it not notorious that the President
of lire United States himself had been Con
ner led with the purchase of the public
lan I,? Yes, the “experiment,” (Mr. Cal
.l < I dfl<:rl|V • jjj t! )( , , v ir ,|) wng t| |f , fiwnsp
of speculation in public hind-, tm 1 if this
bill should not l><* |-i**ed, speculat.ous could ' >
not go on, mid the price of the public lands ,
•iiu-t co,i.»e.pti‘utly be reduced. He con
tended that every man could not but see
that it would be tiller ruin to those who han
borrowed money to speculate in lands, if
the system was not to go on.” in a former
, pan of your speech, as reported, you say. i
“The speculation which a particular state j
of things had given raise to, hud been pro- i
diiced by these m power. They had profit- ,
ed bv Unit state of things; and should this
bill be passed, il would only consiimma e |
their wishes,” Ike. Sec. Sec.
K lowing the liabilities of reporters to ,
err in taking down and writing out the
speeches of members of Con'grcas, 1 have
1 luade inquiry in lehuion to the accuracy ol I
tiiis report, mid Imve been furnished with j
certificates of gentlemen who heard you, |
affirming that it is substantially correct.
You cannot bat be aware, sir, that the
imputations which your language convey
are calculated, if believed to destroy my
character as a man, ami that the charge is
one which, if true ought to produce my
impeachment and punishment as a public
officer. if I caused the removal of the de
posites for the base purpose of enriching
I I myself or my friends by any of the results
[”i which might grow out of that measure there
I is no term of reproach which I do not de
! serve, and no punishment known to the]
; laws which ought not to be indicted upon i
: I me. On die contrary, if the .. hole impu
; laliou, both as to motive ami fact, be a tab- .
; ricaiioii and a calumny, the punishment I
. i which belongs to me, if guilty, is too mild i
i for him who wilfully makes i:.
- ’ 1 am aware, sir, of the eonstilutional
■ privilege under which tills imputation is
I set foria, ami llie immunity which it secures.
• That p.. it ilege it is in no degree my pur
i po*e to vio’i-.le however gross and wicked
J may have been the abuse of it. But 1 ex-
• crcise only tiie common right of every cit
-1 hen, when 1 inform you, that the imputa-
■ i lions you have cast upon me are false in
- eveiy particular, not having for the last
, ten years purchased any public land, or
s had any interest in such purchase. The
- whole charge, unless explained, must be
considered the offspring of a morbid imng-
- illation, nr of'sleepless malice.
t 1 ask you, sir, as an act due to justice,
I honor and truth, to retract this charge on
die floor of tiie Senate, in as pablic a mati-
- uer as it has been uttered—it being tire most
j appropriate mode i.y w hich you can repair
- tiie injury w hich might otherwise flow from
, it.
But in the event that you fail to do so, 1
r. then demand that you place your charge
- before the House of Representatives, that
i they may in tituiethe necessary proceedings
> to a certain tiie truth or falsehood of your
.* imputation; widi a view to such further
i measures as justice may require.
i! If you will neither do justice yourself,
e I nor place die matter in a position where
. justice may be done me by the representa-
- 1 tives of the people, I shall be compelled to
r resort to the only remedy left me, ami, bo
s' fore I leave the city, give publicity to this
,• letter, by which you w ill stand stie’inalized
-! as one who, protected by his co:i*tiiuiional
- privilege, is ready to slab tiie reputation of
’ others, without tiie magnanimity to do them
- justice, or the honor to place them in a sil
. j nation to receive it from others.
f' Yours, dr.
ANDREW JACKSON.
I To tiie lion. J. C. Calhoun, U. S. Senate.
,i' i* S. 1 herewith enclose you the copies of
j two notes, verifying the correctness of the
e I report of your speech in the Globe of the
i Sth inst. A. J.
Feb. 7, 1837.
t i From the Augusta Constitutionalist.
> CONGRESS.
s j It is not the great and important interests
,; of the country, upon which Congress have
a j to legislate, which engross the apention of
? I liiat body, or produce much excitement; no,
> I but it is the case of’Ali' Whitney, am! tiie
f circumstances connected with his appear
-1 i ance before tiie committee, of whom Messrs.
1 Peyton and Wise, are members, which has
j produced, and continues to produce, much
j excitement. .Are the best interests of the
, ; country to be neglected, because it pleases
, two such men as Peyton and Wise, t,» act
■ in tiie maimer they did at the present bes-
- sion, and iiave done at former Sessions?
, Can tiie people of the United States suffer '
! sticli disgraceful legislation ; and will they
r tolerate any longer such palpable violation
I of the trust confided to their public servants?
; We hope not. We hope that the people
• will speak in reprobation of the conduct of
■ their representatives in Congress, an * pun-
; ish in an exemplary manner, those guilty of!
■ such unpardonable offences.
, j Tiie following articles allude to the sub-;
■ ject, to which we call the attention of our
• 1 readers.
1. Tiie extract of a letter from the Wash- *
j ington correspondent of die Charleston
Courier, dated Feb. 17.
“ The growth of a dangerous excitement
in the House ol’ Representatives is too plain
to be mistaken. Yesterday, Mr. Peyton
made a violent speech, in which he charg
ed members with having engaged in a con
spiracy against him, for the purpose of put
ting him and Mr. Wise down. Mr. Yell
rose, and asked if he was intended to be
pointed at, as one of them; and Mr. Clai
borne, of Mississippi, asked the same ques
tion. Mr. Peyton said lie was not prepar
ed as yot to put his fmger on the individu
als—of course he could not intend these
gentlemen; but lie re-stated the charge gen
erally, and said lie hoped, in the course of a
few days, .to be aide to name tiie individu
als. He was using every effort in his pow
’er to discover them. They had held their
secret meetings, and had determined not to ■
'send back Air. Whitney to the Committee, 1
for further examination, but to discharge <
| him, ’md to turn the war against himself i
'and xlr. Wise. While tiie examination of 1
Air. llauu'r was going on, a great number j
; of tiie members left the House, ami went to <
J their boarding houses, to get their dinner. J
] An objection being made toone of the inter- I
rogatories, it became necessary to take a i
vote. A call oflhe House was demanded, <
to ascertain if there was a quorum present, t
One was found wanting to make up the quo- <
rum, and that one could not be obtained. A I
motion was made to adjourn, but did not <
succeed. No quorum could be obtained 1 <
no question could betaken—confusion took : t
place. A motion was made to remand Mr. L
Whitney, but the Speaker decided that it.
could not be entertained, because a quo
rum was not present. In this state of con
fusion, the House finally adjourned, without
making any or<!*’r concerning Mr. A'hil
ney, who was left at the bar, sitting al 'iic.
That he remained there mud tills m ining,
I will not be so rash as i > assert ; but u itvii
I went to the House, about mxm to-'kiy, he I
was in his accustomed place. Air. Il.um r’ >
examination is still going on. He is the I
second wiltiess examiu >l, and llicce are four .
others ,<> he railed on tiie part oi Air. W hit
ney. A great effort is to be made to-nior-j
row night, to get through this testimony;
ami i; is feared that there will be some out-,
breaks of feeling, which may endanger tiie;
trampiility and decorum which should al
waxs characterize the proceedings of that:
body. This anticipation is so general, that !
1 cannot but think there is some good]
ground for fearing such occurrences as will
disturb the harmony of tiie silting. The |
temper of the House is decidedly against !
Air. Peyton, and Air. Wise, lor which these '
gentlemen have to thank themselves; and II
believe Air. Whitney will be discharged ]
without censure, and tir.it probably seme I
resolution conveying a censure .against Mr. ]
Peyton, (and perhaps Mr. Wise,) will be;
ofTererl anil discussed. 1 will not decide as;
to its adoption, but more improbable things [
, liave occurred. There is a disposition on ;
i the part of swine of tiie members to let the I
| appropriation bills be lost. 1 must say, this |
■aoidd lie a very severe operation in the j
“ten miies. square,” as well as out of it.
The hundreds ofcl. rks who daily hunger ]
j and thirst, would fail to be fed, and must be i
j expected to fil in their duty, it would be i
; a pin nomeurm of the first order, that a Gov-!
eminent with a surplus revenue in its treas-j
ury — so much, indeed, as to have found it I
expedient to lend about forty millions to tiie .
States, should leave its debts unpaid, and
its servants without the means of procuring
their daily bread! This, however, is a con
tingency with which we are threatened.”
2. Testimony of Air. Fairfield, mcinbeV
of Congress and efthe Select Committee,
| before the 1 louse, in answer to the following'
! interrogatory :
“Please state all the circumstances al
. tending tiie dispute and disorder which oc
curred before the Select Committee, where
of Mr; Garland is Chairman, on Wednes
day, tiie , ami state, particularly, all
’ that was ever saicFor done by Messrs. Wise
and Peyton, as members of said Commit
; tee, and all that passed on said occasion.”
' To which Air. Fairfield replied:
“ .At the commencement of the affair al
luded in the question, the different mem
bers of the Committee were situated as fol
lows, as near as 1 can recollect: Mr. Whit
ney sat at a small table in a corner of tiie
room, near the fire place; Air, P< yton, Air.
Garland, Mr. Hamer, and Mr. Gillett, sat
; at a long table, placed transversely in from
lof the fire. Mr. Hamer at tiie end nearest
! Mr. Whitney, Mr. Gillett at the opposite end,
] and Air. Garland and Air. Peyton in front,
tiie latter nearest to Air. Wliitnev, and with
ills back turned, or partially so, towards
him—one proposing interrogatories, and
tiie other answering, in writing, the ques
tions ami answers being handed to the
Chairman, and by him read to the Commit
tee. Mr. Wise, Mr. Martin, and myself
j were sitting upon a sofa at the side of the
| fireplace, opposite Mr. Whitney. Mr.
Pierce and Mr. Johnson were not present.
“W’hen the chairman read tiie answer of
| Mr. Whitney, to the interrogatory of Air*
, Heyton, both of which have been publish
ed, the latter turned towards Mr. Garland,
without arising from liisseat, and said: Air.
Chairman, I wish you to inform this wit
ness that lie is not to insult me in his an
swers, if he does, God dam him. I will take
his life upon the S|>ot.” He then rose and
turned towards Air. Whitney, and said; “I
1 want you to understand, sir, that I claim no
: protection from the Constitution, and if you
insult me, you damned dog, I will take your
life,” Air. Wise rose anti advanced to the
j side of Air. Peyton, and, addressing him
self to Mr. Whitney, said: “ Yes, this dam
ned insolence is insufferable.” Mr. Gar-!
land and other members of the commilte
were, during this time, endeavoring to pre- !
serve order and to prevent an affray. Air.!
Peyton turned from Mr. Whitney, and stan
ding with his back to the fire, said, by wav
of soliloquy, or without addressing himself
to any one in particular, “hitherto, I have I
treated him with marked respect—damn
him—l have treated him just as if lie had
been a gentleman; to be thus insulted by a
damn’d thief and jobber! damn him, lie,
shan’t do it.” Wliti? uttering the last!
words of this sentence, he became, appa
rently, more excited, and turned toward Air.
Whitney, who rose and said he claimed the
protection of the committee while he was
before it; when Air. Peyton said—“ God
dam you, you shan’t speak—you shan’t say]
« *w,«l whily you are in this room ; if you |
do, 1 will put you to death,” and made to
wards him, at the same time put ing his
hand in his bosom. Mr. Wise, who had pre
viously gone round the long table, and
placed himself near Mr. Whitney, here in
terposed: and he, with Air. Garland, who ]
was standing between Air. Peyton aud Air.
Whitney, and Mr. Martin, who was by his
side, endeavoured to calm him, and to pre
vent his going towards Air. Whitnev. Air.!
Wise said, “Don’t Peyton; damn him, In
is not worth yournotice,” or words to that
effect. Judge Alartin here moved that the :
examination of the witness be suspended.
Mr. Hainer opposed it; and addressing
himself to the Chairmah, went onto make'
some remarks, but 1 do not distinctly recol- j
led them.
“Mr. Peyton then resumed his seat, but I
soon turned towards Mr. Whitney, and said,
“ Damn him, his eyes are on me. God
damn him, be is looking at me—he shan’t do
it—damn him, ke shan’t look at me!” Mr.
Hamer made some further remarks, when
Mr. Garland suggested that the witness
should retire to another room, which he did.
Mr. Peyton then apologized to the commit
tee, and Mr. Hamer offered the resolution,
which has been published ; on the passage
of which, Mr. Whitney was recalled, and
the resolution was communicated to tbe
Chairman. Air. Whitney said that if In
had done any thing which the committee
considered disrespectful, lie regretted it, and
apologized for it. Another interrogatory
ivas proposed to him, which he answered,
ind then the committee rose.
Tll KS T A NIIA II I) OF(i N! 0
Prom the G.'i.L:'.
CONGRL'.riS.
Iho Senate yes cr lay >•< sinned th. 1 debate ol ]
th " specie or,:, Siiaop.c, the lately elec
t< (i .-ciiator Irctu ?,ortti Carolina, made :i clear,
ioyical, ard , xact al"mnriit.directed Io the |>omt
iu 1 ue. i lie <|lte»tibli el 1 •ipitj was conclu
sive,y <,l- <.;| <,l, ;.||,| ever) day's experience in
diecoiinl*j [il we tuny trust, our letters] goes to
'•sia'didi the sound policy of the measure. We
shad ; ive some extracts from the letters received
on tins subject m a day or two.
In lhe I louse of liepresentativcs. Mr. Adams
revived the question of abolition, llepeated ef
forts have Ixa i, made to prevent, the waste of time
and ine< ndiary agitation which occurred inst year
by adopting Mr. Piuckuey's resolution at the
threshold; but from other subjects having prece
dence before the House, this object could not be
accomplished without a suspension of the rules
which requires two-thirds This the inilliliers.
I abolitionists, and the other portions of the opposi
i lion, who join tor the sake of mischief, arc strong
enough to prevent. The abolition:-ts ami nulliii-
! ers unite most, cordially in voting dow n each sttc
| ccssive attempt w hich tiie friends of tiie adnmu...
trillion iiave made, thus to slop, in athmieo, all
| agit.itimi and disctissimi in regard Io a matter
I/.ame'tm.,- which the pres.-m. Congress, after full
' debate, ami patient deliberation, at its la-t ses.-.iou
i by a large majority., entered, up its so/iWH/iot
I < .a,, tiny man, far a moment, doukt tiie motives
, ol tiie nr.iliiiers and abolitionists for acting togeth
- :r. to K ep up this smt of discussion against the
: nil- of die. majority ? It is evidently for the pur
i ;■<>><; of ci eating ill will between the North and
.-out!i, from which both laetious hope to profit.
From the New York Times-
I .1 most portentous Whig sign.— The Express
raves like <t madman. It has broken out in a new
| spot, discovered a new cause for whig indignation
I new sources oftrotible and distress to the land,
j and new reasons to conclude that our liberties are
j fast passing away, ami that we are fast relapsing
: into despotism. Dark and gloomy arc the forms
: that visit it: spectres of evil appear before its dis
| ordered vision, more mimerott; titan those called
I by the weird sisters before the startled eves of Mac-
I beth. Ami what is the cause of Jits, mighty i'uss.
] What new mitrage has been committed ? Ilasthe
I I’residcitt again trampled on the constitution ?
j lias he robbed the ticnstiry ? I! is he voted any
; new bill? Has lie defied Congress ami the peo
: pie ! No. I!c Ims dolic-twtie of these things, but
he has recently been guilty of an act, which both
j in conception ami execution, is well calculated to
startle the people, and arouse every true hearted
; iv iiig to the tesette ol the constitution and bleed
' iltg country, nay more, a deed, which adds dou
! ide force to the suggestion made by the Courier
■ some days ago, that it is high time for even the
most cautious and prudent to begin to calculate
what bayonets are made for. Not to keep our
readers in suspense, we quote the following from
Wednesday’s Exptess :
The Dinner of State—the Official Dinner—the
i Executive Dinner, which the President of the
' I’mted States has given to the Expunging Sena-
I tors as a select party, creates, hascreated, and will
< yet create, no inconsiderable conversation in this
: city. That the President should open his man ion
to Senators, id’course, is nothing remarkable—
■ but that he should select out ofthe Senate of the
I United States, the Senators who have iust distin-
’ guished themselves in obliterating the records of
the Senate wltichcOmletnncd his removal of Mr.
Duane, his oun Secretary of the Treasury, be
cause ?J‘" Duane would not- sttn-emler to the
‘ bawer.that holds the Sword, the keys of the
I rea .iti'y, ami the Purse—this is something re
tn.iricd’.e, and an ill-omened sign, calculated to pro
duce great alarm. It was not an ordinary, batt an
extraordinary dinner, then, ft meant something.
It ires intended to brave public opinion, and to
throw over men who have made themselves dis
tinguished by an obnoxious act, the magic shield
of Jackson's name—a name, alas ! that has more
: jvitem y than I.ihcriy, now,—-w hich men worship
about as much as the God that made them ! for
America has her idolaters as well as Asia, though
but a man is the idol here.
••Guns, drams, trumpets, blunderbusses, and
; thunder. Does not the gorge of every true whig
I arise, after reading the above spirit-stirring para
i ?
Think of rhe audacity of the President in giving
I a dinner, ami inviting to that dinner whomsoever
he thought fit. Is itnot in the first place, a pal-
I violation of the constitution ! in the second place,
: a shameful defiance of the popular will ! in the
thira place, a gross personal insult to those who
■wore invited ? The iugymiity of General Jackson
is on a par with his political wickedness. He
i esorted to the novel ami ingenious method of
••liravnig public opinion” Ey giving a private din
ner to some of his political friends. Well may
the Express say that this dinner -‘meant something."
:To be sure it did. An ordinary man would say,
that it meant nothing more than a hospitable re
ceptiy ti, and a wellfi lied board. But the keen,
quick optics of tile Express look deeper. Depend
upon it, argues that keen-sighted journal—that
dinner is "an ill-omened sign, calculated to pro
duce great alarm." We advise our friands the
wbigs, to look to this matter. Anew attack has
■ been made on the constitution. new fire has
beeu opened upon it from behind an intrenchment
of roasted ane boiled, and fried and stewed, and
i broiled and baked breast works ; a new attack
i has beetj made on its very vitals. At that insidious
feast, lhe wine was drugged with het etical opinions
there was treason in theseasoniug ofthe turkeys;
j the mutton had a llavorthat smacked of nian-wor
' ship, ami the consumption of the viands, was but
; typical of the destruction of the cunttitution. We
I don't wonder yon are in a passion, Mr. Express.
; l’k‘;>d and blood—and especially- whig flesh and
i blood, can’t stand this novol outrage. As the
1 fourth of J uly orators say, “thert is a point beyond
which, forbearance ceases to be a virtue,” audit’s
no wonder that your excess of zeal, has led you
into a slight excess of passion. We pray you, to
keep lhe people enlightened on the subject of the
I’re-idetlt’s dinners. I’o you belongs the glory
of discover tig that they "are intended to brave pub
lie opinion" and it is litthat to you should belong
the fruits of th is mighty discovery.
From the National Gazette.
RATES OF INTEREST.
The Committee appointed by the Chamber of
Commerce on the 10th of May, 1836, to in- ;
quire into the expediency of taking tneasures
to procure the abolition of the Usury Law.:, I
beg leave to
REPORT;
That after corresponding with sonic members, ]
of the Legksi’.'iture who are Iriondly to thismea
i sure, it was determined to postpone any efforts
| until the winter session, when, if commenced j
I early, it is thought thsrc is every prospect of sue- ]
cess.
i The necessity for removing restraints on the
; rate of interest has become strikingly manifest
within a few months, during which time, owing
to a variety of circumstances, discounts have
been higher than were ever before known in
this conntiy. —The rates prevalent in Boston
■ have been from 2to 4 per cent per month, in
; New York from 2to 3 1-2 per cent per month,
: and in Philadelphia from 1 1-2 to 2 1-2 per
I cent per month. These rates have been as
I current as the market rates for flour, meat, cot
l ton, or any other meichaiidize and yet no one
has evei thought of the expediency of restrain
ing the miller from selling his flour beyond ;<6
per barrel, or the butcher and planter from sel
ling their me at and cotton higher than 5 cents ]
per pound. The community would not submit j
to such usurpation as ll.xingthe prices of ;.ll arti
cles of merchandize, neither will they submit j
much longer to the arbitrary dictation of the
law in fixing the ppce of money, an article
more liable to fluctuation than any otlur mer
chandize.
This law is useless—even worse than useless
—it is attended with much injury, besides being ,
very arbitrary. It is broken, over and over (
again every day. The borrower feels the in- ,
justice as well as the lender, and thinks none j
the worse of the lender for receiving the cur- '
rent rate of interest. The necessary operation '
of the law is to induce the employment of third
persons and brokers, for the purpose of more ;
i s.tf.ly eh’et ting .an illegal tiansaction. Thein- 1
t rm d ate persims ntiist be paid by the borrow
er, and thus th.' rate of interest is uselesslv in
creased. II there were no usury law, the bor
rower would go directly to the capitalist, and
bargain lor the purchase ol money on the best
terms in his power. If there were no restrain
ing law, conscientious capitalists, of whom theie
are many in all our large towns, who are now
deserted from infringing on this law, however
absurd and unjust, would come into the money
market, and sell their money for a price which
many enterprizing mechanics and merchants
would be happy to pay for it, instead of invest- '
mg it in western and southern securities, which
yield a higher interest, than our eastern stocks
do. Thusthe money of uurown citizens would ;
he kept at home, and the competition which
would thus be cieated between the other banks
and lhe money k adeis would reduce the price
ol tins article cash to its fair and true value.
| There are several exceptions in the laws res
tra.ning the rate ol interest—viz:
Bettomry or bonds upon ships.
Respond, titia—or loans upon shipments by
; sea, including marine, insurance.
Pawn-broking or loans upon personal proper-
; ty, which ate at very high rates of interest.
Besides the above, there are several laws in
': corporating Railway and Banking institutions
which authorise the managers and directors of
said corporation to assess interest at the rate of
12 to 18 per cent per annum, on delinquent sub
scribers, to compel the payment of the instal
ments.—These examples are cited for the pur
pose of showing that usurious interests has been !
allowed by our Legislature in cases where ex- ;
1 pediency has pointed out its utility,and we hope j
this liberality will be extended to all monied:
operations.
If the Common wealth of Pennsylvania should :
. i be so wise to repeal its Usury Laws, or would ;
. ; allow the late of interest to be extended to 8 or
I 10 12 per cent per annum as might be agreed
! upon by the contracting parties, and the States
of Alassacl.usetts, N. York, Marylnad and Vir
ginia should be so unwise as to keep up their
' 1 present rates (viz: in New York, 7 per cent,
i per amium, whilst in the other three States, it
i is 6 per cent, per annum) capital would flow in
to Philadelphia from Boston, New York, Balti
, j more and Richmond, in the same way as Balti
i more and Philadelphia capital has been trans-
I mitted to New York, (to the knowledge of a
■ member of this committee,) being attracted by
■ the 7 per cent legal rate of interest of that
State. Thus Pennsylvania enterprise would be
’ fostered at the expense of her less clear sighted
and prudent neighbors.
innumerable other suggestions might be ur
ged in favor of the abolition of a law, which is
. a disgrace to the enlightened laml in which we
. } live, inasmuch as it is constantly infringed, and
• | is entirely nugatory it* accomplishing the object
I j for which it was designed ; but on the contrary
■ produce the evil it was intended to remedy.
1 ; I’lie committees however, will not further in
’ . trade on the attention of the Chamber, in ur-
: giug a measure which is so popular with the in
.• telliti'cnt portion ofthe commercial community,
. j but will close the report by proposing the follow
ing Resolves.
Resolved, That the Chamber of Commerce
t petition the Legislature now in session, to amend
the Usury Laws, so far as relates to the allow
' ancc, on and after the fourth of July next, of
1 such rate of interest as may be fixed on by
' contracting parties, on all promissory notes and
bills of exchange resting solely on personal se-
I curity, that have not over four months to run,”
> but not to apply to discounts by Banks or to
, embrace bonds, mortgages and other landed se
r curities.
i Resolved, That the Chamber of Commerce
and Board of Trade); of Pittsburg, as well as
J the Board of Trade of Philadelphia, and the
’ ! citizens of Pittsbutg and I’isiladelphia particu
larly, as well as of the State generally, beear
j nestly invited to co-operate with the Philadel-
■ ; phia Chamber of Commerce, in procuring re-
■ lief from these obnoxious laws.
JOHN B. BROWN,
J. FISHER LEAMING,
GERARD RALSTON.
Committee.
L Philadelphia, Dec. 17, 1336.
THE NEW SENATE.
The Senate of lhe United States, after the ath
■ of March next, will stand as follows ;
Van Buren.
Maine—Messrs. Ruggles ami Dana.
New Hampshire—Messrs. Hubbard and Pierce.
Connecticut—Messrs. Niles and Smith.
New York—Messi» Tallmadge and Wright.
1 New Jersey—Mr. Walt.
1 Pennsylvania—Messrs- M’Keau and Buchanan. |
1 Virginia—Messrs. Rives and Parker.
North Carolina—. Messrs. Brown and Strange.
[ Georgia—Messrs. King and Cuthbert.
: Alabama—Messrs. King and M’Kinley.
' j l.oui.'ititia—Messrs. Nicholas and Mouton.
’ j Mississippi—Mr. W alker,
j Tennessee—Mr Grundy.
: Ohio—-Messrs. Morris and Allen.
' Indiana—Air. Tipton.
Illinois—Messrs. Robinson and Young.
Missouri—Messrs. Benton and Linn.
Arkansas—Messrs. Fulton and Sevier.
Michigan—Messrs. Norvel and Lyon.—34.
Opposition.
New Jersey—Southard.
Delaware—Messrs. Bayard and Clayton.
Maryland—Messrs. Kent and Spence.
South Carolina—Messrs. Calhoun and Preston.
Vermont—Messrs. Prentiss and Swift.
Rhode Island—Messrsr Robbins and Knight.
Massachusetts—Messrs. Webster and Davis.
Mississ ppi—Mt. Black.
Tinuess-e—Mr. White.
Kintuck —Messrs. Crittenden and Clay.
Indiana—Mr. Smith.—lß.
“cREEIfWAR.'
LA'i’feST FI:CAI FLORIDA.
Another liatll—Capt. Mellon Killed!
I The - tram packet Cincinnati, Cap. Cur- |
t*y arrived last evening from Garey’s Fer
ry. To Capt. Gale we are indebted for
the Jacksonville Courier of Thursday last
] from which we extract the following intelli-
I genre. The life of another gallant officer
has been yielded as a sacrifice to retrieve
the honor of his country’s arms, —and the
Seminole still stalks over the desolation of
Florida, without lhe punishment he deserves
We cannot believe that the war is at an end.
We fear that the truce with Jesup is but lhe !
prelude to renewed hostilities. But— tcc
shall see.
Fiom the Jitchsonville Courier IGth inst. L
[From our Correspondent.]
To t e Editor.
Black Creek, 14 Feb. 1837- : i
Sir—The steam boat John Stoney ar
rives at this place this mot tling, in which
Lieut. Col. Fanning and Capt. Piercy, of
the U.S Navy came passengers. They
report that a battle took place on the morn
ing ofthe Sth at Encampment Monroe, at i
the head of the Lake Monroe. This port 1
was attacked tit 5 o’clock in the morning, a
and a brisk firing kep up by both parties (
until 8 o’clock, when the Indians retired. S
Col. Fanning was in command of about v
250’regtilars and Capt. Piercy in command <;
of 39 friendlv Indians, Capt. Mellon, U. li
S. Army was killed. Lt. J. T, McLaugh
lin and 14 privates were wounded. The t
hostiles were estimated at 3 or 400 staong. 1 (
When the Indians retired, the friendly ! ! .1
Indians yelled at and taunted them all they ; (
could to make them renew the attack— but
not a syllable or gun was heard from them,
lhe account as far as it goes you may "de
pend upon. I had it from Captain Pid
g-
in haste, yours, &.c.
I he above intelligence is confirmed by
the arrival at this place on Tue sday night
last, of the steamer Cincinnati, Capt. Curry
l he attack on Fort Alellott (Encampment
Monrces, at Lake Monroe,) was made, it is
; supposed by Philip and his gang. The
battle was furiously contested. The loss on
the side ol the liostiies is not known.
I he Stmlee was lying oli’on the Lake not
tar from the I' ort, in wait for lhe embarka
tion ol the Troops to transport them to Vol
usia, in obedience to an order of Gen. Je-|
sup. Lieut. Thomas left the Post during
the engagement, and succeding in getting
on board lhe Santee, played upon the hos
tiies the six pounder front the boat with great
effect.
This action must have taken place
before the information of the truce could
have been received by those Indians who I
1 made the attack. Ittformatit n of it Itad I
. not been then received by Colonel Fau
ning.
The forces at Fort Mellon returned to
Volusia on the 11th. No Indians having
■ been seen about the Fort from the Sth up to I
] the 11 th.
Il is the general opinion that the above
affair will not break up the truce now’ exist
‘“o a,l y effect on the course the Indians will
pursue relation to closing the war by yield
ing themselves up for removal.
Macon, February 23.
BATTLE OF COWAGGEE
A\ c have con versed with several persons who
, were in the battle on the Cowaggce cieek, on lhe
28th of last month, and learn from them the follow
ing particulars :
There were about twenty men in all, who hasti
ly collected faom the neighborhood and from Irwiu-
I ton:—There names are as follows : Wm. VVell- j
, born, Capt. W. Patterson, Ist Lteut. Win. 11.
i , Cowan, 2d Lieut. W. J. Walley, Ist sergt. John ]
Scott,2d do W ins|ctt, 3<! do. P. P. Flannigan Ist j
t, corpora! : F. Crowley 2d do. Andrew Casey 3<l
i do. Dr. L. T. \\ ilburti, surgeon.—-Privates, H. G. ;
: Jenkins, John Hail, Hiram Carter, John Carter,
I James Hußter, Mehncth Mills, Wm. Dobbs, Wm.
' F. Dobbsi Elisha Betts, James Walley.
1 earning on the evening of the 27th, the hurn
’ iug ot Pugh's house ami the murder of him and
his overseer ami four negroes, the day previous,
the company left their camp and went in pursuit,
t Passing Pugh's place without finding the enemy,
’ : stayed llia’t night (Friday at Faegim’s. Next
. morning got on their trail and pursued it to the'
. swamp at Martin’s where they came upon them in
. a narrow road cut through a thick impenetrable
. cane brake. Wishing to draw them out into the
open woods, the captain ordered a retreat, which
’ was kept up for 200yards, the enemy firing all the ]
time. When the best position that could be found
was obtained, the men dismounted and returned
■ the Indians’ fire. Adopting their mode of war
-1 fare, they sheltered themselves behind trees, and
- fired deliberately, whenever an Indian ptesented
fi himself. In this way the fight continued about
; halt an hour, the savages approaching to within :
j 50 or 60 yards, and pouring in a constant fire. ]
j Their number could not be ascertained, though it
, ! is presumed it could not be less than 70 or° 80.
; Several were seen to fall; and as our men were
* all excellent marksmeji, and evinced the most
perfect coolness, it is conjectured they must have
I done considerable execution.
I indin;; the number of the enemy so much su
, peri or to bis own, mid that they were about flauk
: ing him, Capt. Wellborn ordered a retreat—first
. getting oft the wounded, and firing as they went.
■ ; J 1 * 50 ludians pursued forabouthalf a mile, keep-
ing up a galling fire.—The brave Patterson was
killed, and left on the ground. Three orfouroth
ers were wounded. The Captain had his horse
shot under him, and was considetably injured by
the fall. He was also knocked down by a spent
, ball, and had the end of one of his fingers shot off.
Eight horses were killed, and three others badly
wounded.
The body of Patterson was fouud the next day,
by a party which went on purpose, and brought
to Irwinton and interred. The wounded men are j
all recovering.
i Three or four days after the above battle, three !
of the same Indians, with a squaw, were fallen in .
with by Wellborn and his men, two of whom were 1
, killed, one made his escape and the female taken i
, ! prisoner.
. _\t the last accounts, W ellborn, witY about twen- j
: ty men was scouring the swamp in pursuit of the !
hostiles.- -Telegraph.
ANOTHER BATTLE.
We have been informed that an action took
place on Saturday llth. inst. near Pea River
Bridge. Pike county, Alabama, between tbe citi
zens of that neighborhood and a party of hostile
Creeks. 1 here were about 40 Indians, who were
completely routed, leaving six dead on the field,
and a large quantity of plunder. The whites had
two or three men slightly wounded, but none kil
led.—/Mi/.
' VM
of
"lhe friends of the L'nionare our friends,and its
enemies, our enemies."
— - i
TUESDAY MORiYING, February as.
WASHINGTON’S BIRTH DAY?
On Tuesday evening last, the birth-day
of this illustrious man was celebrated in this
City, by a civic Ball and sumptuous supper ’
at the Lafayette Hall. The spacious Room i
of the Hall, was beautifully and tastefully I
decorated for the occasion; and yet, still i
more beautifully and splendidly decorated <
by (be brilliant eyes and sylph-like forms 11
which adorned it. The merry winged hours i
danced joyously away, until 12 o’clock, the I
[ “witching hour of night,” when the com- '
pany retired, «
“ Wishing to all a fair good night, i
And rosy dreams, and slumbers light.” ®
ELECTIONOF VICE PRESIDENT. (
Upon counting the electoral votes on the Btb inst. 1
itappeared that neither of the candidates for Vice 1
President, had received a majority of the who 10, (
and Col. Richard M. Johnson, and Mr. Francis
Granger of New York, being the two highest, the
Senate proceeded to make choice between them,
under that provision of the constitution, which re- a
qu’ues the Seuate to choose between* the two | f
highest, when there is no eleetion by the Colleges. v
The Senators were compelled to vote forotieor ;
the other, or not to vote at all, and therefore, tbe
contest stood single handed between Bichard M.
Johnson, the sound ane unwavering democrat, ‘
the gallant soldier, and the inflexible and un- S
t j compromising enemy of abolition and abolitionists,
on lhe one side—and Francis Granger, lhe fed-
- era list, the enemy of state tights and state sover-
- eighty, atid the most blood thirsty and fanatical
] abolitionist, eu the other • and furnished the fair-
I est opportunity for those who feel and express a
proper abhorrence of the schemes of the fanatics,
io verily the truth of their professions, by casting
their votes against Granger.
'1 In: vote was taken, and stood, fur Johnson, 33
■ for Granger, 16. Messrs. CALHOUN, PRF.S
, 1 ON, and Judge WHITE, having retired, before
1 their names were called, thereby declining—refu
: sing we should say, to vote in a contest for the
I second office in tbe gift ofthe American people, or
’ ! to give their weight in deciding betwecu a man
‘ 1 firmly devoted to the constitution,to southern rights
’ I and southern interests—and one, in open hostility
to bolii; one whois seeking, by all the means in
his power, not only to deprive us of our property,
but to excite rebellion, bloodshed and butchery
1 amongst us.
There is no excuse for Calhoun, Preston and
! White. They know Granger to be an abolition
ist of the deepest dye—they know if he had the
]j power, he would now, this day, and this hour,
] spread carnage and desolation through the south ;
’ | and know as well, that in such a contest. Col.
] Johnson would stand by us to the last. In eveiy
] I discussion in Congress, in every vote upon abolition
petitions and memoiials, he has acted and voted
1 like a true southron—He has sustained the stron
gest measures of the nullifiers upon tha t question -
he has voted against the reception of pe
titions, and that vote stands recorded in tbe face of
those Senators who retired.
There is something about the course of these
men, that will be scrutinized by the people. They
will require to kuow, how it is, that men who have
expressed the greatest horror of abolition and ah
olitionists, should be the first to shrink from a de-_
cision where the question was directly at isstre'f
In this election, as usual, the wbigs showed their
blood. Granger the abolitionist, received 16 votes
all IllGS—Calhoun—-Preston and White, re
' tired from the contest--all WHIGS ! ! I! !
j The following is a letter from the Hon. R. M.
Johnson, to the Senate of the United States, signi
fying his acceptance of the office of Vice President.
To the Senate ofthe United States :
Gen tlemen : I have received, with no ordinary
emotions, the notice through yourcoimnittee of my
election to the office of Vice President ofthe Uni
ted States by tbe Senate. 1 accept the station
assigned me. This token of regard from the rep-’
reseutatives of the States, will ever be held in
grateful recollection. Permit me to teudei you
my sincere thanks.
Observing that your decision is in harmony
with a majority of the States, and a moiety of ail
the electors in the primary colleges,my gratification
is heightened, from tbe conviction that the Senate
in the exercise of their constitutional prerogative,
concurred with, aud confirmed the wishes both of
the States and the people. Called, in virtue of
this preferment, to preside in the deliberations of
your enlightened body, from and after the thild of
I March next, permit me to make use of this oppor
j tuuity to say, that I cannot feel insensible to diffi
■ cullies which I must anticipate, and the frequent
occasion I may have for your forbearance.
Though lor thirty years a member of one or tbe
other of the two Houses of Congress, yet I have
never been accustomed to preside, even tempora
rily, over either, or in any deliberative assembly.
My attention hasgenerally been engrossed by the
. more immediate acts of legislation, without special
regard to the minuteness of rules and order, so ne
cessary to the progress of business; and so impor
tant to the observance ofthe presiding officer.
Contemplating the character of my distinguished
predecessors, and considering my deficiency in
point of talent, and the want of experience for the
appropriate duties of the station, it is impossible
for the diffidence with which I meet this call of
my fellow-citizens. But this reflection will al
ways console me, that any errors on my part
will affect mo personally rather than the public;
the intelligence of the Senate v- ill guard the coun
try from any injury that might result from the im-
I perfections of its presiding officer, and its magnan
. imity w ill cover those imperfections with the veil
jot charity. In this conclusion, I find a warrant in
, contemplating among the members of your body so
many friends with whom I have been associated
in public life. It is only in the event of an equal
divisionofthe Senate that the presiding officer is
| called upon to give his vote. Ase hope is, that
there may be always sufficient, lujaijimity to pre
vent such a contingency. If, hotffeyiy-, it should
happen, this duty will be familiar tt nj&and I shall
perform it without embarrassment. Ifrexereising
this power, I shall expect the same iudijil&nce that
1 have ever extended to others, whero t&flerence
of opinion existed. '"/A
To the Senate the most important trwts are
committed, its duties are legislative, executive,
and in certain contingencies, judicial. As citizens,
every branch of bur Government is dear tiius ;.
but, from my more immediate relation to tbii by
your choice, I shall regard it with special' mtefest.
It stands pre-eminent in talent:i’ehJ character. ’ln
presiding over its deliberations, it shall be my effort
to act w ith perfect respect and impartiality to
wards every member, and endeavor, by this course'
of conduct, to merit the approbation of all.
R. M. JOHNSON.
City of Washington, Feb. 10, 1837.
Augusta Constitutionalist..
“GOING THE WHOLE HOG.”
In our advertising columns of to-day, will
be found a novel and interesting challenge,
which will no doubt attract much attention.
It comes from an efficient and enterprising
Planter, and one who is practically acquaint
ed with all the minutia of domestic econo
my. We should like to see the glove taken
tip which he has thrown down—for it would
be a competition pregnant with public util
ity*
It is surprising to us that the “swinish
multitude” have attracted so little of the at
tention of our Planters. The droves of
hogs which are annually brought to our
] market from Kentucky and Tennessee, must
convince the most superficial observer that
tbe rearing of such stock must be very prof
itable, or it would not be so perseteringly
pursued. If theo» tiie Kentuckian and
Tennesseean can, after defraying the heavy
expenses of an out-fit and return, can real
ize, as they do, a handsome profit on lhe
adventure, what would be the advantage to
our Planters, if they turned their attention
to the same object? It would be great as-
fording them a far more profitable remu
notation t;ian even the culture of cotton it
self.
We hope that the bet of the advertiser,
altnoiigh (ora small amount, and the time
for its consummation at a remote period,
will be taken up bysome of our public spir
ited i itizens—— inasmuch as by doing so,
they would not only excite a spirit of emu
lation, but be conferring a benefit upon the
substantial interests of the country.