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FAREWELL ADDRESS OF GENERAL
Andrew JkieSktton
T> the Ptopl:. ofthe I nited States.
FKLi.ow-CiTrzr.xs :
Bsing about to retire finally from public life, 1
beg leave to oiler you my grateful thanks for
the many proofs of kindness ami confidence
which Iha ve received at your hands. It has
beeu my fortune, in the discharge of public du
ties, civil ami military, frequently to have found
iMyselt in difficult and trying situations, where
prompt decision ami energetic action were ne
cessary, and whore the interest of (be count)'
rmpiiredjthat high responsibilities should bo fear
lessly encountered ; and it is with the deepest
emotions ofgratii ide, til it 1 acknowledge the
continued .and unbroken confi lence with which
you have sustained me in every trial. Mv pub
lic life has been along one, and I cannot hope
that it has, nt all times, been free fro a errors.
But I have tne consolation of knvwing that, if
mistakes have been committed, they have not
seriously injured the country 1 so anxiously en
deavored to serve ; and, at the moment when 1
•ur render my last public trust, I leave this great
people prosperous ami happy ; in the full en
joyment of libeity and peace ; and honored and
•ad respected by every nation of the world.
If my humble efforts hive, in any degree,
etatributed to preserve to you these blesshigs,
I have been more than rewarded bv the honors
you have heaped upon me ; and, above all, bv
the generous confidence with which you h ive
supported me in every peri’, ami with which
y*u have continued to animate and cheer mv
path to the closing hour ot' mv political life. The
time has now come, when advanced age, and a
broken frame, warn mo to retire from public
concerns; but tile recollection of the favors von
have best owed upon m.*, is engraved upon mv
heart, and I have felt that I could not part from
▼our service without making this public ac
knowledgement oftho gratitude tint 1 owe you.
And if I use the occasion to otter to yon the
•ounse’^of ago and experience, you will, 1 trust,
reoeive them with (be sim- indulgent kindness
which yon have so often extended to mo ; an 1
will, at least, see in them an earnest desire to
perpetuate, in th s favored land, the blessings of
liberty and equal laws.
o have now lived almost fifty years under
tha constitution framed by the sages of the Re
volution. Tan comli is in which the nations of
Europe were engaged during a great part of
this period ; the spirit in w hich they waged war
•gainst eacu other; and our intimate commer
cial connexions with every part of the civilized
world, rendered it a time of much difficulty for
tho Government of the United States. We
have ha 1 our seas ms of pe ice and of w ar, with
all the evils which precede or follow a state
oi hostility with p.iwvri.il nations. We encoun
tered these trials with our constitution vet in its
infancy, and under the disadvantages which a
•ew and untried government must always feel
when it is called upon to put forth its measures.
But wo h ive passed triumphantly through all
these difficulties. Our constitution is no longer
a doubtful experiment ; and, at the end of near
ly half a century, we find that it has preserved
unimpaired, the liberties of the people, secured
the rights of property, and that our country has
improved, and is tlourishing beyond any former
example in the history of nations.
In our domestic concerns there is every thing
to encourage us ; and if you are true to your
selves, Homing can impede your march to the
highest point o! national prosperity. The States
which had so long been retarded in their im
provement, by the Indian tribes residing in the
midst of them, are at length relieved from the
evil; and this unhappy race—the original
d wellers in our land—arc now placed in a situ
ation where wo may well hope that they will
share in the blessings of civilivation, and be
saved from that degradation and destruction, to
which they were rapidly hastening while they
remained in the States ; and while the safety
and comfort ofourown citizens have been great
ly promoted by their removal, the philanthro
pist will rejoice tint tiie remnant of that ill fated
race has been at length placed beyond the reach
oi injury or oppression, and that the paternal
care ol the General Government will hereafter
watch over them and protect them.
It we turn to our relations with foreign power t
we find our condition equally gratifying. Ac
tuated by the sincere desire to do justice to eve
ry nation,and to preserve tlu blessingsof peace,
our intercourse w ith them has been conducted
on tne part of this Government, in the spirit of
frankness, and 1 take pleasure in saving, that it
has generally been met in a corresponding tem
per. Difficulties ot old standing have been sur
mounted by friendly discussion, and the mutual
desire to be just; and the claims of our citizens,
which had been long withheld, have at length
been acknowledged and adjusted, and satisfac
tory arrangements made (or their final payment;
and with a limited, and, 1 trust, a temporary ex
ception, our relations with every foreign power
•re now of the most friendly character—our
•ommcrcc continually expanding, and our flag
respected in every quarter of the world.
These cheering and grateful prospects, and
those multiplied favors, we owe, under Provi
dence, to the adoption of the Federal Constitu
tion. It is no longer a question whether this
great country can remain happily united, and
flourish under our present form of Government.
Experience, the unerring test of all human un
dertakings, has shown the wisdom and foresight
of tho re who formed it; and for the brightest
hopes of freedom, and for the happiness of the
people. At every hazard, and by every sacri
fice, THIS I XIOX .MI ST hi: I’ItESEKVED.
The necessity of watching with jealous anxie
ty for the preservation of the Union, was ear
nestly pressed upon his fcllov’-citizens by the
Father of ins country, in his farewell address.
M* has there told us, that “ while experience
shall not have dem mstrated its practicability,
there will always be rc non to distrust the patri
otism of th k i wlii in any quarter, may endea
vor. t o v.' • 11< “•. **. I’owL/” b'.bus cantiooed
ns tn tne SirObgosf term-, tifinist the formation
•f parties, on geographical discriminations, as
one ol the mea.H which might disturb our union,
and to which designing men would he likely to
resart.
The I •ssons contained in this invaluable le
gacy of asliington to his countrymen, should
be cherished in the Iriart of every citizen to the
latest g.meraium ; and perhaps, at no period of
time, coni I they be more usefully remembered
than at the present moment. For when we
look upon tly. m-c.hh that are passing around
•is, and dwell upon the pages of' his parting ad
dress, his paiern i! counsels would seem to be
not merely tho offspring of wisdom and foresight,
tint the voice of prophecy fortelling events and
warning us ol the evils to come. Forty years
have pas .cd since this imperishable document
wss given to his countrymen, The Federal
institution was then regarded by him ns an ex
periment, mid he so speaks of it in his address;
bflt an experiment upon the success of which
tw* best hopes of his country depended,and weal!
know that he was prepared to lav down his life,
if necessary, to secure it a full and fair trial,
ino trial has been made. It Ims succeeded be
yond the proudest of those who framed it. Ev
•ry quarter of this wid< lv extended nation has
felt its blessings, and shared in the general pros
ferity produced by its adoption. But amid this
general prosperity and splendid success, the dan
gers ol which he warned us, are becomin« every
day more evident, and the signs ofevil are snfli
cieotl v apparent l<> awaken the deepest anxiety
it the bosom ofii e patriot. We | M .hold syste
matic efforts publicly made to sow the seeds of
dis-or I between different parts of the United
States, and to place party divisions directly up
on geographical distinctions; to excite the 'south
against the itm//i, and the north against the
smith, and force into the controversy, the most
delicate and exciting topics;—topics’npon which
it is impossible that a large portion of the Union
can ever speak without strong emotion. Ap
peals too, are constantly made to sectional inter
ests, in order to inline nee the election of the
Uhiel -Magistrate, as if it were desirid that he
should favor a particular quarter of the country
instead of fulfilling the duties of his station with
impartial justice to all; and the possible dis
solution ot the Union,luisal length become an
mdinary and familiar subject of discussion. Has
the warning voice ol Washington been forgot
ten I or have designs already bemi formed to
sever the Union ? Let it not be supposed that 1
impute to all those who have taken an active
pan in these unwise titxl unprofitable discussions,
a want of patriotism or of public virtue. The
honorable feeling of State pride, and local al _
la< hments, find a place in the bosoms of the
most enlightened and pure. But while such
men are conscious of their own integrity and
honesty of purpose, they ought never to forget
that the citizens of other States are their own
political brethren ; and that, however mistaken
they may be in their views, the great body of
them are equally honest and upright with them
selves. Mutual suspicions anil reproaches may
in time create mutual hostility, and artful anil
designing men will always be found, who are
ready to foment these fatal divisions, and to
inflame the natural jealousies of different sec
ii..n< ~f the country. The history o?the world
is full of such examples, and especially the
history of republics.
\\ hat have you to gain by division mid dissen
liou ! Delude tint yourselves with the belief that
a breach once made may be afterwards repaired.
If the I uion is once severed the line of separa
tion will grow wider mid wider, and the contro
versies w hicii are now debated and settled in the
halls of legislation, will then be fied in the fields
ol battle, and determined by the sword. Neither
should you deceive yourselvei with the hope, that
rhe tirst line of separation would he the permanent
one. and that nothing hut harmony and concord
would tie found in tho new associations formed
upon the dissolution of this Union. Local inter
ests would still be found there, and um hastened
ambition. .'.in 1 it the recollection of common
dangers, in which the people of these United
.'•tates stood side by side agaiustthecommon foe ;
the memory of victories won by their united valor;
the prosperity ami happiness ’they have enjoyed
under the present constitution ; the pioml name
they bear as citizens of this great republic: if all
these recollections and proofs of common interest I
are not strong enough to bind us together as one i
people, w hat lie will hold united the new divisions j
of empire, when these bonds have been broken
and this I uion dissevered ! The first line of sep
aration would mH last for a single generation : '
new fragments would be torn oil': new leaders i
would skiing up ; ami th:. great and glorious re
public would soon be broken into a multitude of
petty States, without commerce, without credit: j
jealous ol one another; armed for mutual
sion; loaded with taxes to pay armies and lead
ers ; seeking aid against each other from foreign
powers; insulted and trampled upon by the nations
ol Europe, until harrassed with conflicts, and
humbled and debased in spirit, they would be rea
dy to submit to the absolute dominion of nny mil
itary adventurer, and to surrender their liberty for
the sake of repose. It is impossible to look on the
consequences that would inevitably follow thedes
truetion of this Government, and not feel indig
nant when we hear cold calculations about the
value of tho Union, and have so constantly before
is a line of conduct so well calculated to weaken
its ties.
There is too much at stake to allow pride or
passion to influence your decision. Never for a
moment believe that'the g' eat body of the citizens
ot any State or States can deliberately intend to
do wrong. They may, under the influent- ' of
temporary excitement or misguided opinions,
commit mistakes; they may be misled for a time
by the suggestions of self-interest; but in a com
munity so enlightened and patriotic as the people
of the I nited States, arguments will soon make
them sensible of their errors ; and, when convin
ced, they will be ready to repair them. If thev
have no higher or better motives to govern their,
they will at least perceive that theii own interest
requires them to be jus; to others as they hope to
receive justice at their hands.
But. in order to maintain the Union unimpared,
it is absolutely necessary that the laws passed by
lhe constituted authorities should be faithfully exe
cuted in every part of the country, and that every
good citizen should, at all times, stand readv to
put down, with thecombined force of the nation,
every attempt at unlawful resistance, undei what
ever pretext it may'be made, or whatever shape
it may assume. Unconstitutional or oppressive
laws may sometimes tic passed by Congress, either
from erroneous views, or the want of due con
sideration ; if they are within the reach of judi
i cial authority, the remedy is easy and peaceful ;
and if, from lhe character ot the law, it is an i
buse of power not within the control of the judici
ary, then free discussion and calm appeals to rea
j -on and to the justice of the people, will not fail
|to redress the wrong.—But until the law shall be
| declared void by the courts, or i epealed by Con
gress, no individual, or combination ofindividuals,
| can be justified in forcibly resisting its execution’
It is impossible that any Government can contin
ue to exist upon any other principles. It would
cease to be a Government, and be unworthy of
■ :he name, if it had not the powei to enforce the
execution of its own laws within its own sphere of
I action.
It is true that cases may be imagined disclosing
j such a settled purpose of usurpation and oppres
; sion, on tile pai t oi the Government, as would jus
| tily an appeal to arms. ’lhcse, however, arc ex
jftemecases which wo have no reason to appre
: heiid in a Government where the power is in the
iiamls of a patriotic people ; amino citizen who
loves his country w ould, in any case w hatever, re
| sort to forcible resistance, unless he clearly saw
! that the time had come, when a freeman should
I prefer death to submission ; lor if such a strug-Ie
ia om e begun, anil the citizens of one s ectiou°ol
thecouutry arrayed in arms against those of anoth
ier in doubtful conflict,let the battle result as it may,
j there will be an <nd of lhe L ui-.m, and. w ith it an
.nd to the hopes of freedom. The victory of the
| injured woulil not secure to them the blowings ol
u.ii-rty; it would avenge their wrongs, lint
I they would themselves share in the common ru-
, But the constitution cannot ho maintained, nor
he I.mon prcseived, in opposition to public feel
mg. by the mere exertion of the coercive powers
confided Io lhe «.< neral Goveinineiit. 'l he foun
dations nm-t lie laid in lhe affections of the people ;
in the security it gives to life, liberty, cliaiuetcix
amt property, in every quarter of the country ; and
hi (lie iraternal attachment which the citizens of
Hie several ftlatcs liearto one (mother as members
of one political family, mutually conttihuting' to
promote the happiness of each other. Hence the
< itiz- iis of every Slate should studiously avoidev
ery tiling calculated to wound the sendl ility or
ifli-tid the just pride of the peiq I • of otlu r States;
amt they should flow n upon any proceedings w ith
iii their liorders, likely to di-tur.i the tranquility <d
their political brethren in other pi.rtions of ihe L<-
uion. In ■ country so extensive as the United
States, and with pursuits so varied, ihe internal
egulatimis of the Seternl States, must frequently
differ from one another in inqiei tam particulars;
amt this difference is unavoidably increased by tlx
varying principles upon which the American colo
nies were originally planted ; principles which
had taken deep root in their social relations hefoie
the Revolution, and. therefore, of necessity influ
encing the policy since theybccaiue ftec and inde
pendent Slates. But each State has the unques
tionable right to regulate its own internal concerns
according to itsow n pleasure; and while it does
not interfere with the rights of the people of other
States, or, the rights ol the I uion. every State
must l»- the sole judge of the measures proper to
•'•cin e tho safety of its citizens and promote their
happine-s; and all efforts on the part oftho peo
ple of other Slate to cast odium upon their insti
tutions, and all measures calculated to disturb iheir
lights <d property, or to put in jeopardy their pence
ami internal ti'ampiility, are indirect opposition to
die spirit in v fiicfi tho I uion w as formed, ami must
endanger its safely. Motives of phihmthrnpy may
!he assigned for this unwarrantable interference;
ami weak men may persuade themselves fora mo
ment that 'hey ate liiboiing in thecause of hti'iian
i itv, and a-sertiiig lhe lights of the human race;
but every one, upon sober reflection, will secthat
J nothing but mischief can come from these improp
j er assaults upon tile feelings mid l ights of others.
I Rest assured, that the men found busy in this
1 work of discord uro not worthy of your con
: lidence, ami deserve your strongest reproha-
I tion.
I In the legislation of Congress, also; and in
every measure of the General Government, justice
| to every portion ot the I nited States should he
' faithfully observed. No free Government etui
stand without virtue in the people, mid a lofty
. spirit of patriotism, and if the sordid fel lings of
mere selfishness shall usurp the place whicfi might
lobe filled bv public spirit, tin- legislation of Con
\ gres- w ill soon In- converted into a scramble for
personal and sectional advantages. Under our
lice institutions, the cit ns ot every quarter of
' our country are capable el attaining a high degree
j of prosperity mid happiness, witlioiit seeking to
profit themselves at the expense of others ; and
t-verv such .all. nipt inii-t in the end fail tn succeed,
furthe people in eve. • part id the I nited States
are too enlightened not to understand their own
rights and interests, ami to detect and defeat every
effort to gain undue advantages over them, and
when such designs are discovered, it naturally pro
voices resentments which cannot always be easily
allayed. Justice, full and amplejustice, to every
portion of the I nited States should be lhe ruling
principle of every freeman mid should guide Ute'
deliberations of every publicbody whether it be
State or national.
It is well known that there have always been
those amongst in. who whllto enl«tp;c the power
of the General Government ; ami experience
would seem to indicate, there is a tendency on the
part oftliis Government to overstep tho bound i
lies marked out for it by the com titution. Its
I‘gitimate authority is abundantly suflieient for all
lhe purpo.-es forwhichit wascretited :and its pow
ers being expressly enumei nted, there ent be no
justification for claiming any thing beyond them.
Every attempt io exercise power beyond these
limits should be promptly and firmly opposed.—
I' or evil example will lead to other measures still
mote imsfbieveous ; and if the principle of con
structive powers or supposed advantage-, or tem
porary circumstances shall ever be permitted to
justify the .of a power not given by the
constitution, the General Government will before
long, absorb all the powers of legislation, mid yon
w ill have, in effect, but one consolidated Govern
ment.
From the extent of otr- country, its diversified
interets, tliflerent pursuits, and different habits,
it is too obvious tor argument, that a single erm
solidated Government would be wholly inade
<|Hate to watch over its interests ; and evary
friend of our free institutions should bi? always
prepared to maintain unimpttired am! in full vigor,
the rights and sorvercignty of lhe States, anti to
confiiM’ the action o: too General Government strict
ly to the sphere of its appropriate duties.
I'here is perhaps no one oftho powers confer
red on the Federal government so liable to abuse
as the taxing power. The most productive ami
co'iveiiient sources of revenue were necessarily
given to it. that it might be able to perform the
impoitant duties imposed upon it; and the taxes
w hich it lays upon commerce, being concealed
from the retd payer in the price of the article,
they do not so readily attract the attention of the
people as smaller sums, demanded from them by
the tax gatherer.
But the tax imposed on goods enhances by so
much the prices of the commodity to the coiisum
er; and, as many ot thc-e duties are in posed on
articles ofnccessity. w hich are daily used try the
great body of the people, the money raised by
these imposts is drawn from their pockets. Con
gress has no >ight, under lhe constitution, to take
money from the people, unless it is required to
execute some one oi the specified powersiutrusted
to government; and if they raise more than is ne
cessary for such purposes, it is an abuse of the
. pow er of taxation, ami unjust and oppressive, it
may, indeed, happen, that the revenue will some
times exceed the amount anticipated w hen the tax
es were laid. When, however, this is ascertain -
ed, it is easy to reduce them, and in such a case, it
is unquestionably the duty of tile Government to
reduce them, for no circumstances can justify it
in assuming a power n<.. given to it by the con
stitution, nor in taking away the money of the
people, when it is not needed for the legitimate
wants oftho Government.
I’laiii as these principles appear to be, you will
yet find that there is a constant effort to induce
the General Government to go beyond the limits
of its taxing power, and to impose unnecessary
burdens upon the people. Many powerful inter
ests are continually at w ork to procure : eavv du
ties on commerce, and to swell the revenue be
yond the real necessities of the public service ; and
the country has already felt the injurious effects of
their combined influences. Tiiey succeeded in ob
taming a tartif of duties bearing most oppressively
on lhe agricultural and laboring classes of society, ;
and producing a revenue that could not tie f'uliv !
cinpioycd w ithifi the range of the power conferred
I upon Congress, and, in order to fas en upon the
i people tins unjust and unequal system of taxation,
, exti avagmit schemes oi internal iuprovement
were got up, in various quarters, to squander tile
I money and to purchase support. Tints, one un-
I constitutional measure was intended to lie upheld
I i>y another, and the abuse of the power of taxation
was to be in lintamed by usurping the power of
expending the money in imernal improvements.
You cannot have forgotten the seve e and doubt
ful struggle through which we passed, when the |
Executive Department of the Government, by its I
veto, endeavored to arrest tins prodigal scheme of 1
injustice, and to bring back the legislation of Con- ■
gross to the boundaries prescribed by the consti
tution. '1 lie good sense and practical judgment
of the people, when the subject was brought be
iofe them, sustained the course of the Executive
j and this plan of unconstitutional expenditure for !
the purpose of corrupt influences is, 1 trust finally
ovei thrown. J
1 he result of this decision Ims been felt
in the rapid extinguishment ol the public
debt, and the large accumulation of a sur
pltt- in the treasury, notwithstanding the
tartfl was reduced, and is now very far be
low the amount originally contemplated by
its advocates. But, rely upon it', the de
sign to collect an extravagant revenuV, anti
to burden you with taxes beyond the ycono
niical wants ol the Government, is not yet
(abandoned. The various interests which
l have combined together t,> iin P .«o a hetivx
i t.iriir, and ro-prmtsice an overflow ing treasu
ry, are too strong, and have too much at
stake to surrender the contest. The cor
porations and wealthy individuals who are
engaged in large manufacturing establish
ments, desire a high tariff to increase their
g.titis. Designing politicians w ill support |
it, to conciliate t..eir favor, and to obtain
the means of profuse expenditure, for the
purpose ol purchasing influence in other
quartet's ; and since the people have deci
ded that the f ederal Govei'tinieni cannot be
permitted to employ its income in inte
rn'd iinprovemimis, efforts will be made
to seduce and mislead the citizens 'of
the several slates, by holding out to them,
the deceitful prospect of benefit to be deri
ved from a surplus revenue collected by the
General Government, and annually divided
among the states. And if encouraged by
these fallacious hopes, the states should dis
regard the principles of economy which
ought to characterize every republican
Government, and should indulge in lavish
expenditures exceeding their resources,thev
w ill, before long, find themselves oppressed
w ith debts which they tire tillable topay, anil
the temptation will become irresistible to
support a high tariff, in order to obtain a
surplus lor distribution.
Do not allow yourselves, my fellow citi
zens, to be misled on this stihject. The
federal Government cannot collect a sur
plus for such purposes without violating .
STANDARD OF I!MSON
the principles ol ihe constitution, and assu
ming powers, which have not been grant
ed. It is, moreover, a system of injustice
and, if persisted in, will inevitably lead to
corruption, and must end in ruin. The
surplus revenue will be drawn from the
pockets of the people, front the farmer, the
mechanic, and the laboring classes of soci
ety, but who will receive it. when disposed
of by leading State politicians who have
friends to favor, and political partisans, to
gratify f It will certainly not be returned
!to those who paid it,w ho have most need of
I it, and are honestly entitled to it. 'l'here
j is but one safe rule, and that is, to confine
i the General Govermnetit rigidly witi/.n the
sphere of its appropriate duties. It iias uc
power to raise a revenue, or impose taxes,
excop' for the purpose enumerated in th(‘
constitution; and if its income is found to
exceed these wants, 't should be forthwith
reduced, and the burdens of the peo;>I? so
tar lightened.
In reviewing the conflicts which have ta
iicn place, between different interests ‘n the
; United States, and the policy ptirstied since
I the adoption of our present form <;f Govern
ment, we Hnd nothing that has produced
such deep-seated evil, as the course of le
gislation in relation to the cm r.ntcv. The
constitution of the Un.ted States unques
tionably intended to secure to the people
la circulating tr.odimn of Gold and Silver.
! Bet the establishment of a Nation:)] Bank
by Congress, with the privileg • of issuing
paper money receivable in the payment of
the public dues, anti the unfortunate
I'Oitrces of Legislation in the several states
upon the same subject, drove from general
circtdation the constitutional currency, and
substituted one of paper in its place.
It was not easy for men engaged in th?
ordinary pursuits of business, '."'mse atten
i tion bad not been particularly drawn to the
subject, to fort see all the consequences of a
currency exclusively of paper ; and we
ought not, on that account, to he surnrised
at the facility w ith which laws were obtain-
I ed jo carry into cfl’ct t the paper system.
Honest and even enlightened men, are
j sometime.: misled !>v the speemtts and phut
sible statements of the designing. But ex
perience has now proved the mischiefs and
dangers t;f a paper currency, am' it rests
wttli you tc determine whether the proper
remedy shat! be applied.
I he paper system being founded on pub
lic confidence, and having of itself no in
trinsic value, it is liable to great and sudden
fluctuations; thereby rendeting property in
secure, and the wages of labor unsteady ami
uncertain. The corporations which create
the paper money cannot be relied upon to
keep the circulating medium uniform in a
rnount. In times of prosperity, when con
fidence is high, they are tempted, by the
prospect of gain, or by the influence of those
who hope to profit by it, to extend their is
sues of paper beyond the bounds of discre
tion and the reasonable demands ofbusiness.
And wheti these issueshaye been pushed on,
from day to day, until public confidence is
at length shaken, then a re-action takes
place, and they irnn ediately withdraw the
credit they have given ; suddenly curtail
their issues; and produce an unexpected and
ruinous contraction of the circulating me
dium, w hich is felt by the w hole community.
The banks, by this means, save themselves,
i and the mischievous consequences of their
imprudence and cupidity are visited upon
Ithe public. Nor does the evil stop here,
i These ebbs and flows in the currency, and
these indiscreet extensions of credit, natu
rally engender a spirit of speculation inju
rious to the habits and character of the peo
ple. Vve-have already seen its effects in the
wild spirit of speculation in the public
lands; and various kinds of stock, which,
within the last year or two, seized upon such
a multitude ol our citizens, and thre.ttetied
to pervade all classes of society, and to
withdraw their attention from the sober pur
suits of honest industry. It is not by en
couraging thL spirit that we stall best' pre
serve.pub]ic virtue and promote the true in
terest of our country. But if your cur
rency continues as exclusively paper as it
now is, it will foster this eager desire to
amass wealth without labor; it will multiply
the number ol dependants on bank accom
modations anil bunk favors; the temptation
to obtain money at any sacrifice will be
come stronger am! stronger, ami inevitably
lead to corruption, which will find its way
into your public councils, and destroy, at
no distant day, the purity of our govern
ment. Some ol the evils which arise from
this system ot paper, press with peculiar
hardship on the class of society least able
to bear it. A portion oi this currency fre
quently becomes depreciated or wortiiless,
and ail of it is easily counterfeited, in such
a mamier as to require tiecuiiar skill and
much experience to oistingtiish the counter
feit from the genuine n>te. These frauds
are most generally perpetrated in the small
er notes, which are used in the daily trans
actions of ordinary business; ami the losses
occasioned by them tire commonly thrown
upon the laboring class of society, whose
situation ami pursuits pm it out of their
power to guard thetnsi Ives from these im
positions, and w hose daily wages are neces
sary for tii. ir stibsi n-iice. It is the dtitt
of every Government so to regulate its cur
rency, as to protei t this nutm rotis class as
far as practicable from the impositions of ;iv
erice am! fraud, it is more especially the
duty o! tile United States, wlu re the Gov
ernment is emphatically tlu Govt mment of
lhe people, and where this n speeltible por
tion ol our citizens are so proudly distin
guished from the laboring cltisses ol' all oth
er nations, by their indi pendent spirit, their
love of liberty, their intelligence and their
high tone of moral character. Their in
dustry, in peace, is the source of our wealth;
and their bravery, in war, has covered us
with glory; ami the Governmen* of the U
nited States will but ill discharge its duties,
if it leaves them a prey to such dishonest
impositions. Yet it is evident that, their in
terests cannot he effectually protected, mi
less silver and gold arc restored to circula
tion.
These views alone of the paper curren
cy, arc suflieient to call I'or immediate re
form; but there is another consideration
w hich should still more strongly press it up
on your attention.
Recent events have proved that the paper
money' system of' this country may be used'
as an engine to undermine your free insti
tutions; a , that those who desire to en
gross all power in tin* hands or the few,
j and to govern by corruption or force, are
i await' of its power,: nd prepared to employ
jit. Your Banks now furnish your only
i circttlajing medium, and money is plenty or
scarce, according to the quantity of notes
j issued by them. While they have capitals
i not greatly disproportioned to each other,
they are competitors in business, and no one
o! them can exercise dominion over the
rest; and although in the present state of the
fennemp , these banks may ami do operate
j injuriously upon the habits of business, the
pecnm.iry concerns, mid the moral tom.' of
j society, yet, f ron) t| R .)r number and dispers
ed situation they cannot combine for the
. perpo es of political iiifhtence; and whate
, vermay he the dispositions of some oifltem,
their power of mischief must necessarily
j be confined to a narrow space, an 1 felt mi
j iy in their immediate neighborhoods.
I But v. hen the charter for the Bank ofthe
: United Slates was obtained from Congress,
j .'t perfected ,he schemes of the paner sys
. 'em, an . gave to its advocates the position
| t.iey have struggled to obtain, from the
■ commencement of the Federal Government
I down to the present hour. The immens ■
capital and peculiar ad'rtintages bestowed
lipon it, enabled it to exerci. e despotic sway
ov’-r the other hanks in every part of the
country. From its superior stnunjih, ii
i <O’dd seriously injure, if not destroy, the
I business ol any one of them which might in
cur its resentment, and it openly claimed
: for .t.eli the power of regulating the enr
’ rency throughout the United States. In
i other words, it asserted (and it undoubtedly
; posesedjtbe power to make money plenty or
! scarce, at its pleasure, at any time, and in
any quarter of the Union, by controlling
i t!.' ,s>ues oi other banks, and permitting an
I expansion, or compelling a general contrac-
I tit'U of the eii’cuiation medium, according to
' ■ 11 " i'!. tue other banking institu-
tion. were sensible of its strength, and they
1 s«icm generally became Its obedient instru
meats, reedy at a!! Ames to execute its man
i mttes; ant! with the Banks necessarily went,
a'r.o, that numerous class oi persons in our
commercial mties, who depend altogether
, mi bank credits for theirsolvency and means
j of business; and who are therefore obliged
for tlieirow:i safely,to appropriate ttie favor
! < i the money powerliy distinguished zeal
j and devotion in its service. The result of
the ill-advised legislation which established
; litis great mot;opoly r was to concentrate the
i whole moneyed power ofthe Union, with
i its boundless means ofcorruption, and its nu
merous dependants, under the direction and
I command of one acknowledged betid: thus
J organizingthisparticularintt restasonebody
| and securing to it unity and concert of action
I throughout the United States, and enabling
ito bring forward, upon any occasion, its
entire undivided strength, to support < r de
feat any measures of the Government. In
the bands of this formidable power, thus
perfectly organized, was also placed unlimi
ted dominion over lhe amount ofthe circu
lating medium, giving it the power to regu
late the value of property, and the fruits of
labor in every quarter of the Union, and to
bestow prosperity, or bring ruin, open any
city or section of the country, as might best
comport with its own interest or policy.
We are not left to conjecture how the mo
neyed power, thus organized, and with such
a weapon in its hands, would be likely to
use it. 'I he distress and alarm which per
vades] and agitated the w hole country, when
the Bank of the United States waged war
upon the people, in order to compel them
to submit to its demands, cannot vet be
forgotten. Ihe ruthless and unsparing
; temper with which whole cities and commu
nities were oppressed, individuals impover
ished and ruined, ami a "cene of cheerful
prosperity suddenly changed into one of'
gloom ant! despondency, ought to be indel
ibly impressed on the memory of the peo
ple of the United States. Il such was its
p iwer tn a time of peace, what would it not
have been in a season of war w ith an enemy
i at your floors ?—No nation but the freemen
of the United States, could have come out
victorious from such a contest; vet, if you
had not conquered, the Government would
have passad from the hands of the many to
the hands of the few ; and this organized
money power, from its secret conclave,
would have dictated the choice of your
j highest officers, and compelled you to make
peace or war, as best suited their own wish
! es.—The terms of your government mig'nt,
lor a time have remained, but its livingspir
it would have departed from it.
The distress and sufferings inflicted on
ithe people by the bank, are some of the
fruits ol that system of policy which is con
tinually striving to enlarge the authority of
i the Federal Government beyond the limits
fixed by the constitution. The powersenu
i merated in that instrument do not confer on
Congress the right to establish such a cor-
■ potation as the Bank of the United States ;
ami the evil consequences which followed,
may warn us of the danger of departing
from the true rule of construction, and of
permitting temporary circumstances, or the
hope of better promoting the public wel-j
fare, to influence, in any degree, our deci- I
sinus upon the extent of tile anUiority ol‘|
the general Government. Let ns abide I
by the constitation as it is w ritten, oratnend '
it in the constitutional mode, if it is found
i to be defective. ,
'I ne severe lessons of experience will, I I
doub',not be suflieient to prevent Congress i
from again chartering such a monopoly, I
even if the constitution did not prevent an
insuperable objection to it. But you must
remember, my fellow-citizens, that eternal
vigilance by the people is the price of liber
ty ; and that you must pay the price, If you
wish to secure tlie blesssi.ig. it behooves
you, therefore, to be watchful inyour States,
as well as in 'lie Federal Government.—The
power which the money interest can exer
cise, when concentrated under a single bead,
and with yourpresent system of currency,
was sufficiently demonstrated in the struggle
made by the Bank of the United States.
Defeated in the General Government, the
same class of intriguers and politicians will
now resort to the States, and endeavour to
obtain there, the same organization, w hich
they failed to perpetuate in the Union ;
anti by specious ami deceitful plans of pub
lic advantages, State interests and State
pride, they will endeavor to establish, in the I
tliflerent States, one moneyed institution
with overgrown capital, and exclusive priv
ileges, sufficient to enable it to control the
operations of the Banks. Such an institu
tion will be pregnant with the siune evils t
produced by the Bank of the United States,
although its sphere of action is more con
fined ; and in the State in which it is char
tered, the money power will be able to em
body its whole strength, and to move to
gether with undivided force, to accomplish
any object it may wish to attain.* You
have already had abundant evidence of its
power to inflict injury upon the agricultural,
mechanical and laboring classes of society;
and over those whose engagements-in trade
or speculation render them dependant on
bank facilities, the dominion of the State
monopoly will be absolute, and their obedi
ence unlimited. With such a paper cur
rency, ihe money power would, in a few
years, govern the State and control its mea
sures ; and if a suflieient number of States,
can be induced to create such establishment,
lhe time will soon come when it will again
take the field against th? United States,
and succeed in perfecting and perpetuating
its organization by a charier from Con
gress.
It is one of the serious evils of our pie
sent system of banking, that it enables one
class of society—and that by no means a
numerous one—by its control over the cur
rency, to act injuriously upon the interests
■ d all the ethers, and to exercise more than
; its just proportion of influence in political i
| affairs. The agricultural, and mechanical,
1 and laboring classes, have little or no share
in the direction ol the great monied corpo
rations; and from their habits and the na
ture of their pursuits, they are incapable of
forming extensive combinations to act to
| gether with united force. Such concert of
, action may sometime be produced, in a sin
' gle city, in a small district of country, by
j means of personal communications with
. each other ; but they have no regular or
active correspondence with those who are
engaged in similar pursuits in distant pla
ces ; they have but little patronage to give
to tlie press, and exercise but a small share
of influence over it ; they have no crowd of
dependents about them, who hope to grow
lich without labor, by 'their countenance
. ami favor and who are therefore, always
ready to execute their wishes. The plan
ter, the farmer, the mechanic, and the labo- ’
rer, ail know that their success depends up-1
jon their ow n industry and economy, and
• litat they must not expect to become sudden
ly rich by the fruits of their toil. Yet these
classes of society form the great body of
the people of the U. S. they are the bone
and sinew of the country ; men who love
liberty and desire nothing but equal rights
and equal laws, and who morever, hold the
great mass of our national wealth although
it is distributed in moderate amounts among
the millions of freemen who possess it.
But, with overwhelming numbers and
wealth on their side, they are in constant
danger of losing their influence in the go
vernment, and w ith difficulty maintain their
just rights against lhe incessant efforts daily
j made to ent roach upon them. The mis-
I chief springs from the power which the mo-
• | neyed interest derives from a paper curren-
cy, which they are able to control ; from
the multitude of corporations, and exclu
sive privileges which they have succeeded
in obtaining in lhe different States, and
which are employed altogether for their ben- I
efit ; and unless you become more watch- I
ful in your States, and check this spirit of
monopoly and thirst for exclusive privileges,'
you will, in the end find that the most im-i
portant powers of government have been .
given or bartered away, and the control o
veryour dearest interests has passed into
the hands pf these corporations.
The paper money system, and its natural
associates, monopoly and exclusive privile
ges, have already struck their roots deep
in the soil; and it will require all your el- j
forts to check its further grow th, and to e- j
radicate the evil The men who profit by
the abuses and desire to perpetuate them,
w ill continue to besiege the balls of legis
lation in the General Government, as well
as in tiie States, and will seek by every arti
fice, to mislead and deceive the public ser
vants. It is to yourselves that you must
look lor safety and the means of guarding
and perpetuating your free institutions. In
your hands is rightfully placed the sove
reignty of the country, and to von, every!
one placed in authority is ultimately respon
sible. It is always in your power to see
that the wishes of the people are carried in
to faithful execution, and their will, when
once made known, must sooner or later be
obeyed.—And w hile the people remain, as
1 trust they ever will, uncorrupted and
incorruptible-, and continue watchful and
jealous of their rights, the Government is
safe,and the cause of freedom will continue
to triumph over al! its enemies.
But it will require steady and persever
ing exertions on your part to rid yourselves
of the iniquities and mischiefs ofthe paper
system, and to check the spirit of monopo
ly and other abuses which have sprung up
w ith it, and of which it is the main support.
So many interests are united to resist all
reform on this subject, that you must not!
hope the conflict will be a short one, nor
I success easy. My humble efforts have not
I been spared, during my administration of
the Government, to restore the constitution
al currency of gold and silver, and some
thing, I trust, lias been done towards the
accomplishment of this most desirable ob
ject. But enough yet remains, to require
| all your energy and perseverance. The
i power, however, is in your hands, and the
j remedy must and will be applied if you de
termine upon it.
bile 1 am thus endeavoring to press up-]
on your attention, the principles which I i
deem of vital importance in the domestic
concerns ol the country, I ought not to pass'
over, without notice, the important consid- '
erations w hich should govern your policy
towards foreign pow ers. It is, unquestion
ably, our true interest to cultivate the most
friendly undei standing with every nation,
and to avoid, by every honorable means tiie
calamities of war ; and we shall best attain
this object by frankness and sincerity in our
foreign intercourse, by the prompt and
faithful execution of treaties, and by jus
tice and impartiality in our conduct to all.
But no nation, however desirous of peace,
can hope to escape occasional collisions
w ith other pow ers ; and the soundest dictates
of' pok'ey require, that we should place our
selves in a condition to assert our rights, if
a resort to force should ever become neces
sary. Our local situation, our long line ol
seacoast, indented by the numerous bays
with deep rivers opening into the interior, a>
well as our extended and still increasing
! commerce, point to the navy as our natural
means of defence. It will in the end, be
found to be the cheapest and most effectual;
and now is the time in the season of peace,
and with an overflowing revenue, that we
can year after year,add to its strength, with
out increasing the burdens of ihe people. It
is your true policy. For your navy will
not only protect your ricn and flourishing
commerce in distant seas, but will enable
you to reach and annoy the enemy, and
will give to defence its greatest efficiency,
by meeting danger at a distance from home.
It is impossible, by any line of fortifica
tions to guard every point from attack a
gainst a hostile force advancing from the
ocean and selecting its object; but they are
indispensable to protect cities from b"in
bardment, dock yards and navals arsenals
from destruction ; to give shelter to mer
chant vessels in time of war, and to single
ships qf weaker squadrons when pressed by
superior force. Fortifications of this de
scriptions cannot be too soon completed and
armed, and placed in a condition of the
most perfect preparation. The abundant
means we now possess cannot be applied in
any manner more useful to the country;
and when this is done, and our naval forces
sufficiently strengthened and our militia
armed, we need not fear that any nation
w ill wantonly insult us, or needlessly pro
voke hostilities. We shall more certainly
preserve peace,jwhen it is well understood
.ve are prepared for war.
In presenting to you, my fellow-citizens,
these parting counsels, I have brought be
foie you the leading principles upon which
I endeavored to administer the Government
in the high office with which you have twice
honored me. Knowing that the path of
freedom is continually beset bv enemies,
who often assume the disguise of friends, I
have devoted the last hours of my public
life to warn you of the dangers. The pro
gress ofthe United States, under our free
and happy institutions, has surpassed the
most sanguine hopes ofthe fotiljers of the
republic. Our growth has be" rapid be
yond all former example, in lumbers, in
| wealth, in knowledge, and all the useful arts
| which contributed to the comfort and con
venience of man ; and from the earliest ages
of history to the present day, there never
have been thirteen millions of people asso
_ ctaled together in one politial body, who en
; joyed to much freedom and happiness, as
| the people of these United States. You
nave no longer any cause to fear danger
from abroad ; your strength and power are
well known throughout the civilized world,
I as well as the high and gallant bearing of
j your sons, it is from w ithin, among your- ’
selves, from cupidity, from corruption, from
I disappointment ambition, and inordinate
I thirst for power, that factious will be form
led and liberty endangered. It is against
sucn designs, whatever disguise the actors
may assume, that you ha\e especially to
guard yourselves. You have the highest
of human trusts committed to your care.
rovidence has showered on this favored
land, blessings without number, and has
chosen you as the guardians of freedom to
preserve it for the benefit ofthe human race,
j * . e ’ " ‘ !0 l ,o^ds tn bis hands the destines
| of nations, make vou, with pure hearts and
J pure hands, and sleepless vigilence, ,to
guard and defend to the end of time, the
great charge he has committed to your keep-
My own race is nearly run ; advarced age
and lathng health warn me that before long
I m»st press beyond the reach of human
| affairs. I thank God that my life has been
spent tn a land of liberty, and that he has
given me a heart to lovemv country with
the affectton of a son. And filled with grat
itude for your constant and unwavering
vitit ness, i bid you a last and affectionate
farewell.
ANDREW JACKSON.
——■ll 111111 l Fill will—
UascosasSjc
This celebrated Racer, will make his first
season at the Hampton Course, near Augusta
ba., under the direction of Mr. Freeman VV.
Lacy, and be let to Aiares, the ensuing season
al one Hundred Dollars the season, payable
26th Dec. next, with one dollar to the Groom ;
the season to commence the 15th February, and
end the 15di July next. It is requested] that
persons sending mares, will send a note for the
season and a pedigree of me mare.
John Bascombe never having covered, his
powers as a foal-getter are, of course, unknown
known; such mares therefore, as do not prove’
in foal, shall have the benefit of another season
tree of charge. Messrs. Glascock and Lacy
are extensively provided with Lots and Stables,
for mares that may be sent to remain with the
ho rst -‘> aim will be fed at fifty cents per day.
Black servants, sent with mares, fed gratis
Every care and attention will be taken to miard
against accidents and escapes, but no liability
will be incurred for cither. A repoit having
gamed circulation that John Bascombe would
not cover, I take this method to contradict it
so far as he has not refused.
PEDIGREE.—John Bascombe is a. light
chesuut, fifteen and a half hands high, fine
and muscle, with very superior limbs and action,
six years old the ensuing spring ; he was got
by the celebrated horse Bertiand,sen., Lis dam.
was got by Pacolet, and he by imported Citi-,
zeii , tiisginu.j tluin by imported Buzzard • and
Ills great grand dam by Wade Hampton’s Para-’
gon, and he by imported Flimnap : l.i s dam by
BurwelPs Traveller, his grand dam Camillik
by old I earnought out of Calista, imported bv
Col. Bird ; Bm well’s Traveller was by Morton’s
1 raveller, out ol Col. Bird’s Calista ; Bas. or
bc s great great grand by imported Figure his
great great grand dam was old Shamerkin ’ who
was got by imported Wildair, of the Cub Mare
Bascombe’s performnnee on the Turf are of
so recent date, and consequently so well known
1 deem it unnecessary to trouble the public with
any remarks of mine, in relation to them ex
cept to state that he has never lost a heat ’since
he has been in my hands.
JOHN CROWELL.
March 21
TIIE RENOWNED HORSE BER
TRAND, Jun.
WLL continue to stand die present seasom
io commence on the loth inst. in the vicin
ity <>l Augusta, and will serve mares at the low
PI-'CC ot SMI lor lheseqson; after which it is ex
pected he will he removed to South Carolina, and
ins place supplied by the no less distinguished horse
Muckle John, Jun. lhe money for the season,
sjtitl, must be paid, or a note negotiable given, when
ilie mare is put to the horse.
Gentlemen sending mares from a distance,
o I it < ,ne ol the subscriber, can have them fed on
is lou- terms as the country will afford, and every
e.iie taken to prevent accidents or escapes—but 1
'ill not be liable for either, should any happen,
in «sciqitioti, 1 edigree and Performance, ses
large bills. v
. „ HENRY DA LB Y,
Augusta, MarchSl, 18J7. JO-3tn.