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the invitation,) which contains the following 1
declaration :
“ However gratifying it would be to me
to mingle with my friends and neighbors
on any occasion of social enjoyment, 1 must
confess the recurrence of this day excites in , 1
my bosom very painful associations. \\ hile
I would fain rejoice in contemplating the
heroic virtues of our illustrious ancestry,
who achieved our liberty, 1 cannot but de
plore with deep humiliation the wide-spread , :
degeneracy which is so rapidly undermining 1 1
it. The Federal Government has been tor I •
eight years administered upon prin 'ipl< S ol i 1
corruption, scarcely disguised, it not open
ly avowed, and the effects have exceeded]
auv thing recorded in the annals ol national |
degeneracy. My doubt of the practicability
of reforming this corrupt stale of things
have grown -stronger and stronger for the i
last three years, and I can scarcely bring!
myself to take the slightest interest in any
controversy of a party character.
if anv man of talentsand sagacity labor
ed harder than another to fasten upon this j
people the administration, whose “ principles
of corruption have exceeded any thing rccor-,
ded in the annals of national degeneracy,'
that man is George M’Dulii', of South Car-]
olina. His heart, qh<l his head, and all the
faculties of U.i» nature were devoted tor
four years to that single object. If he had j
been a weak-minded, honest fool, like some
of his co-laborers, he might find a refuge in .
the contempt that his followed Eaton, and •
Branch, and Berrien —and others whose
names oblivion lias placed beyond the reach '
of public indignation; but for M Ouffiei
there was no apology. He, and H tyne, •
and Hamilton intrigued and fought for
Gen. Jackson from no other motive than .
hatred to Mr. Adams and to New England, i
And now he deplores the degeneracy of the
government, if he feels any remorse, he i
will bite off his own tounge and throw it to
a rattle-snake.
From the Georgian.
Mr. Editor: — The Press of the Alias t
Party in this State, abounds wit! denuncia
tions of Gov. Schley’s visit to that portion
of our State, where our operations are to
be commenced, in the great work of con
necting the Atlantic coast with the West
through the Territory of Georgia. Among
those denunciations is the paragraph I
send, and request you to place at the head !
of these remarks. This miserable attempt
at wit is pronounced by another of the pres
ses of the Alias Party to be amusing.
Now, Sir, 1 am aware, that the very want
of wit will excite a smile, and absurdity it
self will sometimes afford amusement. But,
Sir, a deeper feeling is excited by the peru
sal of the paragraph of the would be witty j
Editor of the Columbus Enquirer, and the
wounded feeling of stale pride forbids a
smile at this miserable abortion. How
stands the case ? The greatest work that
has ever been commenced in this country,
when viewed in relation to its probable re
sults, is abont to be originated under the
auspices of our Stale—one in which Geor
gians without distinction of party, should
have all their feelings deeply interested. A
proper commencement of this work is im
portant to a successful prosecution of it.
Identified as are the pride and best interests
of our Slate, with this first great link about
to be forged in the mighty chain which is
destined to hind the people of the Atlantic
with those of the West, where should be the
Executive of our State if not nt the scene
of operations ? When the Governor of
South Carolina during the last summer, re
paired to that portion of the Slate, where
surveys were to be made preliminary to the
Convention at Knoxville, where was the
press of any parly in that State, which de
nounced his conduct or attempted to make
it the theme of party invective ? Such was
not the course pursued by the Union pres
ses of that State because they happened to
be opposed politically to the Governor.
Such has not been the course pursued in
Pennsylvania, Delaware, or in any other
State. Such public spirited conduct was
reserved for the patriotic Editors of the
Slate Rights presses of Georgia !
How little is such conduct calculated to
elevate us in the eyes of our sister States.'
How little to convince those whose services
have been engaged at great expense to
carry on their work, that our State is in ear
nest, and that to it site lias pledged her re
sources, her pride r.nd her honor? Sir, 1
scruple not to assert that the man who has
viewed with his mind's eye the mighty rev
olution, the successful termination of this
great work, must inetknbly operate upon
the trade and destinies of this whole coun
try, has neither the feeling of a man or the
pride of a Georgian, who permits the un
holy impulses of party excitement to min
gle with those lofty emotions, which should
animate him in the contemplation of this ■
mighty work. And such, sir, is the occa-!
sion seized on by editors of the presses in
this Slate opposed to Gov. Schley, for the '
purpose of venting their party spleen. For i
shame, gentlemen ! Not to mention patri-j
otism, where is your state pride of which!
ye so much boast ? Al! gone, merged in
the petty feeling of a miserable partizan- :
ship ? At a moment when the presses of
our State should speak one language, when
her people should act as one man, when her '
Executive is endeavoring to prove by the
interest he takes in the great work, that
those whom he represents feel an abiding
interest in it, these men are ravelling about
party politics ! Will the time never come
when the people of Georgia shall throw
from them such men ? Yes, sir, that time
is at hand—the people will see that those
who can sport with the gravest interests of
the State, and seek to prostitute them to
party purposes, are not to be trusted in any i
appeal they may make upon questions in
which the character and honor of the State I
are involved.
A reference, Sir, to the act of the Legis
lature, which originates the work in which
Col. Long is engaged, will prove that had
Gov. Schley not repaired to the scene of
operations he would have proved recreant
not only to his general trust, hut to the es- ]
pedal duties which that act devolved upon
him. It would certainly have been “pas- ,
sing strange” if the professional gentlemen ,
charged with this work were to have the ,
expenditure of the T>easmc of the State ~
exclusive of the control and supervision of |
the Executive. ,
The first section of the Law enacts, that a i
tmn’jnttrd Engineer shall be appointed by i
the Governor, whose duty it shall he to i
makesurveys, Sic. and who shall be author
ized and empowered tinder the control and '
direction of the Governor, to employ such '
assistants, Sic. as may be necessary speedily J
to accomplish such survey and location and I
an estimate of the expense thereof, and 1
860,000 are appropriated for such survey ]
and location. , |
The 2d section enacts, That so soon as j
a report of such surveys, location and esti- •
in ite shall have been made to the i'. r entire,!
if the saw shall.s'n tr the work to be practi
cable at a reasonable expense, a superiaten-j
dent shall be appointed by the Executive,!
Ste. This section appropriates for the year
1837, the sum of $290,000.
Now, 1 propose, Mr, Editor, the following i
queries :
Ist. How could the Governor answer to I
the people for the competency of the Engi- I
neer, if he does not pay some personal at- ,
tention to his operations ?
*2 1. How could he exercise the control!
and direction confided to him, without i
' some personal attention to the business ? !
3.1. How could he judge understanding-!
ly of the practicability of the work and the |
] reasonableness of the estimate furnished
! without a personal knowledge of the coun
try through which the contemplated Road
is to pass, and of the nature, .extent, and
' character of the contemplated work ?
Lastly. I propound this query, for the]
; special benefit of the Editors of those pres- j
I ses friendly to Mr. Gilmer.
Does that gentleman intend, if elected, |
] to sit in his arm chair in the Government]
House at Milledgeville, or eat his dinners
1 and drink his wine, surrounded by the lux
uries of home, while §350,009 per annum
l of the people’s money is being expended
without giving to such expenditure his
j strict, unceasing personal attention and su-
I pervision?
A GEORGIAN.
From the Georgian.
“ Look to your Legislature, a large por-1
I lion of the intelligence of our citizens is
banished from its halls.”
Such is the language of Mr. Berrien, in
his address as presiding officer of the late
Convention at Milledgeville. We presume
■ that by “ a large portion of the intelligence
j of our citizens,” is meant a large portion
I of the political friends of Mr. B. Now one !
!is naturally lead to enquire, “ when this •
I large portion” of the intelligence of the !
i country was not excluded from the balls of,
! the Legislature. What was done to benefit j
the people of this State ?
Was “ a large portion” of our Territo
ry placed in possession of our citizens, and 1
I a District of country over which hordes of I
Indians roamed, bidding defiance to our]
laws within our chartered limits, brought
within the pale of civilized society ?
Was the provision in our Constitution
which in effect determined that a man,
however worthy he might be deemed by the
people, was unfit to represent them unless
I possessed of a property qualification re
'■ pealed ?
( Was the Constitution amended so as to
t permit a modification of our- Judicial syi
j tern to be effected—a system the evils of
: which have only to be felt, to be universally
acknowledged ?
Was any extended plan of education
brought forward, or any competent or per
; manent provision made for its support ?
Was the great question of Internal Im-
I provement taken up, and a mighty and
i lasting impulse given to the great work ?
i Speaking of Internal Improvements in
this Slate on a public occasion in»1831,
Mr. Berrien said, “ whoever shall succeed
I in awakening the attention of the Legisla
; tore to this vitally important subject, and
j shall have the good fortune to effect a suc
’ I cessful result, will deserve to be ranked
among the benefactors of the age, and will
‘ | justly acquire to himself an enviable
’ place in the esPeem and affections of our
1 people.”
Was any one of these things accomplish
’ | ed, or any step taken towards the accotn
, plishinciit of any one of them while “ a
! large portion of the intelligence” of our
1 citizens was NOT excluded from our halls of
' | Legislation? No, reader ! Those things,
■. “ one and all,” have been reserved for the
' action of the Legislature during the period
I such intelligence had been ostracised by
the people ? Nor do the men who have
’wrought in their behalf deem themselves
I entitled to be ranked among “ the bene
' factors of the age.” They ask only that
,if the attribute of “ intelligence” be deni-
■cd then, those of fidelity to their public
! trust, and a desire essentially to serve the
I State, be not denied them If such be the
fruits of this ostracism of “ a large por
! tion of' the intelligence” of our citizens.
| “ We say to it, Esto perpetua I”
DENTATUS.
MR. GILMER.
Is this gentleman a candidate for the
| office of Governor of the State or of a j
Parly?.
We ask this question because, by Mr. ]
Gilmer’s public admission, he was but the '
Governor of a party during the period he !
presided over the destinies of this .State, j
True, on a former occasion this gentleman 1
■declared in his inaugural address, that he I
was the “ Governor of the State and not of]
a partv,” but look to his admission in an
address made by him on the 18th Novem-'
her, 1831, on an occasion of a public din-!
ner given him. The following is his lan- !
] gttage, “ Instead of meeting with a cold i
. reception, from ha ring been the instrument
oj the loss of parly power, 1 find myself the
subject of the most flattering distinction
from this respectable assemblage of my po
litical friends.”—So it seems that in his de
feat in 1831, party power was lost. The
State did not lose its Governor, but a party
one of its partizans ? Is Mr. G. in the po
sition he has assumed towards the people at
this moment, the instrument of gain or loss
to mere party power ! Is it his object to
serve a party “ or the people.” Georgian.
MONROE RAIL ROAD BANK.
We have been informed that this institu
tion, whose bills, though current among in
dividuals, are not received by the Banks in
the interior, has been restored to the credit
to w hich it is entitled, by a perfectly satis
factory arrangement with the Banks of the
citv, by which these last have agreed to .
receive and pay out the bills of sai I insti ■ ]
lotion.— G orgian.
From the Tennessee Sentinel.
Wtsids Last.— That bitterly malignant
creature—that mixture of folly, violence ami
impertinence—Henry A. XV ise ol \ irginia
still continues his dirty work of slander and
falsehood. He never permits an occasion to
pass, in may indulge his “ ruling pas- j
sion,” forth some disgusting, j
villainous
convince the public ol hi* utter disregard of
truth, and of his complete depraviiy 61 habit
ami feeling, it is now to bo found in it letter
which he addressed lately to the President ol a
Temperance Society. I > seems that (by some |
mistake, w<> presume) ise had been invited to I
attend tho Anniversary meeting of the Mary- i
land Temperance Society : and the malignant :
dog could not give a reply to the invitation, so t
powerful is the “ force ol habit,” w ithout p r
pctrating some indecencies In this letter of
reply, he states “ that some of the higher exec
utive officers at Washington are tied have been
notorious drunkards — drunkardsin every sense
of the term—habitually affected by ardent spir
its—drunk at least once a week—impaired in
cokr-timtion by the use of strong drink.” Now,
• we are sure that Henry A.VV ise kneio all this to
he false when he wrote it. Every person who
is acquainted with the officers ol the Govern
ment at Washington, must know that they are
all, from the highest cabinet officer down to the
humblest clerk, remarkable for their temperate
habits and correct deportment.
But hear the wretch again:—“During the lat
ter part of the Session of Congress, when the
two houses were compelled to sit late, members
too drunk for the decency of a tavern bar-room,
I were not uncommon sights in the Senate Cham
ber and in the Hall of the House of Reprcsen
i tatives.” This is another arrant falsehood —
for though wo have heard of one or two cases of
I drunkenness in the House of Representatives,
yet Henry’ A. Wise knows that such sights are
rare and “uncommon” in the Halls of the Amer
ican Congress,—and none but a blackguard
and a slanderer would have uttered such a libel
I upon his country and its legislature.
These slanders are prefaced with tho. fol
lowing modest statement about himself-—the
immaculate, sober, temperate Henry A. Wise:
“Z am but thirty years old, and for the last
eight years and s me months of my life, I have
not tasted a table, spoonful of ardent spirit, or
drank half of a gallon of wine." Who will
believe him? Oli H ise! thou fool! thy folly is
only equalled by thy impudence, egotism and
knavery!
SIGNS OF THIE TIMES.
“ Daniel Webster.— A worthy son of the
soil of Lexington and Bunker Hill ! He
lias been a good Carolinian in IS3G—7 ;
’ such a man, front such a soil will always be
found on the right side when the rulers are
I corrupt and the people oppressed.”
“ Daniil J] Ibslcr. — The bold portrait
| of whose ntiitd is drawn by his own pen, in
I his protest against Benton’s Expunging
Resolutions.”— Toasts drank at the Anli
] Van Duren celebration, Macon.
I Who would have dreamed, three years
1 ago, that Daniel Webster would ever be
' toasted by Nullifiers.
JI lute and Harrison.— The Boston
Courier, the leading federal paper in New
England, and known to be the organ of
Mr. Webster, in noticing the late response
ol General Jackson to Judge White, des
cribes the Judge as “ A sultry conceited in
triguer, willing to di scend, if such a fellow
can descend, to any trick, however vile, and
so violate all the requirements of
fl.vJ FRIENDSHIP to further his pur
pose."— Western Telegraph.
l> dtiam the Fourth in the city of New
\o k.— Our city, it appears, was once the re
sidence of the late King of England. When
he was stationed here, dining the revolution, a
I bold plan was concocted to carry him off from
j among his friend; and comrades. The deviser
j ol this daring project was Col. Ogden, a gallant
I officer, in the revolutionary army, and who with
i his regiment was stationed in New Jersey. At
the time the Prince was lying on shore, and
; Admiral Digby, and as no danger was appre
i bended, their quarters were very slightly guard
j cd. Ogden’s plan was to land secretly on a
stormy night, with a small and bold band,to
; capture and carry off the Admiral and the
; Prince, and to take them to .\ew Jersey.
I \V ashington sanctioned the plan, because, lie
i thought, if successful, he would the sooner and
: the better make terms with England for the ac
] knowledgtnent of American independence.
! His directions to (d it. d 28th March,
■ 1/82, were that no insult or indignity should be
] offered to the Admiral or the Prince, and that
j they should be conveyed to Congress. The
] plan was not executed. Sir Henry Clinton got
: a bint of it, and took care that the guards
: should be doubled, and every precaution taken
| for the security of the Admiral and Prince.
\ The plan was thus disappointed.— New York
luxpress.
Absence of Mind.— Rouella, the‘celebrated
( French chemist, was remarkable for his e.xtra
! ordinary absence of mind. One day in the
I absence of his assistant, being left to perform
i his experiments before a large class, alone, lie
j said, “ Gentlemen, you see this cauldron upon
] this brazier. Well, if I were to cease stirring
; for a single moment, an explosion would ensue
■ which would blow us all into the air.” This
: was no sooner said than lie forgot to stir, and
i his prediction was accomplished ; the explosion
' took place with a horrible crash, til) the wiu
' dowsof the laboratory were smashed to pieces,
and two hundred auditors whirled away into the
I garden ; fortunately no . serious injury was re
ceived, the greatest violence of the explosion
! being directed to the chimney. The forgetful
■ stirrer himself escaped with the loss of his wig
J only.
Items an I Remarks thereon.— The Rali
l way Herald copies the following items, and
appends the remarks in brackets:
The latest monstrosity is that of a man
in Vermont, who is so tall that he can’t tell
when his toes arc cold.
[The man who was obliged to get on his
knees to unscrew the weathercock of the
old South meeting house in Boston, was,
we guess, a little bit taller than this lengthy
Vermonter!]
The crops in Indiana are full of promise.
[lf “promises” are no better fodder for
cattle than they are for man, the crops it!
Indiana ain’t worth much.]
Comfort for Pedagogues.— Louis Phil
lippe, the great un-assassinated King of the
French, taught a country school, sorrfe
twenty years ago, at Haddonfield, near
Camden, New Jersey.
And a Psson for Kings.— King Lottis
Phillippe had his “ set t of honor” well
kicked in the year of our
American landlord, at Wincter, Va.
Transposition. —One of our ex
change papers remarks that in a late storm
at Otsego, New York, “a shower of hen’s
eggs fell as large as hail stones.” The
clouds that produced them must have been
feathery in the extreme.
ST A N DA K D (I I’ IINIB N
57'177; Hl (GITS and UNITED STATES
n i a uts.
....
of glgttW.-
"'The friends of the Union are uur friends,and its
enemies, cut enemies."
ifiD. E a >i. i',' -tijsu
'8'«• j;s BA 1 pio its \fi A tip a Udi UST J. 5.
tMON CANDIi.ATE FOR GOVERNOR.
WILLIAM SCHLEY.
Those who arc opposed to the United
States Hank—to Shin Plasters—to Daniel
Webster, the Ultra Federalist and Abolitionist
—to the Compromise Tariff and to the disolu
tion of the Union will vote for the Union candi
date SCHLE Y.
Those who arc in favor of an Indian's
swearing away the lines and property of a
white man, will vote for the Nullifiers can
didate, GILMER!
CIIAPTER HL
“ It is due to OUR INDIAN PEO
PLE, that that provision ofthe law of eigh
teen hundred and twenty nine, should be
REPEALED, wh chprevents INDIANS,
and the descendants, of Indians,from being
competent WITNESSES in the courts of
the State, in cases where a WHITE MAN
is a party. The present law exposes them,
to GREAT OPPRESSION, whilst its re
peal would probably injure no one.” See
j Journal of the Senate, for 1830, page 14,
; and Journal of the House ofßepresenlatives
I ofthe same year, page 15.
CHAPTER IV.
i From Governor Gilmer's Message, Nov. 1831.
I “ Upon no subject has there been more
misrepresentation, than in relation to the
government of the CHEROKEES, and
the civilization of the people of that tribe.
Upon examination, it will be found, that
the aboriginal people are as IGNORANT,
THOUGHTLESS and IMPRUDENT
as formerly, without any of the spirit and
character which distinguished them when
| war was their employment, and their sup
i port derived from the forest.”
And these are the people Mr. Gilmer
would make witnesses, to swear away the
lives and property of white men.
ff'r’ We are authorised to state, that the brils
cf the Bionroe Railroad Batik, are received by
the Banks of the city of Savannah.
(<?“We have received several advertise
ments, by mail, within the last few days, from
] divers persons who wish to make known to the
■ public that they will pay no debts contracted by
their help-mates—they having, as is asserted,
absconded from the “bed and board” of their
lords. For an annunciation of this kind our
j usual charge is five dollars, and the non-trans
mittal of this amount must account to the un-
Irappy husbands for their not appearing.
U. S. BA NK— ST7Ct E~R IGI ITS.
i The Georgia Nuilifters were for a long time
the most noisy opponents of a United States
! Bank. They denied that the constitution con
ferred upon Congress the power to grant mono
polies, and that the establishment of such an
, institution was a palpable invasion of the rights
] of the States.
Now they support a National Bank as a par
ty measure, and claim for the general govern
! ment, the right to charter such an institution.
And why ? Not because they can show it to be
constitutional: but because the friends of the
i administration ate opposed to it.
j The principles and policy of General Jack
son and his successor must be overthrown, or
the Whigs can never obtain power. A United
! States Bank has proved itself to be a powerful
! political engine, and if they can succeed in
raising it from the dead, with its aid they hope
to gain the ascendancy, no matter how great
injury may result to the States by so flagrant a
usurpation of their rights.
According to our reading of the constitution,
“ the powers not delegated to the United States
by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the
States, are reserved to the States respective
ly, or to the people;" and we challenge the
whole force of nullification and whiggery to
prove by that instrument the delegation of such
a power to Congress, or its prohibition to the
States.
The best argument which they ean advance
in support of their present doctrine, is the
worn-out and exploded slang of the old ai d
new Federal party, of the "general welfarl,"
«Inch amounts to a total abandonment of their
former principle of construction.
They were for years the loudest advocates
fora dose and rigid construction ofthe constitu
tion, and vehemently maintained that the Fe
deral rule of incidental and constructive, pow
ers, would lead directly to consolidation. That
the greatest danger to be apprehended was to
be found in the assumption of powers by the
General Government not expressly delegated
by the constitution.
The tariff, internal improvements, and the
United States Bank, were then the objects of
their greatest alarm ; and they asserted that no
thing could secure us from the evils of a conso
lidated government, b/.it a strict and uncompro
mising adherence to the rights of the States.
I ..’ik to them then of policy and expedien
cy, and they met y on with the constitution and
State sovereignty. Tell them now of the con
stitution and State sovereignty, and they an
swer, Policy and Expediency! They tell us
the currency is deranged, the country is dis
tressed, and nothing can cure the evil but a
United States Bank!—thus making a direct sur
render to the United Stales of a great and va
luable power reserved to the States in the con
stitution, carrying along with it the humiliating
admission, that the States arc wholly incompe
tent to exercise their reserved rights for the
good of the country.
. We maintain that the right to incorporate
Banhs, belongs exclusively to the States; and,
as one of their reserved powers, we shall ne-
ver consent to see it transferred to the federal
government. Indeed, such is our devotion to
the doctrine of State Rights, that we shall never
give our assent to any measure by which they
shall be deprived of one jot or tittle ol what
they now possess.
it' the incorporation of Batiks by the States
is a dangerous power, it will be ten limes more
so in the hands of the General Government ;
and we now predict, that if the States shall be
so blind to their rights and their interests as to”
transfer this power to the General Government,
tltey will gradually but rapidly dwindle into
mere corporations. ■
Arm the federal government with litis great
power, and we shall at once behold a combina
tion between the batik men, the tariff men, and
the internal improvement men, which shad ride
rough-shod over State rights, and laugh litem to
scorn; because ’those interests are so strongly
identified, that a coalition will be inevitable.
Two of them are now prostrate, by tho firm
ness and perseverance of the States in the
maintenance of their reserved rights. The
Bank, and internal improvements by the Gene
ral Government, have been put down as usur
pations of State rights; and the ultimate safety
and indeppndet.ee of the States requite that
they should be kept down.
Will the Nullificrs aid us in this crisis to
maintain the sovereignty of our State? Will
they stand shoulder to shoulder with us to pte
serve the rights secured to us by the Constitu
tion? No! they have abandoned the cause, and
left the battle to be fought by men who never
did, and never will desert their State right prin
ciples. The Union men will standin this breach
and battle for the Constitution. They deny to
Congress the right to incorporate a Bank—
no such power is delegated by the Constitution,
and is therefore reserved to the States. This
is the doctrine of Union men, the true and gen
uine defenders of State rights.
We throw down the gauntlet to the Nuilifters
upon this question. Wc deny to Congress, the
power to charter a Bank, and claim it as a re
served power of the States. The Nullifiers de
ny our position and maintain that Congress is
constitutionally clothed with such a power.
We challengb them to an argument upon the
question.
EQUAL RIGHTS AND EQUAL DUTIES.
In tracing the political history of Mr. Gilmer,
enough has already been shown, from bis own
recorded acts and opinions, to satisfy the de
mocracy ofthe country, that he is not the prop
er man to represent their principles and their
interests; but, as bis advocates arc pressing his
claims and qualifications with so much zeal and
perseverance, it becomes an imperious duty on
our part, to hold him up as he is, to the public
gaze.
His inconsistencies and contradictions in re
lation to the organization of the Cherokee terri
j tory, have been already exposed, as well as his
! proposition to make the Indians competent wit
! nesses against white men, in our Courts of Jus
| tice; but there remains to be disclosed, another
act, so hostile to every principle of equal rights
—so anti-republican, that wc should be recreant
to our duty, were we to withhold it from npr
fellow citizens.
It is known to our readers, that in 1814, du
ring the last war with Great Britain, when her
fleet was upon our coast, and the hostile Indians
upon our frontier, a bill was brought before the
Legislature to exempt the Students at our Col
lege from the performance of military duty, and
to screen them front a tour of service against
tho public enemy; and it is equally well known,
that the measure excited one general burst of
indignation throughout the Slate.
From the marked displeasure of the people
upon that occasion, we could not have believed
that a similar attempt would have been made in
our day and generation; but we have lived long
enough to witness it in the person of Mr. Gil
mer. In bringing this charge against Mr. Gil
mer, of an attempt to exempt one portion of the
people from burdens which he would impose
upon another portion, and thereby establish
the principles of aristocracy incur government,
we are again fortified by the record, and draw
our proof from his own vote as it stands upon
the book containing the proceedings of the j
Trustees of Franklin College, from which it
appears, that in August, 183 G, a resolution was
introduced at a meeting of the Trustees, re
questing the Legislature to pass an act to ex
empt the Students of our College and Literary
Institutions of the State, from military duty.
This resolution was supported by Nir. Gilmer
and passed. But on the next day, a member of
the board who was not present when the isola
tion was passed, moved its reconsideration; and
on the question, the reconsideration was carried
and the resolution was voted down. The yeas
and nays were required, and Mr. Gilmer’s vote
stands recorded against the reconsideration.
What, claims can any man set up to the char
acter of a republican, who would raise up dis
tinctions in society, tending directly to screen
the wealthy from burdens, which he would place
upon the poor? The people will answer this
question on the first Monday in October.
We speak it with pride, that this measure I
will not be sanctioned by the great majority of
our wealthy fellow citizens. They possess a
patriotism and chivalry that would disdain the
exemption, They arc democrats who maintain
the doctrine of equal rights and equal burdens, I
and will always be found ready to encounter
fatigue and danger, and to fill up their full mcas- I
uro of service to the Government—men who i
will notthank Mr. Gilmer for his effort to screen !
(heir sens from any service requited by the
laws and the constitution.
But this furnishes no excuse foi Mr. Gilmer,
because the attempt on his part to introduce an
aristocratic principle into our government, is
proof conclusive of what he would do if the
power was in his hands, and establishes the fact
beyond all controversy, that he would favor the
rich at the expense of the poor.
If the doctrine is ever established, that those
who are so fortunate as to bo educated at Col
leges and literary institutions, shall be exempt
from burdens which are borne by those who are
compelled to earn their bread by the sweat of
their brows, and whose only means of education
is to be found in the neighborhood schools, at
such intervals as they may find in the pursuit
of their honest avocations, then may freedoms 1
..» V j
epitaph be written.
Working men of the country, rise up in you r (
strength! you have the majority—-your rights (
are in your own hands, and you will protect |
them. 1
|
THE ELECTION. j
Ottr confidence in the success ofthe Union >
candidate for Governor, is every day confirmed ] I
by the intelligence which is pouring in upon us ] (
front all quarters.
The question now is, not whether Governor j
S.-liley will be elected, but how great will be
.... ,
Ins majority.
Os one thing we are certain, that it will be
very decided, and if the Union party are vig- ,
ilcnl from this time onward, the majority will
be overwhelming.
Mr. Gilmer is every-day losing ground. The ]
advocacy by his party of the United States
Bank, of Clay, Webster and Calhoun, and their
ultra measures, will prove a mill-stone about
his neck; because the stern democracy of Geor
gia is not to be appropriated to the support of
men and such measures. If Nullification
—United States Bank—Compromise Tariff,
with all the mischief embraced in the very com
prehensive term Whig, are not enough to pros
trate any party in Georgia, then we have form
ed a very erroneous opinion of tlve people.
“The Campbells are coming.”
(£?* When the following article appeared •» the
Recorder of last week, it struck us very forcibly
that il found its way there by mistake.
We were inclined to that opinion because it fits
the case of the Union I’arty so exactly, that it must
havo been written for the Union papers, and by
some accident, was given.a wrong direction ; and
under tins view we transfer it to our columns, and
therefore adopt it ps our own.
“We have every reason to be gratified by the
cheering accounts from all quarters, in relation
to the elections. We should be very willing,
for ourselves, to see the general election take
place to-morrow. We believe we should tri
umphantly succeed. But we would again le
mind our friends throughout the State, that our
success depends upon the most cordial harmo
ny, unanimity, and concert of action among
ourselves. And this harmonious action, we be
i Sieve, will prevail from one end of the State to
I the other. There is no man, who cares a single
; straw foi his party, or the principles advocated !
] by it, who, at this crisis ofthe fate of both, will ]
allow private griefs to interfere with public du- j
ty; and wo believe we can s cceed without the j
aid of those, if there be any,who would, from
selfishness or pique, destroy the hopes of the
parly. We repeat die expression of our grati
fication at the bright prospect before us—let
every man do his duty, and we must succeed.
Bost Office at Calhoun’s Feny has
been disconiinucd, and one established at Hoo
tensviilc.
MR. BIDDLE’S BANK.“
We ask the attention of our readers to the
following address of Mr. Winter, to the people
of Georgia, and particularly those whoarehalf
inclined to favor the rc-establishmcnt of a
United States Bank.
It is known that Mr. Biddle’s Bank at Pitila-1
delphia, with a capital of thirty-five millions
i of dollars—wielding all the strength and re
] sources of the late United States Bank—has
: long since suspended specie payments, and also
j at all its branches, with the exception of the
■ Insurance Bank of Columbus, in this state, at
| which it was understood he continued to re
] deem the bills of that institution in gold and
! silver; not, as we believe, from choice, but
i from an apprehension that the Legislature
would repeal its charter, unless some e.xtraor-
I dinary reaction should be produced in the pub
’ lie mind. How far his promise to pay specie
l has been redeemed, will be found in Mr. Win
j ter’s article.
I Let the people look to it, and decide whe
; tbei such an institution is to be intruded upon
them by foreign capitalists without their con-
! sent.
i From the Augusta Constitutionalist.
To ’the people of Georgia in general, and tho
Citizens of Columbus in particular.
As the demand on my part, and the refusal
I of the Insurencc Bank of Columbus on her part,
! to pay between three and four thousand dollars
j of their bills has elicited considerable remark
j—some condemning and many approving the
course ofthe bank towards mt: —I hope that I
j shall not be considered intrusive in attempting
Ito justify myself at the bar of public opinion,
and at* the,same time exhibit the turpitude of
the bank in refusing to pay her debts to any
one wiio may happen to hold her “promises to
P a J'-”
The Bank, it is understood, belongs to the
Pennsylvania U. States Bank: at least a ma
jority of the Stock stands to the credit or Mr.
Biddle, the President of that institution. In
May, when most of the banks of the State s s
pended payment, (more I think from an appre
hension that our foreign creditors would force
them to retire the whole circulation ofthe State,
than fiom actual inability to meet the demand,)
the Insurencc Bank of Columbus, having but a
small circulation and a comparatively large spe
cie capital, determined on continuing specie
payments. Her reasons for this determination
are left to conjecture. I suppose, however, it
was her calculation that she could redeem one
portion of her circulation by exchanges with
the Banks, another portion with the notes ofthe
U. S. B auk, (which are at present redeemable]
only in the notes of the different banks of
Pennsylvania,) and the other and most incon
, siderable portion, (owing to her distant location
front any seaport,) with specie. After redeem
ing the mostof her issues in depreciated paper,
then she was to send surplus specie to Mr. Bid
dle to remit to Europe, or sell it at home and
pocket the premium. This is the only toason
j able construction that I can place upon her de
i termination to continue specie paymetUs when
I nearly all the banks in the United States had
j suspended.
1 Her course of conduct justifies the belief. She
has redeemed a great portion of her circulation
with depreciated currency, and now when she
finds that the people begin to understand the
difference between prompt payment and pay
ment at convcvicn.ces, she refuses *r> pay specie
and offers to pay in U. S. Fank bills. She
thinks that her creditors wi’,l prefer taking pa
per money that is only 7 per cent discount, to
laying out ot their funds and trusting to the ex
jiensive, tedious and uncertain process of the
law to recover it. That she intends to sell her
specie or remit it to Europe to enable the U. S.
Bank to meet her heavy payments in. that quar
ter, is as clear us the sun at noon day. She
spares no pains to curtail hur circulation (save
oy the payment of specie)—she has now 2 dol
lars of coin to one of issue. Os what use then I
will her specie be to her, but to dispose of it as :
I have suggested? Now the question arises, is <
the bank justifiable in not promptly paying her i
n’ebt in the only currency knovn to tho const!- / -
tution of the country? She is exactly as justi*
fiabieasan individual would be in ofleiing to
his creditors notes on suspended firms, who in
tended to pay their debts at some future or tin-'
certain jieriod, and the same time boast that he
had cash enough on hand to pay his debt twice
over, and intended to purchase this bankrupt
paper at 7 to 10 per cent, discount and put the
profit in his own pocket. Would this be con
sidered correct? What name would the bank
honor a man with who would act towards it in
this manner? illiaii” would be the softest
epithet that would be bestowed upon the wretch
who would follow her own example. Bail writ,
judgment, casa, and imprisonment in the com
mon jail would follow in as quick succession as
the tardy process of the law would allow. Are
the people of Georgia prejiared to uphold any
institution in so dishonorable and dishonest a
course of conduct as this? No, never.
The bank may and docs attempt to justify"
herself in two ways. First, because, as she
asserts, lam a broker. Secondly, other banks
do not pay specie. Very sapient reasons, tru
ly. If lam a broker (which I will admit for
argument sake,) I came honestly by Wbills
-1 havo paid her creditors lor them socli rates
as were agreed upon—l purchased litem as 1
would purchase any thing else not inliibited by
the laws of my country, because I thought J
could make a profit on them. I called ttpotf
he r to pay these debts that she had contracted,
because I knew that she was able, and suppos
ed that she was willing, to pay. Is the fact of
my purchasing them to release iter from the ob
ligations to pay ? As well might Mr. Biddle
say, I will not pay this check which the Insu
rance Bank of Columbus has drawn upon me,
because you have paid a premium for it, or be
cause you are a broker. Mr. Biddle has had
millions presented at his counter by brokers—
why did lie not refuse to pay them ? The rea
son is obvious. They were his creditors, and
when he paid any one, he would pay all. He
was able to pay, and he did pay it. Why does
he not pay now? Because lie is not able. He
pays no one, because he cannot pay all. Why
do not the banks in this State generally pay?
Because they cannot do it without curtailing
their issues to an extent that would be ruinous
to the best interests of the community. The
Central Bank pays her debts, and asks no ques
tions. She can do so without distressing her
debtors. She has the cash to do it with, and
she planks it up as free as water. The bank
will say, he will take the money out of the
State. How long is it since a debtor had a
right to dictate in what manner the funds should
be appropriated before he would pay his credi
tor? If a debtor of this same bank were to
require the bank to show him what disposition
! was to be made of the funds before he would
■ pay them, what would be the answer? Sup
| posing, then, he should require, as the bank
j herself does, that an oath, a solemn oath before
God, should be made that they were not buying
or selling bank notes or specie for a profit, Ise
would be looked upon with horror, as an impi
ous wretch, deserving the execrations of every
honest man Would it be believed that this
bank has pursued such a course ? Can it be
possible that any respectable institution, hold
ing her existence under the good people of this
State, would have the temerity so to trifle with
the sanctity of an . oath? It is too true —she
has resorted to this pitiful and awful subterfuge
to evade tl.e payment of her just debts. Site
forgets that she stands upon different grounds
from other banks. She does not remember
that while the others are experiencing the in
dulgence of the community, that the indulgence
lis mutual. In consideration of the forbearance
I of the community, they are endeavoring to re
lieve the wants of the people by discountingas
much good paper as they can, consistently with
justice to their creditors. They come out ho
nestly, and declare that circumstances beyond
their control, and beyond human forecast, pre
vents them from paying their debts punctually.
Not so with the Insurance Bank. She pro
mises to the ear, but breaks it to the sense.
She promises to pay, but does not do it. She
is able to pay, but not willing. She collectsail
that she can, but lends nothing. She will sell
you the bills of a non-specie paying bank, for
five per cent premium, but no one must sell
her bills. When you owe her, you must pay
without asking any questions, but when she
owes you, you have to take such an oath as she
chooses to manufacture, before she will pay
you. Is this to be tolerated? Are we towear
such a yoke as this ? Let those who will, but I
will not. I will appeal to the laws of my coun
try —to the justice of my countrymen ; “ truth
is mighty, and will prevail.” It is contending
against fearful odds, but with truth and Justice
on my side, I shall not shrink from the contest.
It remains to be seen whether a monied aristo
cracy is to trample me under foot, because I
have the audacity to demand of her the pay
ment of her just debts.
Let this bank extend to the community tho
same relief which many others have done—-let
her grant loans to the needy and worthy, as far
as she can, consistently with her obligations to
her creditors, and 1 will indulge Iter for what
she owes me. But so long as she puts the
screws to others, and withholds her aid from a
suffering community, so long will I put the
screws to her, to the best of my poor abilities
The indulgence which she now grants to the.
good citizens of Columbus, is of the sort that
Shylock granted to his debtor.
.We shall see whether the community will
uphold an instiiution that refuses to pay one
dollar for two, when she is able to pay two dol
lars for one—or whether she will be allowed to
buy up Iter own paper at a discount, and pre
vent others from doing the same—whether the
United States Bank shall control the people, or
the people control the U. S. Bank.
To gratify those who may ert oneously sup
pose that the exportation of the precious me
tals is an injury to the public, I 'vill be bound
not to send any of the coin which this bank,
may pay me, beyond the holders of the State,
during this year.
JOHN G. WINTER
7 he Oath which the Insurance Bank of Co
lumbus has arranged, tor tho infamous purpose,
of evading the payment of her just debts* ancii
which she i las had the asswranee to present to,
al lea-’.t one.of her creditors,.is as follows:"
GEORGIA, I I, W. S-, do hereby so-
Muscogee County, j lemly swear in the pre
sence of Almighty God, that in the donje.hd
which I now make of the Insurance. Bank of
Columbus for specie, in payment of I»i’.is now
presented, that 1 am not acting a$ the officer,
clerk or attorney of any ox of any in
corporation whatseevc;, and that I tun not my-,
self a broker, or buy or sell bills, or specif for;-
a profit, but ",'nat the demand is made for my in
dividual benefit, not being a broker, or their
agent, or the office clerk or attorney of any
incorporation in the State, or any bank located
therein by lawful, authority'.
The oath which the State authorizes the
cashier or president of the bank to offer to any
one demanding specie, whom they may suspect
to be the agent of a bank or broker, is
“ I, A, 8., solemnly swear that I am not act
ing as the officer, agent or attorney of anv bro
ker, or of any incorporation whatever.
“On refusing to take this oath, he shall not
be entitled to more than four per cent, per an
num interest from that time.”
This oath is unconstitutional, for the State
has no right to declare that one class of citizens
shall be entitled to one rate of interest, and all
other classes to a higher rate. But it is modest
when compared with the one got up by the In
“ttrance Bank of Columbus,