Newspaper Page Text
From iff U’askington (ilobe.
THE CONFLUENCES OF A SMALL
NOVI CIRCULATION.
Wetake Public Ledger ot Phil- '
nJelohia some extracts from an able article I
on tlie stale of the currency. The exposi- I,
tion it gives of the consequences ot using a
small note circulation, presents the subject i (
in the dearest point oi'vicw. No man can
read it, without perceiving the immediate j
motive of the merchants, who, in the great
commercial cities, by dint of personal influ
ence, excitement of panics, removal of pri-j
vate depositvs, See. compelled the banks to
stop payment. They know that if paper
alone is circulated on this side of the Atlan
tic, tltev max soon direct the (light ol the <
eagles of our country to the other, to pay ■
their discredited bills abroad. They may
borrow notes ot the banks, and pay up at a
high premium the gold and silver for ex-j
part ition with the depreciated paper, which
it ought to be retained to redeem.
“Coin will always go where it is most
needed, aud it is always needed in a com- ,
mercial country where no paper is allowed.
The necessities of ordinary business among I
the great mass ol' a nation, will produce a
circulation of some kind, in France, no
paper is allowed for sums less than one hun
dred dollars, and as the ordinary business
of the people consists of transactions for less ’
thin this sum, n necessity is created torn,
met dic circulation, iu propotion to the bn- !
sines* ot’the country. Accordingly we find I
in that kingdom a currency ol gold and
stiver, amounting, we believe, to bout
But still its great com-I
mercial transactions are conducted in pa-1
per. —-France is a trading country, anti ex- ■
ports and imports largely; yet her metalie [
currency does not in the least depend upon
fluctuations in the balance of trade: the tie-!
ccssilies of bn-iness among the great mass i
placing this currency above all such con- ;
tingencies. Il id France a circulation of
sm dl paper, coin would sometimes diminish j
in quantity, because paper could quietly i
take its place aud perform its office. But,
th; necessity fur money of some kind, and i
the impossibility of substituting any thing,
for gold and silver, keeps these metals iu i
circulation, and in uniform quantities.—•
Gold frequently goes from England to i
France, but rarely from France to Enr '.uid; 1
aud this is because the necessities I cireti
lati-on retain it in France, wlii'j -meh neces
sities are supplied by pap?. in England.—
Here then we see a g,eat nation, with an
extensh e trade, boll', domestic and foreign,
encountering no tolncullcs in maintaining
a metalic currency; and this fact proves
lh.it such a cttircney for a great and trading
nation, like the L’nited btates, would not
be such an impossibility as some of our pol
iticians would have us believe.
The currency of England being of pa
per, based upon gold, but little coin is found
in circulation in that country. Most of its
gold is in the vaults of its bank, and paper
is the medium, not only fur the large opera
tions of the merchant, but for a large por
tion «f the business «f the great mass.
Galdis therefore exported; for it it be iu
demand for other countries it at once bears
a premium, or a new comparative value
with paper, and to obtaitc this premium, the
holders will sell it <o broker, and other
dealers. Now if no small paper were in
circulation, th; great mass would not sell
their gold, because they could receive noth
ing in tile character cuC money in exchange
for it, aud the necessities <f circulation
would retain it in the country. Yet we find
that England with a particular balance of
trade in her favor with most countries, and
a general balance with ail the world, can
never keep an abundant circulation of spe
cie. She owes iuo»x of the Mexican and
South American mines, and their produce
.is confnutaUy flowing into her ports. Yet
this coin flows to other countries without
sm.tß paper, and particnl irly France, al
most as smm as it is landed. Were the
produce of these mines five,times greater,
the result would be the same.
Here, then, we are presented with two
■remarkable cases. France, without own
ing any mines,'and without heavy balances
of trade in Iht favor, finds no difficulty in
retaining a great and steady circulation of
coin; while England owning extensive mines,
and with large balances in her favor—as is
proved by keromtiiiually increasing wealth
—canuot maintain a metalic circulation.
M heuce proceeds this difference ? From
the fact that France having no small paper,
must have coin; while England, having an
abttudauce of paper, can dispense with it.
Gold being a legal currency in France as
well as England, why does not the barome
’ler of the French money market bang up at
the Lmiduu Stock Exchange ? Because
France bar. no small paper to perform the
•office wf guld, and thus permit it to leave
the country- The necessities of small bu
siness place the barmometer of French
currency beyond the atmosphere ofEnglisb
fluctuations.
It may be said that Spain has a gold cur- !
•reiicy, without pap-r, aiul yetis nearly des-I
’♦itute of money. But she is destitute of in- ■
•dustry, enterprise, arts, manufactures, any
ahing for which m-mey is given. The U.
S. are full of all, and have therefore abun
dant resources for obtaining money.—Like
•caus"s produce like e fleets m like conditions
of society; and if the industrious and in
genious French and English earn aud
♦ibtaiu money, while the indolent Spaniards
do not,it follows th it the equally industrious
aud ingenious Aiuerieaus will obtain it also.
Again; if France have abundance of coin
by excluding paper, the U. S. would have
abundance of coin under the same sy-tem.
Furthermore; if industrious, ingenious, en- 1
terprising England be deficient in coin, be- ,
cause »he abounds in paper, the equally in-I
dustrioxs, aud enterprising Uitiled States '
w ill be iu the same predicament, under the
same system. —What then is the conclusion ?
That the barometer ol the American money
market w ill be hung up at the London Slock
Exchange, while the United States are,
<1 duged with paper, but will be hung up at i
borne if they rely upon coin.
Here then we see that General Jackson’s I
plww fulcd, un< because it was founded in j
error, but because it was thwarted by both !
irietids and foes. Ik instead of opposing
the gold bill, both parties h id co-operated ‘
iu restrainitiu the circulation of paper, by I
forbidding liae agents of the Federal Gov-|
eminent from receiving any bauk notes for
less th in one hundred dollars; and had also
co-operated iu reslratimg Slate backing, a
great metalic circulation would have been
already established, and the country would
have been saved from its present deplorable
condition.
The following letter on an interesting
subject from Mr. Rush—Mr. Adams’s Sec
retary of the Treasury—is copied from the
Globe.
LETTER FROM MR. RUSH.
<’*/»/ "/ « letter to the Editors, dated
London, April 24,1837.
GENTLEMEN :—I have understood, since
the last arrivals from our country, that the
whig presses have abused me for die share
1 was supposed to have had in the reprint
here last autmnn of a portion of the letter
addressed by the late Vice President of the
United States to the Honorable Shrrod
Williams, a member of Congress from Ken
tucky. 1 say understood, having neither
seen nor read the r.buse. On my own ac- ,
count, I would not notice it; but the whole 1
occurrence is 100 remarkable not to be im
proved under public views; and I therefore
ask the favor of being allowed to make
you this public communication on the sub-
On arriving in this capital in September,
I had soon occasion to observe that those
who were in the interest of the. Bank of the
' United States lost nothing by omitting to
! sound its praises. The London journals of
■ almitft every day brought forth articles of
■ this nature, with the rough handling of those
j who thought differently. Ignoramuses,
I simpletons, demagogues, these, or terms a-
' like choice and mannerly, were applied. to
our countrymen who had raised tiie'.r voi
j ces against the bank. I will ow a t | Klt |
sometimes felt an inclination t<> present to
that portion <»t ibis commiuyiy cared
any thing about the ipiesti H1) soine ol h er
, views of it, never having up t 0 t | iat f | ate
seen or heard of any others in English
j newspapers.—The xvrking and printing
was wholly on one Side.—Nevertheless, I
abstained. I P'ahjslied not a line upon
the subject. 1 wrote not a line ; nor did I
lever, in the s’ ,ghtest manner, instigate oth
: ers to do t-i.tier, though Loudon, it may be
suppo's. d,is seldom wanting in pens ready
jto r JC y this kind of instigation. [ was en
-1 lireiy passive—innocent of laying a straw
( in the bank’s way. I scarcely as much as
I opened my lips about it in English circles,
-I it being rarely a topic with those I chanced
to be among. Duringall this lime there
l wasone thing struck me as very improper.
Our Presidential election was pending ;
; and nothing was more common in thesear-
■ tides, or others prepared in the same spirit,
.; than to see it affirmed or insinuated that
Mr. Van Buren, if chosen, would be friend
ly to the bank. Still 1 rem lined totally si-
• lent.
; So matters stood, when the letter to Mr.
, Williams arrived. If I rightly remember,
this was in October. Republished in any
■ of the newspapers where the bank spirit so
. predominated? To be sure it was no!.
.i It could hardly have been expected. As
■, far as I know, it was never alluded to in
; | them ; but the p irt about the bank contain
;: ed, at all events, Mr. Van Buren’s opin
■; ions. These, though often and unequivo-
• cally before his own country, had been sti
i ■ fled or perverted in this. The letter more-
I over unfolded his opinions generally and
. very full on th • connection proper to subsist
• between our Government and banks, intro
i during with them other topics revelant to
I so broad a discussion. It can scarcely be
fl necessary to add that this was all argumen
| t.itively and calmly done, and without vio
i fating any respect due to others.
-I R> asonable minds could not have pro
-1; jected, imagination could not have concei-
• j ved, of a paper more proper to go before
i : this public, uniting with a conjuncture so
l; fitted for its appearance. Its author held
. the highest official post of his country next
! j to the Presidency, and was a candidate for
, that. The opinions of a person placed in
( such a relation to the political movements
> going on at home in a great nation with
• . th ■ chance before him <>i soon being iden
;! tided with its public will and measures, was
i of public concern, throughout the world.
( If he spoke unfavorably of the bank, so
, much the more important that it should be
, known. His letter was no partisan pro
i i duction. It was dragged from his reluc
.; taut consent by the rejterated queries of a
i member of the House of Representatives ;
, thus, however, imparting to it, by the po
r sition of both parties, and more especially
, i in the estimate of foreign nations, if not the
; | semblance of an official paper, at least an
. i authenticity and a dignity calculated to give
tl it a totally different place in the eyes of the
•; candid Sc well judging from any that could
•• be claimed by the stock-jobbing articles I
t < have mentioned. Perceiving this to be its
character, I spoke of it to a respectable
publisher I had known here formerly, ask
ing him to procure its insertion in one of the
daily papers. I chose, as a stranger, to
; avoid contact, in my own person, with any
lof the newspaper establishments here ; blit
i never dreamed that there could be any ob
jection to its insertion ; still less that I was
doing wrong in expressing a wish for it.
lie replied, that lie did not think lie could
get it inserted in a daily paper, the com
mercial ones being in an opposile influence,
and those having a different set of readers
not being sufficiently interested in the dis
cussion ; but struck with its character, im
mediately said that he would reprint it him
self in the form of a pamphlet, which be
thought it well merited, if I would aid him
in drawing up a short explanatory intro
duction.
| I assented ; the pamphlet was published,
| and hence my crime.
A single word on this part of the case.
■ For whatever may have been my share in
the preface, I can at least say that it con
tains abusive epithets of no one.
This is the real transaction. I trust that
it will become known extensively t» the A
merican public through your columns. I
| look back upon it with amazement. En
! lireiy do I deceive myself if there be not
features in it to excite indignation in the
| United Slates, every where but among the
prejudiced votaries of the bank ; not on
: my account, but for public principles and
consequences that sink to nothing any in
dividual.
I came here, finding its partisans ever
busy in glorifi ing their idol, and reviling[
those who had not bowed down to it. They |
took their tune from a porliun of our own !
I
press. Here they monopolized the press, t
The first rule of justice in the human bosom, <
hear the other side, seemed utterly unknown t
to them. This had been the case, I was «
informed, for years; that is, during the |
whole bank war : its advocates, and all at i
tbeir beck, forming an exclusive phalanx I
for defending it, without the least counter- I
action, on this side of the Atlantic, from i
those who had witnessed its deeds and the I
national we they engendered.—After so s
long and uninterrupted a view of only one t
side of the question, there arrives from the 1
United States a document presenting a calm i
view of the other ; a document entitled to I
respectfrom the source whence it proceeded, I
but more by the intrinsic recommendations •
of temper and decorum which distinguish
ed every part of it. A citizen of the U'j.
ted States, accidentally in London, bec' (IMeg
the instrument of its republication, as an
act of common fairness to his cr, uil t r y
■ always identified abroad with u lose w | lo
i shape its legislation amt dueef power, as
j an act of common justice t'b the author of
the document, and as erniuently proper,
regarding whether sr, urce 01 . su i,j ect) lo
belaid before the Er,glj s h public. And
this, this, is his off? nee. He committed
no other ; not the semblance of any oth
er. For this, ar.d this alone, he is denoun
ced.
inquiry is material ; the contrast memorable
—I ask wAerc ts he denounced? In En
gland ? the voice of complaint is not
ra».se,4 against him there, or even through
1 the press. No breath of it is heard. " I
place the sense ofjustice in this communi
ty not above that (God forbid I should) ■
which reigns in the fields and the valleys,!
and among the bills of our own happy land,
where dwell those who gave and preserve
to us our institutions—but I place it above,
. far above, any lo be found in the bank cir
cles and with the bank presses of our com
mercial cities, aud I take my stand upon
the proof. For the instrumentality I bad ,
in ibis republication, the voice of complaint
was never, I repeat, raised here. 1 doubt
. if any respectable London newspaper would
, have inserted an article impeaching me for
it, so fair was the act upon its very face.
The proof is enough that no such article
ever did appear in point of fact, whilst the
; inference is irresistible, from subsequent
i developements, that the desire to impeach
| me was not wauling among whig letter w ri
, ters. But the moment the account gets to
I the United States, through these charitable
; letter writers, that moment there is a sum
mons to a new sacrifice. The soldiers of
i the bank are up in arms. 1 am set at by a
trained pack. Not content with having
. lavished thousands, and declared its deter
. initiation lo lavish millions upon the press
at home, it would seek to close it against
every thing but homage abroad. It would
be tyrant of both hemispheres. It would
give me warning, and others for the future
, to keep our mouths forever shut. How
much I regard the warning, this communi
; cation may go in part to show. Should it
, happily become the medium of public good,
. in affording a fresh and stupendous proof
. of the proscriptive spirit of the bank, I shall
. I rejoice anew at having the dirt of its pres
. j ses thrown at me. 1 will not trifle with the
. public understanding, by stopping to take
a distinction between die late bank and that
built upon its foundation, and inheriting its
propensities with its means. For bad pur
poses, they are both the same. For a po
tent efficacy in mischief in Pennsylvania,
. the present is infinitely the worst; and this
i attempt through its organs, now laid bare,
' to hunt down an American abroad, will, I
! rust, become a matter of new alarm and
useful indignation among the intelligent, the
patriotic and lhejust.
The subject is fruitful of reflection. I
desire to compress it within moderate limits.
One reflection, however, 1 hope I shall have
i your leave fur introducing; it is insepara
ble from my subject. It has more of per
sonality than I would have sought volun
tarily, but is introduced also with a public
aim, in the possible hope that it may be im
pressive and admonitory. I owe justice to
myself against unbecoming aspersion. I
was, Messieurs Editors, as is known to you,
a political anti-mason, made so by the
foul murder of Morgan. I desire to say,
emphatically, 'bat it was known to you ;
because I have never forgotten, but on the
contrary, always remembered with the pro
i per feelings, that your press was the only
one of three in the metropolis of our coun
j try that did not at that time traduce me, ei
ther openly, or by the unwarrantable gar
bling of my published letters ; published
:on calls upon me for them. I have never
ceased to be an anti-mason, aud am one
now, but not a political anti-mason. I
stopped from carrying that faith to the
polls when I saw it united, in the State to
which I belonged, to the cause of the bank.
Still cherishing, however, the recollection
of the noble principle in so many thousands
of the American people which led to the
first formation of that party, as well as a
high and affectionate respect for some of
its individual members, you will judge of my
feelings when I saw Governor Ritner vol
unteering bis co-operation with the bank
press, in desiring to stifle all discussion in
London. The fact might seem incredible,
were not the record of it complete. The
paragraph in bis message to the Legislature
of Pennsylvania last winter pointed to the
occurrence! have been unfolding. It coud,
by no possibility, have pointed to any oth
er. I say so on the fullest knowledge, for
lam certain that no other publication of
that nature was ushered into light here iu the
manner described. Mr. Van Buren’s let
ter was the sole object of bis high guber
natorial interference. Shall I interpose
for him a plea of ignorance ? This would
be unseemly in me, and make him but the
more reprehensible if it could be true ; as
it would be inexcusable in a Chief Magis
trate ever to make assertions or insinua
tions, under the sanction of bis office,
without careful inquiry and full informa
tion.
You may w ell judge then, of my feelings
at being criminated by that functionary—
not by name, indeed, but by unavoidable
inference—when I remembered that the
charge upon masonry of exerting itself to
dose the press was the very first element
of antimasonic organization, but for which
' it was repeatedly declared in the western
1 parts of New York, the party never would
have been formed! Yet, being in Loudon, '
NT AMI HUI OF UNION
the most public spot in Europe, the arrival s
of American papers brings me one con- i
mining an intentional or a heedless desper- i
ate thrust, from the most honored of that t
party in my native soil—its official head I
and strongest, proudest reliance—to close j
the press against the fairest, of discussions! <
Upon a spectacle so ex traordinary, I will I
not trust mysell xyitfi commentary, unless <
barely to ask, Wlm.t will not the vengeful i
spirit of the Lank do when it gets into the i
j' 1 . 11 " ' “‘- w it prostrates justice—how it
liltnds llrj understanding, silencing its eve-'
’. v,l &l.ttul conviction—how it confounds
> ,rs t ’principles that should keep men stead
to tlieir country—bow it pulls down
1 o a low level those whom station, if noth
ing else, should teach forbearance, instead
of volunteering attacks upon their fellow
men, and committing an outrage still more
unpardonable upon the sacred principles
that uphold and adorn free institutions in
every part of the globe.
I have nothing further to say of this ex
alted functionary until he may make his
next assault upon me for claiming the free
dom ol the press. 1 pass from this bead.
The little 1 have said under it is not desti
tute, L would hope, of some claims lo con
sideration in anti-masonic portions of our
country.
I hope that Pennsylvania will arouse
■ herself under the new developements which
it falls to the lot of one of her absent citi
zens now to make and determine to root
out this corporation of bankers for ever
from her jurisdiction. The proof h: d al
ready been flagrant of its malignant spirit
at home, almost to the kindling of civil i
I war. But here is proof superaded, that
j one continent, does not give scope for vent
ing that spirit. Like a demon spirit it
flaps its horrid w ings across the ocean to
seek aud immolate victims upon another.
It wars against the eternal rule of Justice.
The globe would not be wide enough for
its remorselessness. It sneers, vilifies, ca
j lumniates, and steeps Itself in venom, in the
fell hope of injuring a person who had done
nothing more than open the door for a calm
hearing of what had never been beard be-
• fore. It would lower the very reputation
, of our country by attesting that its immo-
■ lations (so foul that the moral sense abroad
. will not bear them) find greedy recipients
i in the atmosphere of the bank at home,
i Ardently do I hope that the next Legisla
. lure of Pennsylvania will repeal its charter,
> not suffering her public coffers or public
j' works to remain under the stigma of such a
.! partnership; but rather pay back with com
fl pound interest, if need be, every dollar re
t i ceived as its price. I have deeply lament-
J ed the partial existence of an -opinion—for
Ji hope it is only partial—that it can only
J be repealed by the power of a convention,
t This opinion I believe to be unsound, and
I extremely dangerous. It gives up every
I thing dear to freemen knowing tbeir rights,
! and being able to expound them. It sur-
■ renders the elemental principles on which
. restour institutions—principles indispensa
t ble to the maintenance of our liberties.
, Wbatis it but t 6 admit, that were it not for
I the aceident of the convention to be held
i in that State in May, a charter obtained as
■ this was must lasllbr thirty years, with the
; incalculable tyranny to which the vindictive
; spirit of the bank (certain to increase with
t its increasing power, and able to defy all
, ’ quo warranto writs,) will doom the State
. for so unexampled a length of time. Un
. exampled, I repeat it, for the records of both
, hemispheres may be searched in vain for
; another instance in which, during an age
, when corporate privileges are tumbling to
[ pieces, or dealt out with the utmost jeal
j ousy every where, a bank, or any other
j corporation, has been invested with an ir-
repealable charter of any thing like the same
[ duration. But I stop. Having, in answer
. to a letter from Pennsylvania since 1 came
j here, spoken on this point, endeavoring al
. so to aid the better efforts of others to show
. that the repeal will be no breach of public
. faith, I will not now enlarge upon it. As
; to those who would also alarm us by pre
. dieting injury to the State in her resources
> by a severance of the partnership—know
[ ing as all do, that the bank is a consumer,
( producing nothing—l hold their reasoning
. as cheap as 1 hold in scorn the bank’s per
, seditions ; and as to its power over circula
; tion as a supposed means of public wealth,
> jit is precisely from the dangers of this—it
. | is from the transcendant dangers which the
r. exercise of its arbitrary will, in this respect,
. will be sure to bring upon the State, end
. I ing in the destruction of her public liberty,
. I (except such portion as may be in the ex
| | pounding of the bank.) before the half of 30
• {years has run out—it is precisely, and im
. i periously, on this account, that its charter
' ; ought to be repealed.
. ■ A few words more, and I will conclude,
i i The matter to which they have reference is not
, ; the least interesting to me, because reserv
i{ ed until the last. My communication un
; | avoidably couples itself with the ptiblica
. tions in the Globe of March the 22d, re
i specting our Minister at this court, Mr.
f Stevenson. 1 must, therefore hope, that
■ you will allow me some notice of that point;
the more as my own name is seen in the
same publications.
The publication, in an insulated form, of
Mr. Stevenson’s letter of the Ist of De
cember last, to his London correspondent,
does the former great injustice. To those
who have been in constant intercourse with
( him as I have, witnessing his uniform de
fence of the institutions, measures, and
■ public men of our country, and bis prefer
ences shown for the cause of popular rights,
■ even in this country, when they might prop
erly be shown, the supposition of his want
ing any of these sympathies, above all of
his uniting himself' with the cause of the
bank, sounds strangely. He dispenses a
liberal and kind hospitality to his country
men, and is ready and zealous to render
them useful service in all ways that may be
proper, without distinction of party; thus,
as stir as I may presume to speak, acting
up to his elevated situation in the best man
ner in all these things. But he never dis
guises bis oa n party opinions or attach
ments, which are as decided as they have
always been publicly known to be, and
which he identifies with the interests of the
nation, as fully as he ever did. As to the
anonymous paragraph published below bis
letter, in which iny name is introduced in
connection with opinions imputed to him
on die subject of the bank, there is no just
foundatiun for it, as I understand he lias
stated to you. lam in the most friendly <
relations with him here, and pained at com- t
mendation at bis expense, which, on this <
ground alone, I should be bound to reject, .
besides being impelled to it by that of strict
justice to him. In my opinion, his letter 1
of the 31st of December should not have ;
been published unaccompanied by farther i
explanations than appear even if written as
it obviously was in a moment of provoca- i
tion, he had given an explicit permission ;
for its publication. Any eye might have
I perceived that, without the knowledge of
other facts respecting Mr. Stevenson’s
opinions and course, known hereto all, the
lettermiglit be open to misconstruction with
his own friends; from which it would have
been nothing more than the rightful duty
of a friendly correspondent feeling as gen
tlemen do, spontaneously to have shielded
him. I have no supposition of any ill mo
tive, but think that bis correspondent
erred, very much on the occasion.
I remain, very respectfully,
Your friend and ob’t. serv’t.
RICHARD RUSH.
From the New York Evening Post.
Billingsgate market is a celebrated fish
market in Billingsgate ward, Limdon ; you
enter it at No. 13, Lower Thames street.
The ladies of this place, engaged in the
retail trade of the cargoes brought l;v the
fishing smacks, have long been famous for
tlieir peculiar style of raillery, and repar
. tee, expressed in a dialect which is thought
. to partake rather of an Aeolic asperity
than of an lonic softness. It is a mistake,
I however, to suppose that they exercise their
■ peculiar talent only on strangers who hap
. pen not to like their fish. They not un
, frequently get up little scenes among tliem
, selves, turning upon each other the weap
( ons they had used against the common ene
, my, and giving each other what is famil
. iarlv called “ the length of tlieir tongues.”
We have been reminded of these verbal
> combets by “ a very pretty quarrel” which
, has been got up lately among the whig pres
j ses, on the occasion of the nomination of
. Daniel Webster for the Presidency. Three
j of the whig papers in this city, the Ameri
. can, the Journal of Commerce, and the
j Commercial, have come out in favor of
, Webster, and show a dogged determination ■
• i to support him at all events. The whig'
. party may make wry faces, but swallow ;
? him they must. The other opposition pa- j
. pers, however, conscious of Mr. Webster’s
j want of popularity, or having views of tbeir
. own as to a candidate, protest against the
. nomination as premature. The Webster
_ Journals insist, the others resist, and both
r sidesjyersist, until both lose their temper,
{ and begin to abuse each other as violently
as ever they abused their common adversa-
] ' ries, the democrats. We shall give a few
J specimens of the manner in which they
; | treat each other. The first is from the
.' Albany Evening Journal, which has avow
j ed its preference for Harrison.
“ Nothing but discomfiture to Mr. AVeb
ster, and mortification to bis friends, can
t . result from this ill-starred measure. [Mr.
j Webster’s nomination.] The nomination.,
s if made, will prove entirely abortive. Mr.
; Webster and his misguided friends, long
; before the proper time for nominations can
] arrive, will have abundant occasion to re
| gret that, in a measure of such grave im
port, they took counsel of their hearts rath
er than of their heads.”
( Now observe how cavalierly the candi
r date of the Evening Journal is treated, iu
, a communication conspicuously inserted in
, last evening’s American.
“ Whatever may have been the measures
r of General Harrison’s gallantry in the field,
. of his civil services, aud his private worth,
, all proved insufficient to inspire his Whig
r supporters with full faith in his fitness for
o the highest office. It was this want of en
. tire confidence in their candidate, rather
j, than any hesitation in tlieir preference of
. him over bis opponent, which occasioned
s that lukewarmness in some quarters, so fatal
. to the cause.”
. “ The doctrines of “ availability” liav-
. ing signally failed them in this instance, it
is to be hoped that the Whigs will not a-
, gain place too much reliance upon them ;
’ for, however intelligible they may be to the
. minds of scientific politicians, the uninitia
ted, who constitue the mass to be acted up
t on, are ever most prone to follow tire sim
. pie dictates of tlieir own observation and
understanding.”
That is to say, Harrison is unfit for Pres
ident, and his own party know it; and
. though the leaders of that party may be
) profligate enough to support him, the peo
. pie are not silly enough to follow them.
i- The Commercial Ad versiser of Tuesday
had this paragraph :
“We are authorized to state, that after
t several preliminary meetings, at which the
. question has been fully and gravely dis
. cussed, the Whigs of this city have deter
. mined openly and by public meetings, to
. break ground for DANIEL WEBSTER.
. I Arrangements for this purpose are on foot,
t I under the direction of a competent com
; i mittee, and the public will, in due season,
> j be farther advised upon the subject.”
' The Courier of yesterday morning de
f j dares that whoeverauthorized the Comnier
. cial to make this statement
, “ grossly inisrcmresented the facts,
; and authorized a statement which in all its
) material facts, is untrue. The Whigs of
- this city have held no such meetings, nor
] are they in favor of any such proceed-
- ing.”
, The same paper charges the meetings
- with being “ secret,” “ packed for the pur
. pose,” and adds :
f The Jesuitical Jackson Van Buren Edi-
■ tor of the Journal of Commerce—a man
i who has done more for the party in power
- than all the Jackson editors in the State—
• was present, an I one of the warmest advo
; cates of immediate action! His motto is
, li ’ebsfer or Fan Buren.
>; The Courier then charges the Journal of
■ Commerce with endeavoring to procure
- “the nomination of Mr. AVebster at this
- lime in the hope of thereby destroying the
? political prospects of that great statesman,
1 producing dissentions in the wbifi ranks,
• and thus securing the triumph of Van Bu
-1 ren.”
5 The Star follows the lead of the Courier,
i and, in its sheet of last evening, calls the
i Journal of Commerce “ a warm and useful
I friend of General Jackson and Mr. Van
> Buren,” aud adds that, “ by its ambidexter
course it has done more to sustain the
administration than its own open and
declared presses.” It also says that the
Journal—
which would result to Mr. Van Buren by
an immediate agitation of the Presidential
question, and therefore urged it.”
The Journal is not tardy in replying to
the taunts of its enemies. In its leading
article ol this morning it says :
“ Whether the political hacks of the
Courier and Star, who have boxed the com
pass as often as they could see tlieir ac
count in it, and will continue to do so, —
whether they can make us out to be good
Whigs or not, they shall at least be brought
to understand that we are good Webster
men. If they choose to battle with us on
the threshold, we are ready for them there;
or if they choose to delay the conflict to a
later period, we shall be ready for them ;
but as friends to Mr. Webster, we earnestly
hope they will take ground against him at
one time or another, being well assured
that no party can ever succeed in this coun
try which has such men for its leaders. If
by any means they can be driven over to
Van Buren, of which there have been some
indications of late, the Whig party are cer
tain of a glorious triumph.”
The Express also rushes into the battle,
and lays about it like mad. It calls the ar
ticle in last evening's American “ a whole
column of misplaced matter,” charges the
Commercial with “ shooting ahead like a
comet,” says that the “ support of the
Journal of Commerce is political death,”
and repeats the accusation of the Courier,
that it is a Van Buren “ hypocrite in a whig
mask.”
These are a sufficient sample of the
elegancies of this family quarrel for the
present. They afford a curious illustration
of the analogy between the whig prints and
their amiable sisterhood of the Billingsgate
market.
aiobsT
Until within the last few years mobs were
of such rare occurrence in this country, as
to be matter of special wonder. The
most extraordinary provocations to popu
• lar excitement were vanquished by a pre
dominant respect for the laws. But now
J every month or two brings forth a mob.—
The last was that described in the Boston
i papers, which arrested a funeral on the
i Sabbath, set upon a procession of the
Irish population carrying the corpse of a
countryman to the grave, and ended in sack
ing the house and destroying the little means
of comfort which these hard-working stran
gers had been enable to gather around tbeir
families.
We would ask whence this innovation in
the orderly and peaceful habits of Ameri
can citizens ? It is not from the inculcation
. of those political agitators, who have for a
few years past been incessantly engaged in
endeavors to unsettle the foundations of our
happy institutions ? For years Messrs,
i Calhoun, McDuffie, and other nullifiers,
labored to array a millitary force against
the sanctity of the laws. Then we had the
bank agitators, shedding the blood of their
fellow-citizens with knives and guns in the
street of Philadelphia. After this we had
Mr. Binney and Mr: Webster, in the midst
of the panic session, inveighing in Balti
more ag.»inst the Government; the one say
ing the appeal must be made to the sword,
in case the bank did not carry its measures
by a vote against the President, the other
proclaiming the same law of force in. a
Sunday harangue, on the same occasion
; from the tavern steps, and justifying the
breach of Christian duty and 4 decorum
on the ground that there were no
j Sabbaths in revolutionary times ! This
■ j stimulated the attempt to get up the whig
J military association; and the effort was
• made to awe Congress into a surrender of
J the deposites to the Bank of the United
States, by a preparation of this military ar
ray to march to Washington, and encamp
oti Capitol Hill, and there remain until the
. bank had given law to the representatives
of the people. In the city of New York,
.; the same whig fury was let loose in the city
{ election ; the naturalized Irish assailed at
. j the polls, and the United States arsenal
. j seized to afford a rallying point for federal
! ism. In Boston as well as New York, and
■ other places north and west, the stalking
| forth of the spirit of Abolition, to break
i down the compromises oftlie Constitution,
. [ led to popular violences. And lastly, we
; have a solmn convocation of the leading
j men of the opposition in Boston, veheni
. ently discussing the propriety of putting
down the Government of the United Spates
to rid themselves of the nominal increase
ofa pennyjn postage, by ihe.tr
• own corporate monopolies’ violation of their
charter of privileges ! !
. I AVe would ask the federal merchants,
. i bankers and politicians, soberly to consider
i whither the spirit they are begetting tends?
, They saw the consequence of the frenzy
they aroused in Baltimore, when the frau
dulent course of certain banks that stop
, ped payment involved in suspicion some
leading men of their party. It fell upon
. tlieir houses, their costly furrtiture, and
■ i threatened lo reach their persons. It did
not assail the Government —a democrat
, ie administration will never be assailed by
> the people. They are sensible they are tna-
I" king war upon themselves in such a course.
■ Whenever,] therefore, aristocratic agitators
• generate a spirit of insubordination to law,
let them look for the cloud they may coti-
; gregate to burst on their own heads. 11,
for instance, better counsels had not prevail
ed in Boston, and the mercantile class had
. carried out the scheme of seizing the post
i office and putting the law under foot, be-
■ cause their charted institutions bad shut up
money of the people, due on their notes &■
the money of the Government held on depo-
; site, it is not impossible that popular fury
miuhtbave made the fate of the poor Irish
I’ habitations that of their bank palaces and
, of their splendid domestic abodes which
; have risen “ like an exhalation," out of pa-
• per speculations.
We trust that federal arrogance will
, take warning from the tendencies ol the ill
• temper they have excited in ibis country,
and from the proneness of popular commo-
, tions in all countries to visit lawles violence
• when once a foot on all the grasping wrong-
I doers, who, feeling themselves strong in ill
i (gotten means, would let loose the storm to
■ j overbear sonic just and legal impediment to
their wishes. How often have the i’lcli and
powerful disturbers of the peace and good
order of a communit}’ bad the licentious
ness they let loose to come round to their
own door, and had lawless execution done
on themselves, pointed with the moral
which Shakspear happily suits to such an
occasion :
“ The wrong you teach us, we do but execute."
At a special meeting of the Democratic
Republican Young Men’s General Com
mute, held at Tammany Hall on Tuesday
evening, June 13th, 1837, the following
Preamble and Resolutions were read and
adopted.
Whereas we cannot contemplate the pre
sent posture of affairs, without deeply feel
ing the vastness of the considerations now
resting with the people, and whereas, as a
political representative body it devolves
upon us to express fearlessly and explicit
ly, our opinions upon the topics of the day,
Therefore be it
Resolved, That our present pecuniary
difficulties are to be attributed to the un
warranted increase of specially privileged
chartered institutions, which have sent
swarms of bank notes among us, deprecia
ting the constitutional currency—affecting
the wages of labor—exorbitantly increas
ing the price of the necessaries oflife—ad
ding a fictitious value to all things and
thereby consuming our substance. To
the wild and unrestrained spirit of over tra
ding, engendered by profuse and enormous
issues of Bank paper, by unrestricted Bank
credits, & by insatiate desire for wealth, pro
ducing ruinous extravagancesand specula
tion “ without means."
To the mad and unchecked spirit of
speculation, also enticed and encouraged
bv profuse Bank facilities, producing] gen
eral pecuniary embarrasment, suspension
and ruin.
To the passage of the act by the last
Congress known as the Distribution Law,
intensely aggravating these evils by its vi
olent action upon trade.
Resolved, That however a corrupt op
position may accuse the late or present al
- with producing our distress
they cannot delude the common sense of the
People, who fc in the present revulsion in
England, behold like causes producing
there as here like effects.
Resolved, That we are opposed to the
Suspedsion Law, because we consider the
Legislature ought not to fasten upon the
community a paper currency and by legal
protection, make it worthless and irredeem
able because it is a step towards perpetuating
that mad career of wild speculation, wliielx
has produced results, ruinous to the more
honest employment of the mechanic and
tradesman. Because, it must increase to
an alarming extent the amount of paper cir
culation whilst at the same time it decrea
ses what paper is intended to represent, the
more genuine basis of a hard currency.——-
Because, it is detrimental to the poor man
of honest industry, to the rich man with,
solid riches, and only beneficial to Banks,,
to Brokers, and. to foreign Capital
ists.
Resolved, That the firm adhesion of Pre
sident Van Buren, to the expressed law of
Congress which requires debts due the Gov
ernment, to be paid in specie, or bills of
good American citizens, and we are confi
dent had the persuasions or threats of men
assuming to be the whole “community,*’
prevailed, that those very individuals would
have impeached him for official miiconduet.
Resolved, That the fact being fully and
practically established, that all special
Banking incorporations, are not only in
opposition to the spirit of universal rights,
but hindrance to the accumulation of pro
perty by honest industry and healthful
competition of free trade therefore it but
remains for us to guard ourselves against
a party who have publicly proclaimed
“ That the possession of property is a
proof of merit,” and who, would by char
tering a National Bank, fasten upon us
chains more despicable than ever the in
genuity of tyranny invented.
Resolved, That the political principles
avowed by Andrew Jackson,and so trium
phantly sustained during his administra
tion and which have contributed so large
ly to the freedom and happiness of the peo
ple, will, we are confident, be fearlessly
maintained by Martin Van Buren.
Resolved, As young men growing up.
with the interests of this city, wd feel the
importance of the result of the present crisis,
upon our future prospects, and will watch.
: steadily our rights, keeping an eye upon,
those men whose zeal in the cause of the
| people, is in a direct proportion to the ad
i vantages they may gain from chartered.
I and other privileges, and we will always pre
sent an unshrinking front to our enemies,,
foreign and domestic. It was
Resolved, That the proceedings be sign
ed by the Chairman and Secretaries and
publised in all the Democratic Papers.
PHILIP S. CROOKE Chairman.
Charles Yates, , .
Edmund Stewart, 5 * ecre an ’
A JEroclaiifiaiion*
GEORGIA.
By William Schley. Governor of said State.
Wil ERE AS, t have received official infor
mation that a murder was committed in
the County of Gilmer on the 14th day ot May
last, on the body of Robert Berry, by Benjamin
Sanders and it being represented to me that
said Benjamin Sanders has tied from justice,
I have thought proper to issue this my Procla
mation, hereby offering a reward ot Iwo hun
dred dollars to any person or persons who may
apprehend and deliver the said Benjamin San
ders to the Sheriff or Jailor of said County of
Gilmer, in order that he maybe tried for the
crime with which he stands charged. • And I
1 do moreover, charge and require all officer*
I both civil and military, to be vigilant in endea
voring to apprehend and deliver him as afore-,
said.
Benjamin Sanders is represented to bo about,
twenty-one or two years of age, 5 feet 9 inc|ies
high, black hair and eyes, red complexion, and
about three parts Cherokee Indian.
In testimony whereof, 1 have hereunto set my
hand and caused the great Seal of tho
State to be affixed thereto, at the Cap
itol in Milledgeville, this twenty-fourth,
day of June, eighteen hundred and thir
ty-seven, and of the Independence oi the
United States the sixty first.
WILLIAM SCHLEY-.
By the Governor.
William A. Tennille,
Secretary of State.
June 27th 2-1 —2t.