Newspaper Page Text
/ Velitieail.
Frvmtkr. Sypann.i/i Georgian,
r* MR. GILMER.
'A hi c.v» fj>4Ft wit > is h all conversant with
history i't the transaction, the toil nous poi
p/ r .' •'* F I iM''e towards this country upon the
z <- ►itbjc- ’ «'i her spoliations upon Am.ricon Coni*
-.i > nel been consumed in fruitless
-ffirts to pio ure at her hand indemnity for
>4 tao.se Spoliations. lb s:r lined by that trienr’iv
svie. ii suutkl ever ait ini itv m toward: .
W '' sr M.nt.nt ally, fid the country of Lafayette,
yfli'i'.isitruitwiil hid been content to negotiate.;
M \ ><tr* rolled aw iy, ue/otimen (oilowoii tl -got i- .
I atii n—nniy of our citizen.-who had boon tie- '
A spoiled of thoir property, saw their children I
L prowin.» up ill poverty, without tint education I
Z an i n trtjtc tn which they were entitled, because |
7 toe French Government, believing they could i
• ultimately evade a payment, they had long '
L postponed, refused to listen to the demands us
f f.atico, Min stvr after Miiuntcr applied for re-i
d.-e.ss—md tin-. American Government wen !
t> 'coming contemptible in the eye.s of Europe.
No w onder th it Spain, N ij'les mid mliersecotid
and third rate powers of the old world, re.d-.trd
ta : , chi ns of our Govertmis nt. The belief was
r'fo among them, that wo were exclusively a
negotiating people—that l.ke Cardngc is lie,
1 itterdays, national honor was lost in the eager >
p irsuit of gain—that we negotiated simply tin
money— ‘'national honor, or character” having
nothing to do with our negotiations. Bv hea
vens, had things been permitted to go on in this
way much loit«ei, there was not a petty Italian
«r Gerts in Prince with a territory no bigger
tltao i i orditi try Georgia plantation, but would I
hi vo thought in time, that h ■ too, bed a right to
pluck a feather from tho American Engl :’ But
Andrew Jackson was called to preside over the
destines of oar country. Qwerul ms complaint
was exchanged for manly expostulatiou—timid
renionjtranco for open demands for justice.
“Ttw old eagle ruffled iter feathers :tt d trimmed !
her beak.” The Government of France tem
porized no lonjer-—the just 11. tints of our citi-;
tons were responded to—the honor of our ;
< wintry vindicated, and the G ivernments of
Europe taught to know, that although pence]
w is Ottf policy, it was not to bo purchased with ;
dishonor! The treaty was ma.de by which!
Franco agreed to do us justice—but 10, as if to i
ad.d insult to injury, alter the recognition of!
orr rights by the most solemn compart known
it.iionj Nations. France refused to comply with
it! Tao Chamber of Deputies refused, abso
lutely, and unequivocally refused, to pay what
Lid been recognized to be due !!
We know uo parallel to this disregard to trea
ty stipniltions cn the part of Fiance, save it be
the conduct of oar Government in 1825, when I
it refused tn recognize th" rights of Gmtgia as- ]
t -r they hid bnen ascertained l>y the Treaty oft
1 i 25. \\ ho can forget, with what indignant i
r .dings this act of turpitude was greeted by ;
t".e people of Georgia! “Troup and the
Treaty” became the general cry, and the shout
camo ns loudly from Mr. Gilmer as front any
w ter man in the State. But when a foreign
Government thus trifled with, aid insulted us,
w.aat was the course pursued by that gentleman,
then in the Congress of the United .-Mates? ■
Why Mr. Giltner,a Representative of Georgia, |
«>• the floor of Congress and in face of the I
country declared “that neither national '
honor or character” was concerned in the;
dispute. In proofof this, we quote from the ;
Report of a Debate on the French Question,’
which we find in the “Now York Times” of
6 h March, 1835, taken bv that paper from j
••Ths Ntlional Intelligencer.” A reference to'
it will show the course pursued by Mr, Gilmer'
and G >v. Schley, respectively on that occasion,
and the rebuke Mr. Sutherland gave Mr. G. for ■
the sentiments and language uttered by him.
From that report wo give the following ex
,F “RELATION'S WITH FRANCF.”
“ Mr. Gilmer would ask what was intended
by the introdaction of the resolutions! What
was promised or expected to result from them I;
These questions came home to every one, to i
the interest of the whole country. Besides,:
what power had that House to do so! That i
House had only legislative authority, and to i
pass these resolutions he contended would be;
transcending their constitutional limits of p.--,
Mr. G. referred to the consequent*-, il;i(1 effects .
of war upon tho interests of the country and i
the stability of its Institutions. H.* contended i
tint nothing had as yet been dune by the French
Government to justify such a course on our
part. So for as the treaty making power of'
that country was concerned, every thing had
been dono that could be done. Os whom di 1
wc complain ! Os the popular branch of the
French Government. We should bear in
mind that branch was new to France, nnd eve
ry one must perceive, who had read the debates
of the French Chamber, that there was a pre
vailing ignorance on the subject of these claims. :
They were apprehensive >hit the monarcltv i
ha.l gone too tar, and that there was a jealousy '
which existed between them. But should we,
the most popular Government on earth, be the '
first an 1 foremost to prevent the exercise of the '
popular branch of a nation just emerging from :
tho shackles of despotism. convinced
that if we went to war on account of this treaty,
hi the subject stood at present, public opinion
would be against it. He had no doubt whatev
er, that tha force of public opinion alone in
Europe would compel Franco to pay the in
demnity. War, it should be borne in mind,
w tuld put an end to it. Go to war, and the
in Ismniry would be at an end. He said TH AT
NEITHER NATIONAL HONOR OR
CHARACTER AYAS CONCERNED IN
THIS DISPUTE.
Mr. Schley said, he was somewhat astonish
ed to hear his H >n. colleague (Mr. Giltner)
and tho Hon. gentleman from Virginia (Mr.
Archer,) assert the doctrine that there was no
violation of the treaty on the part of France,
by tho refusal of the Chamber of Deputies to
m ike tho appropriation necessary to carry it
into effect on their part. O i what ground is
this opinion held ! On this : that the French
Ch imbers is a separate and independent branch
of that governmunt, in the same manner ih.it
th>s house is under our constitution. .Admit
this fact, and what follows ! Why, these honor
ablu gentlemen say, that tht tri at y is rot com
plttr. iT’tii hinting m the nation until all tht
departments of the Government hace ratified
st, and prodded for its final consummation ;
and therefore we have no cause of complaint
against France. Is this true, in regard either
to tho French Government or *>ur own! 1
presume not. What would be the ,*X>nwquence
•I sttrli a doctrine ? The Executive branch of
tno Government, to which is er,trusted the
treaty making power, would enter into a so
lurnn treaty with a foreign nation, but the
' nomber of Deputies in Fiance, nr this t.’otise
here, as tb®ca«e may be, would refuse to make
tm* appropriation necessary to carry it into ef
fect, and consequently the treaty would prove
in fact, to ho no treaty. The panics would
stand precisely where they stood before the tie
gvehtions were commenced, and in this wav n )
nation might forever avoid the payment of rim
n-.y du* for any cause to another nation. Sir
tnis be true. Tito proposition involves ‘
in itself a manifest contradiction. H ( i H . |? x .
• cutive braueh of the Government has the
powjsr to make a treaty, it follows, as a neces
sary csnsequeuce, that such treaty muMt |, e
binding and obligatory on the nation; and
therefore if another branch of the saute Go
vernment, holding by the constitution the purse
strings, shj*(l refuse to pay the money stipulated
by the tie.tty to be paid, such refusal isa viola
tion of the faith of the nation, and a breach of
the treaty. 1 admit the right of the Chambet’,
and <d tliis House to retuse tho appropriation
necessary to carry tin- treaty into effect; bin
Mn/oo it at their peril, and the nation injured
or insulted by the rf-fusttl, will have the perfect
right to demand and take satisfaction.
But ins principal object in rising to address
J the House was Io present to them at ice of tin
subject which had not been taken bv anv n
hleman that had spoken, lie would there foie
I proceed at once to u hat, in Ids ojunicn, uas tin
i main and tin- only tjaesiion whit It ought to be
. considered, and he would detain the House but
■a ft w minutes. His Hon. colleague (Air. Gil
mei) anil the honorable gentleman from A’irgi
nia, who addn-ssed tho House (Mr. Robertson)
had both emphatictilly asked the question,
what is the object oi this resolution, if it be
not to cm ite angry foi lings, and lead to a state
of hostilities!” Sit, said Mr. S., I will tell the
honorable gentleman what ti e object is. Eve
ry member on this floor who has read (he de- |
bates in the Ftench Chamber,at the time when I
the law to appropriate money to carry the I
treaty into full effect was rejected, knows that
the ground upon whii h the rejection was plac- j
cd, was that the promised indemnity was too
great, and that some twelve or thirteen millions j
of francs is all th it the French jicople ought in I
justice to pay. A pamjildet. containing these I
debates, nnd this reasoning, was furnished bv i
the Executive to every member, at the opening I
of the present Congress. We have been ini
session throe months, with a foil knowledge of]
nil these facts, and now, it we adjourn without I
opening out mouths on the subject, or derlaring I
our views ot the m uter, will not the conclusion
from such conduct be irresistible that we know
we have obtained by the treaty more than we
arc en.itled to? Will not the Freni h Cham
ber and people have a right to sav, that we
Kirnix that the ground taken bv them is true in
(mint oi fact, and that, therefore, we have not
denied it ! Is not this the fair and legitimate
conclusion from these premises ! And are gen
tlemen prepared to d>» an act_which max lead
to such consequences! Will they I e silent, by
refusing to pass this resolution, and by such si
lence, convey to the French nation and the
world, the idea that we claim more than in jus
tice nnd equity we are entitled to.
-Sir, if there be any gentleman on this, floor
it ho really believes that the treaty gives ujt
more than we are entitled to, let him sa’ so,
and let him vote against this resolution. But
no man in this House, or in this nation, holds
this opinion. On the contrary, every member
who ha - addressed the chair on either side of
the question, has declared his firm conviction
that the indemnity offered by tho treaty, is
much too small; that instead of twenty-five
millions of francs, it ought to be some sixty or
seventy millions. Those gentlemen who op
pose this resolution have declared in tho mino
rity report.and in their speeches, that our < lain)
under the treaty must not be abandoned. Why
then, are they unwilling to say so, bv adopting
the resolution on your table ! No reason has
been assigned, except that the resolution con
tains a menace ora threat. Not so, sir; there
is nothing of that character in the resolution
nothing that could insult an individual, or a
magnanimous people. No such thing is intend
ed, and the French people cannot so under
stand it.
We di ■sire not war. We have done nothing
to l< ad to such a result. This resolution has
no such bearing, and if the French Govern
ment shall choose to make war on us in conse
quence of its passage, let them do so, and take
the odium and tho conseijuotice. The civilized
world will not sanction, but decidedly condginn
such a course.
Tlfs is the first opportunity V,id< It this house
has ha I to express its opinion upon the conduct
ot the French Chambers in rejecting the ap
propriation. t:,iri upon the justice of our claims.
Then) is, in fact, no difference of opinion here,
in regard to either. Let os then say to the
French nation, that we know our cause ft , r _
just—that the indemnity provide-’ j. ..
tv, instead of being too • f’,- * , ' *
• ~ , , ” <e, is, in fact, too
small, and that w eXVill il)sis( () , _
non. 1
1 t ‘5 ~th erland said, the French derive about
.<it a million in their commetce ($200,000 on
their wines, and about §300,000 on their silks.)
on the strength of the treaty, and then tefuse to
fulfil their part of the contract. How could
France look us or the world in the face, with
gross injustice branded upon her fame? We
bad been told that we had nothing to do yvith
national honor! It was the first time be had
ever heard that strange doctrine promulgated.
He would tell the gentleman from Georgia,
(Mr. Gilmer) that thete was in this country a
strong and unconquerable spirit of national
pride; not, indeed, the spirit that created
crowned heads; butthat elevated policy which
would induce us projierly and promptly to meet
every emergency in which the honor of a coun
try or of an individual could be involved. The
people of this country would insist on the ful
filment of the treaty to the uttermost letter. It
was right that they should do so; for if it were
infracted with impunity, every puny govern
ment in christendom would turn up its nose
with scorn and contempt at onr system of pas
sivo obedience and non-resistance. He did
not believe there was a man in this country who
would go to war for the paltry sum of five mil
lions in contest—No, it was the honor and digni
ty of our national character ’.hat prompted the
patriotic feeling which pervaded the communi
ty. Much l.ad been said of the blood that was
to be shed in this contest. lie did nit heli, ve
that any blood was to be shed ; but if it was, it
yvould be better to meet the crisis like men,
than to crouch like slaves.
From Ute Washington Globe.
MORALITY OF MODERiN MONEY
DEALERS.
The liceiitioiisness of the partv which
has undertaken to fleece the country
through the abuse of their paper money
privilege, scorns all restraint, and even the
appearance of honesty is net thought *vorth
preserving in accofnplishing the policy of
Bmk power.—lining taken the grand
step ot setting the laws at delianct re
garding their charter as obligatory only so
far as securing their privileges, and not of
the slightest force in exacting the corres
ponding duties—all minor violations ol
private or public, right to advance their
main object, are considered matters of
course.
The following article, from the Philath I
jthia Ledger, exjtoses the manner in which
Mr. Biddle’s Bank is defrauding the peo
jde who have demands on it. For the pur
pose of evading the law which n quires
the Bank to pay specie on its own notes,
it is now using the notes ofthe old Bank, in
taking in its new notes by substituting the
<»l<i, a.id paying all demands upon it in the
old notes.
In this way, too, it is preparing to pay
the bonds to the Government. We have
beard, and the fact stated below goes to
confirm the statement, that Mr. Biddle is
buying in the warrants of the Government
with the old Bank paper. These warrants
"i I Ire tendered in pay incut of the Gov
ernment stock, for which Mr. Biddle has
••xeented the bonds of the new Bank. The
warrants will undoubtedly be a good ten-
de ; but ii wii| be observed, that Mr. Biu
ille actun’ly charges the stock of the Gov
nieut with the new debt, while pretending
to pay it hack to the Govi rnnient ns niiin
entnbered capital. Mr. Biddle, while pn
i tug oil the Government stock out of means
! bought hy the old Bank notes, in fact,
] pays it by selling the stock.—The cnpitttl,
jiieiixed back by the Government as n
j tockhohli r, is still bottnd for the notes of’
j lite old Bank in the hands es the holders;
.so Mr. Biddle, hy issuing the old notes to
j'ditaiii mi tins fwr paying his bonds to the
' Gov < i tin.i nt, is shindy ruiitiine the Govern
ment in debt <in the credit of its stock, on
wliii h the old Bank notes are a lien, ami
pays oil' his own th lit to bis erediti r l>y ni.t
kiiit! that creditor (the Governineiit):i(|el>t
;or to those to w hom he tran-fi rs the old
j Bank mites. This is, in truth, a contri
j vnitce, by which the Government is made
; to raise money to pay the demands it lias
I against Mr. Biddle’s new Bank—a trick
■ through which, in effect, lie rolls the Treas
! ury, w hile pretending to pay a debt to it.
' AVe think, that the Solicitor of the Tretis-
[ ury ought to take some step, by injuuetion
or otherwise, to surest this fraiii. The
courts, tn- know, have Heretofore signal
ized themselves l>v their devotion to Mr.
Bid- le and his B mks Imt -till there mb.ln
exist, even in st I’l ’lad; Iphia Judge, ssiffi
ctent respect lor public opinion, to prevent
the glaring subserviency which would be
manifested in lt-ndi -g ;» jttdicml sanction to
so gross an outrage, sis is practised by Mr.
Biddle in the case referred to;
“UNITED STATES’ BANK.—It has
bet n suggested, that the U. S. Bank would
not refuse to issue th*-ir own not. sin pay
ment of checks. To put this questio i at
rest, we now state the following facts: Mr.
John Fagan, of this city presented a check
yesterday at the U. S. Bank, for 524 32.
The Ti ller offered notes of the old Na
tional Bank. ’l’lte payee relt'ised them, !
and required notes of the U S. Bank. '
I he Teller, after consulting with another I
ofiieer, probably the Cashier, refused to;
pay the chcik in any other thin the notes!
of the oldNational Bank, and Mr. F. put]
his cheek in his pocket, and lef' the B ink. |
AV e caution all persons against receiving i
(he notes of the old National Bank, by I
whomsoever offered. AV<- know, that ma
ny minions of the U. S. Bink, debtors to
laborers who cannot afford to wait fortheir
money, give them the alternative of the old
National Bank or nothing. Such miscre-!
ants ri< lily deserve punishment as oppress-I
ors, and should be held up, individually, to j
the reproach of every honest man. In J
such cases, we can devise no remedy for the I
debtor, excepting a demand of good mo
ney, nnd a suit fir the non-payment of it.
These old notes are not good money in atty
sense of the word. The issue of them is
absolutely fraudulent, and those 'capable of
the f und of issuing them, are capable of
r. fusing to redeem the-u, eXf epdng mt com
pulsion. The public may judge whether
any other Coe..ideration than compulsion
will lei.d io their redemption, when it cort-
Sl ‘! rs that the longer the B ink can keeji ■
thi ni out, the more it gains. The inode - 1
of compnl-ion are various and co>;..| (| p
both civil and criminal processes,”
!i ' .savannah Georgian.
Bfl * ' ’“'dowiug ftoin Mr. James S.
• n, the gentleman who was judicially
.obbed ol bis property in Connecticut, we
cite to the public. We are glad Mr. B.
has determined to maintain his rights by
presetitiim-them to the tribunal in tlie'last
resort. We .-.re happy to jierceive that the
feelitb'sol the commit, ity w here this viola
tion ol law and the riuhts of property took
pl we, are in favor of sustaining our consti
tutional tights.
Hartford. 7tb Anjust, 1337.
I<> the I J I i tor of the Georgian.
SIR :—I have noticed y our renrirks upon
the deci-ion of my Skive Case before the
(otii t<4 Appeals in Connei tii iit, and you
are right in saving it isa doty I owe to the
S mil to carry it up to the highest Judicial
1 ribiinaL It Las I < cti fori <<! ti| <>n mi- mid
I " til do all that is proper to be done.
I do not believe a gentleman in this city
bad any hand in enticing mv servant to
leave me. It was some of the colored
Jieople, with a Mr. E. B. Taylor, an agent
of the Nmv York Anti-Slavery Society.
Had I have been surrounded by frietids in
Savannah, I could not have exjierieneed
more good fi-elittg towards me, and indig
nation expressed at the whole course of
|>r<ieeilttre, than was mnnifosted by the cit
izens here. The mo. t respectable and in
lim ntial of all parti s.
It would be improper tn mention names,
(I shall never fin get them) but many of tin
citizens o| influence and propi rtv tendert d
me their names a* surety if required and
any oth r service! In truth, mulling but a
sense <>( what is due to good order and law
prevented the leaders being furnished wit'.
a coat ot tar ami feathers ! St flic it to
*ay , in proof of the good feeling lu re and
opposition to these Aludiiioiiists, E. B. Ty
ler in giving his account of the result of
the case in their paper, *• The Emancipa
tor,” printed in New York, animadvert.*
freely upon the citizens for their conduct
di-played towards me. J have the best le
gal advisers in the State, both empl iyed of
counsel and volunteers. Connecticut is by
no means an Abolition State at this time,
the views of her lending men are adverse to
those of the Ami-Slavery Society, and say
it is a matter left altogether to the Slave
States to regulate. All her members ol
Congress are Anti-Abo.itionists ; her Gov
ernor as mttcliso as the Govern--,,. ( ,f
Southern State, at,, J . lie "lakes no secret of
hi* ojiiiijo;;, j an<l if I mistake not, some of
her judicious, talented and gospi I men,
(ami she has not a few) will soon come om
and take a stand against and arrest them
venu nts of the reck’ess immediate Eman
cpationists. Connecticut has on more than
one occasion throw it herself in the breai b
on great and perilous occasions, ami I have
no doubt on this exciting and difficult sub
ject, will signalize herself again.
Smne of our laws relating to this subject
-liottld be repealed and amended, and 1
shall endeavor the ensuing Legislature to
have the stthj' ct brought up. Il may not
be improper in this place to expose some of
the vilest of these immediate Etnancipa
tors, these would he Philanthropists ofthe
colored race—These met), whom, from
tlu ir speeches and letters pnldisheil, seem to
wi-h to die Martyrs and theteby get a name
ST AN IHIIH OF UNION
i v 'v' ! | " ll “ ’■•■’•'•‘les ill Troy,
V Yotk. who fattened at d grew rich in
j Gemma, and W | H , so | ( j lh( , s) . n( , s
and put the nonev in his pocket, is now
I Uiimhjre on this subject. Another in
ciinsy K ania, a nierchant in a country
low It. y, hose father sold out his slave pto
ipet'vin Liberty ronntv to my family, a
l»«niion of yyhi,.|, | iohm-ited, and he from
i hiihcr po: lion of proceeds, ::nd from
■ "htcli is now .supporting Am- family , had
I such humane am) brotherly love fo‘r these
j poor, ignorant people, that hesaid lie look
‘ < upon me ns a sinner <iml th it 1 <mgln
itnwetliatily to liberate them ! He did not
jnopi.se to refund the money. How dean
these hands! Uoyv pure these hearts! judge
I he seasons have been very propitious
in this region. Tie grain ami gras- crops
•diuudant. Many of the o|ieratives in F:tc
’“i'i s were disrharged in lime to go on
I'arms, and the cctintty yvill bp benelitted
by an abundance of the staff of life. N- t
"ithstanding the pressure of the times, tin
inhabitants of this city have raised bv sub
scription upwards of s!,t’OO 00! for the
fiTeign .Missionary cause. I send von
ncr»-yyith the Inst annual report of the
IL-as and Dumb Asylum. Those from our
State .are educated here.
JAMES S. BULLOCH.
Ji hick is t truth.— bite Gen. Jack
son was Bi<-iiient, he yy as charged bv the
VV; igs with being a mere tool of Mr. Van
Buren, a magician, who behind the curtain,
pulled the yvire w hich moved the machine
ry of State. AO//1 that Mr. Van Buren the
magi.ian is Pre-ideut, the Wt i-sdeno-mci
hint ns the tool and servile imitaior ofGen.
Jai kson ! which ot’ these assertions are
true ? Are they not equally false.”
•ST 17’7; 111 GUTS and UNITED STATES
I; 1 r; riTw
of Mouton.
“- he friends oj lhe Union are our friends,and its
enemies, 'ur enemies."
TUF-SOAV .lIOit.WiNG, AUGUST 2».
Umu.n Candidate for Govek.nok.
WILLIAM SUBLET.
UNION AND AXTI-GILMER TICKET,
FOR THE COUNTY OF DEKALB.
FOR SENATE.
JONATHAN B. WILSON, Esq.
FOR lIEPtIESKNTATIVES.
JAMES LEMON,
JOHN L. EVANS. Esq.
MERHE Hi COLLIER. Esq.
iff I 'l'hnse who are. opposed to the United
States Eank—to Shin Plasters—to Daniel
iVebstcr, the Ultra Federalist and .dbrlfionlst
—to the Compromise. Tariff and to the disolu
tion of the Union will vote for the Union candi
date SC II LEY.
Those who arc in favor of an Indian's
swearing away the lines and property of a
white man. will vote for the Null fiers can
didate, GILMEtt!
CHAPTER HL’
“It is due to CUR INDIAN PF.O
PLE, that that provision of the law of eigh
teen Imndrcd .mil twenty nil e. should be
REPEALED. W h • < h P rV ent > IN DIA NS,
and th- de-ceml ml-, ol I mliniis.lrmn being
< ompetent WITNESSES in the •omts of
the State, in ea-es where a WHITE MAN
•s a jinrtv. The j-resent Inv exposes them,
toCRE ATOPPRESSION, whil-t it- r. -
jietil would probatily ii jure no one.” See
Journal of the Senate, for 1830, page 14.
am! Journal of tin- House of Representatty es
of the same year, page 15.
CHAPTER IV.
From Governor Gilmer's M< ssage, Nov. 1831.
“ Ujton no sill j, ct lias ihi’ie bent more
tnisifpresiHint!• n. than in relaiimi to tht
goy er: tn-mt of the ( IIEP. OK EES, ami
the civil-z.itiim of the jieople of that tribe.
Upon examination, it will he f-uml. that
Hi-- abori'jiiia! people are as IGNORANT,
THOUGHTLESS and IMPRUDENT
as formerly, w ith( lit anv of the spirit and
ciiirai'ler which diitiuguislted them when
war was their emiilcvnient, and their sup
port derived from the fore-t.”
And these are the jmojtle Mr. Gilni'-r
would make yvititesses, to >"• ar away the
lives and propeily of white num.
POSTAGE?
We have been taxed lately yvith the Postage
of a number of cormnunications, and as it is a
violation of a role from which we cannot
swerve, ii must account lot the reason yvhv they
are not published in our paper.
The item of Postage is a heavy one in the
list of our exjteiiditmes—and as we have often
said—we uoyv 1 epeat, that all communications
to us must be pest |>a:d.
A CHAPTER FROM A NEW BOOK.
W e have intended ail along, to offer a few- re
marks upon a dinner speech delivered by Mr.
Giltner in this place, in November, 1831,short
ly after the people had declared their prefer
ence for Governor Lumpkin -. at such time as
Suit our convenience.
That time has now come, and yvv proceed to
present a lew ext 1 acts ftozn that singular pro
duction, and to offer such comments as may sug
gest themselves to our mind.
W e pa«s over bis exordium, with the single
remark, that like most others from distinguished
individuals, it contains the common place ex
jiression 01 tlttmks and acknowl dgements for
the honor conferred, and the great embarrass
ment under which he laboured in giving utter
ance to his feelings; embellished yvith the show
of disinterested patriotism, devotion to the pub
lic interests, and the total disregard which he
entertained for tin- honors attendant upon pub
lic station. And yet he says “my ambition is
perhajis as ardi-n as others.” We should think
so from the fact, that for many years past, he
lias either enjoyed, or been a candidate for,
some high public station. *
He comes next “to a brief vindication of the
course ol policy” which lie had pursued in ad
ministering the Executive Department,” in
tvlticll he says,
“In nty Inaugural Address, T stated to my
fellow citizens, that I considen-d mvself the
Cbief M igistrate of the STATE, and not of a
PARTY.
] I'or this expression I have received tmmeas-
I tired abuse.
It i-known familiarly to all of you, that tin
heated party strife yvhieh had arrived at its acme
in 1825, had for some yeats gradually subsided,
.is the measures of Governor I'ronp, in defence
of jhe rights of the State, proved successful.
1 he leader of the ojiposition J)arty had re
moved from the State.— I had received a lar<m
majority of the votes of that jiarly.”
It is true that Mr. Gilmet did declare, in his
Inaugural address, that ho considered himself
“ the Chief Magistrate of the STATE, and not
of a PAR ) 1 and it is equally true, that the
jiatiy from who.-.e ranks he had received two
thirds of the votes which brought him into of
fice, did expect, and Lad a right to exj ecl, a
faith id redemption of this promt.eat his hands.
How far it was fulfilled, let the record of his
Executive fqipo.nlmetits speak.
We profess to know something of Mr. Gil
mer’s administration, as well as the means re
sorted to, to obtain Ins election, and we know
that lie obtained the support of the Clark par
ty from a belief ott their part, ti'at lie would be
the Chief Magistrate of the -STATE, and not
ol a PARTY, and we are equally confident
that they yvere led to that conclusion bv the
assurances ol Mr. Gilmer’s own ft tends, after
wards ratified and sanctified by himself in his
Inaugural Address.
It was therefoie taken for granted as soon as
the address was delivered, that Governor Gil
mer would recognize no distinction of parties
in thffdistribution of Executive patronage, and
the general administration of the Government.
That Troup mon and Clark men would meet
precisely upon the same fooling, and that tinder
bis dispensation, the only question would be,
“is he capable, is he holiest!”
Bui the high gratification which was felt and
expressed by a large portion of his constituents
at the very liberal sentiments contained in his |
address, was evanescent as the meteor that flits ’
along the sky.
No sooner was he foilly seated in office, than I
exclusion became the order of the day, and out
of the eighteen thousand Ci.irk men, bv whose
votes lie was so triumjihantly elected, this mag
nanimous Chief Magistrate, this GOVERNOR
of the STATE and not of a PARTY, could ■
not rind a single individual yvorthy to be trusted !
yvith an office of honor and emolument; or ii
the records may peradventure shew a solitary
departure or tw», from the rule of proscription
so steadily pursued by him in the disposal of ap
pointments of tn/erzer grar/c, tliey will be found
“like angel’s visits, few, and far between.”
“For this expression” Mr. Gilmer continues,
“I have received unmeasured abuse.”
Not sp Mr. Gilmer. It was not for the “cz
pression," that you have follen under the pub
lic reprehension, but because you made “the
jiromise to tlie ear, and broke it to the sense;”
..ecause your solemn pledge, publicly made in
the face of the country, was never redeemed.
Had the rule laid down in the address been
carried out in good faith, and the Clark jiartv
permitted to enjoy an equitable portion of Ex
ecutive confidence and jiatronage, theie would
have been none leftto complain, and yon would
have escaped the just animadversion which you
yvere pleased to construe into “unmeasured
abuse.”
To the sentence of the address which follows,
we beg h ave to invite the particular attention
’of onr readers. He says, “1 then hoped that
the time hid then arrived, "lien divisions
among the jieojtle, arising from the quarrels and
conflicting ambition of individuals, wliiih had
so long disgraced the State, might he healed,
and parties fmmed uj)on princijiles alone.”
We hale asked our readers to pause at this
paragraph; and we have done so to shew them,
first, the self < omplacency, not to say the ego
tism, of Mr. Gilmer, and secondly to point out
the contemjtt which it yvonld cast ttjion the
1 characters of several ilhis'riotis m°n, who had
I hefere him. “I then hoped” say s Mr.
1 Gilmer, “lliat the <tmc had arrived, when di
| visions among the jieojiie arising from
j rels and conflicting ambition of individuals,
■ which had so Lang disgraced the Slate, might
bi-lieab d, and patties formed upon principles
alone.”
Will Mr. Gilmer inform the puhl c, yvhen it
was, that tl e political divisions among the peo
ple of Georgia, were founded npor the "quar
rels and conflicting ambition of i» iiridit dsl"
Vv’dl '.l teli us yvj.o were the individi ids, whose
qua ■■reds i\n<] conflicts had produced so muih
d ivision and discord among the peop'c! Freni
the particular ju-riod to vihirh Le nf. rs, (ti e
s rife <>f 1825.) Trou|t and Clark must he flip
individuals to yil eml e alludes, whose ‘quarrels
anil conflicting ambition had so ioug disgraced
' the Slate.” The language will bear no other
: construction, according to our knowledge of
' plain English.
j Will Mr. Gilmer “and his friends,” stand uji
jin the face of the country, and declate that
the contest between Col. Trouj» and Guneral
] Clark, grew out of the "cenflictivg ambition"
jof those two "individuals I" If they yvi*’, Mr.
Gilmer will al once h u placed in a most unen
t viable positi'./,',; [ ()r it i s well known, that feyv
tnett sujiported Col. Troup with more zeal than
he did, or yvho professed to place a higher value
upon the principles of the Troup party.
If out recollection has not failed, the contest
between Col. Troup and Gen. Clark, for the
office of Governor, commenced in 1819, from
which time the political patties in this State,
assumed the names of their leaders, and were
| known and designated as the Troup and Clark
I parties, until the events of 1831-2 divided the
I country under the banners of Union and Nel
-1 lification, and which pet iod must embrace the
existence of “the heated party strife" of which
Mr.Gilmer speaks; and can apply to no other
individuals, whose "conflicting ambition had s<
long disgraced the State," than those distin
guished citizens; nor can we doubt his applica
tion of the stigma implied in this part of his
speech, when he tells us that he “then liojiei
that divisions among the people, <fcc. might tie
healed, and parties formed upon principle
alone."
Well, Mr. Gilmer yvas elected in 1829, and
"hat divisions did he heal, what party did he
oral, and what new principles did he introduce!
His late at the end of two years, coupled with
the acts of his administration, will, ansyver.
We have heretofore <xj)iessed the ojiitiion,
that Mr. Gilmer had done more to break dotvn
•md destroy the jiower and influence of the
I roup party, than any man in Georgia, and
''is own admissions jirove it. He tells its that
it yvas his object to form jiarties ujion principle
alone, which jtroves conclusively that he was
dissatisfied with them as they stood at the time
when he became a candidate for the Chief Ma
gistracy of the State ; yvhieh in the absence of
all other evidence, is shown from the fact of his
making himself a candidate against a ntan of his
own party in 1829.
But bow did he succeed in his boasted work
of regeneration ! lie yvas elected, it is true,
'•ragged through an unpopular administration
ol two years, and yvas then put down bv the
public voice, leaving bis original party a perfect
wreck.
But to the speech.—He tells us, “As one
moans oi effecting this object, I have endeav
oted to fill al] the offices in the gift of the Ex
ecutive, yvith sitcn persons as yvere supposed to
b”best qualified to discharge their duties, with
out regard to party distinctions.” Now if such
was the motive which governed Mr. Gilmer iti
his appointments to office, it only proves that
out of eighteen thousand citizens, bv whose
support he came into power, he could scarcely
find one whom he “ supposed” yvorthy a post
“ of honor and of trust.”
The truth is, that in the very face of his In
augural Address, no man lias been more strictly
a party Governor, and no administration has
been more governed by party influence than
that of Mr. Gilmer.
If proof is wanting to sustain this assertion,
we jioint our readers to his second contest for
the Executive chair, in which he threw himself
upon the Troup party alone.
But he hoped to form neyv parties. How did
tc succeed, and what yvas there in all bis admin
istration, in principles or measures, sujierior to
his predecessors ! He also expressed the hope
that lie might redeem lite State from the dis
grace whii It she had suffered from the. "conflic
ting ambition of individuals," but he has pro
ved himself a feeble agent in the work of in
novation : and satisfied thousands of his fellow-,
citizens, that his capai ity for pulling down and
destroying parties, is infinitely greater than his
qualifications for building them up.
\V e |>ass over a portion of the speech in
which Mr. Gilmer very modestly, but hand
somely compliments himself for the manner in
which he had endeavored to discharge his pub
lic di.ties, and to be “ the Governor of the State,
and not of a party," which brings us to the
follow ing passage;
“ Too nvwy unworthy persons liad continual
ly profited by the violence of the contest for
party supremacy to be disposed to respect a
rule which excluded them from the rewards tc
yvhieh they had been accustomed, for their suc
cessful supjiort of candidates for office.”
If this sentence, so emjihatically pronounced
upon his predecessors, be true, then the admin
istrations yvhic.i preceded Mr. Gilmer, must
have been foul and polluted; but we join issue
with him iqion the fact, and challenge a compar
ison of the men who enjoyed Executive pa
tronage for years before he cante into office,
with those of his own selection. But he goes'
yet farther.—He tells us, “ numerous applica
tions were made to mo for rewards for such ser- j
vice, upon nty entering into office. -All have'
been disappointed. I have sought for public
officers among those only, who were known to
be yvorthy of confi lence: I have cons dered
the. claims of all applicants lessened by the act
of asfciiig."
Was ever Chief Magistrate so harrassed and
perplexed with the applicaliotis of so ‘many
unworthy persons ?” It was almost enough to
counterbalance the honors of office.
Under the operation of the principle here
laid down, no m in was safe from the suspicion of i
\unionrthiness yvho asked Mr. Gilmer for an ap- |
P'i:’rment,and it may be well conjectured, that I
tmiuv who haJ previously stood well with hint,
were soon degraded in liis estimation, after he
came into office, "by the act of asking."
| This is the first time that the act of becoming
an applicant or candidate for office, in this free !
: republic, has been pronounced a degradation, ]
or our f( How c tizeus reviled for the exercise of.
i a right, secured to them by the blood of their
fathers. But Mr. Gilmer was not only in favor ’
of forming new jiarties, but of establishing new I
! rules and regulations theretofore unknown to
; the people.' Previous to his election, it bad;
t been the custom of our best and yvisest Chief
: Magistrates, to receive the applications of their ;
'constituents set Executive aj>pointments and to |
; treat them with becoming respect ; nor was it
j ever considered by them, that the peisons who
i made them, were “ lessened by the act."
Let its suppose, for the sake of the argument,
j (lor the thing itself " ill not happen) that Mr.
j Gilmer should be elected on the first Monday in
i October, and on being instalii d into office, he
| sin old carry out his own doctrine, by p issing
[aft Executive order that the act of asking him
for atty ajipointment would lessen the applicant
in his estimation, and cause it lobe published
for the benefit of bis constituents ; what wowM
be the consequence ? One universal htt st of
indignation—and yvould that make the matter
any worse, than the publication of the same
'sentiment, after he had gone out of office !
This adds another heavy item to the many he
terodox opinions v. Inch he has from time Ii
time expressed, and conclusively shews, tin
contempt with yvhieh he views the great mass
if his fellow citizens.
Is Mr. Gilmer “ lessened" in the public es
timation, by “ asking" for the office of Gover
nor.
To those yvho have read Judge Berrien’s Ad-
Itess to the Nullifiers Convention in May last,
ind who have marked the vindictive spirit it
which be denounced the late administration oft hi
General Government, we beg leave to presen
bv yvay of contrast, the opinion which he en
ertained of General Jackson, his princijile:
ind measures in 1831, and that too after lu
had been dismissed from the cabinet of that dis
t inguished patriot.
At a dinner given to Mr. Gilmer in this place
in November, 1831, Judge Berrien made a
speech, in which he paid the following meri
ted compliment to the character of General
Jackson.
“ On a question of public policy, deeply in-
I tori s'ing to us as a people, he has been and is
j the. friend of GEORGIA. His conduct on that
occasion, entitled him to the GRATITUDE
of her PEOPLE. It commanded and still
commanils mine. Ido not know myself, if I
would not be more anxious to .render it now,
than when connected with him,in the official re
lation which heretofore united us.
“fl is efforts to maintain the J UST RIGHTS
of the STATES—to repress the undue exer
tion ol Federal power—the policy in relation
to foreign nations which asks nothing more than
justice—which will consent to receive nothing
less—and that internal policy yvhieh exercises
a salutary vigilance over the expenditure of
the government—these measures of his admin
istration have heretofore received and will
continue to receive my cordial concurrence.”
If Judge Berrien bad been continued in Gen
era! Jackson’s Cabinet to the end of his Presi
dential career, dnes any man believe that tho
sentiments contained in his Convention speech,
would ever have been uttered—but in com
mon parlance, “ circumstances alters cases.”
Since the Governor was charged by an oppo
sition print yvith being opposed to loaning the
surjilus revenue to the people, we have turned
to his Message, from which we make the follow
ing quotation, which contains the most une
quivocal contradiction of this groundless accu
sation.
“ The amount to be received by Georgia,
will probably he one million of dollars. This
sum, at a moderate interest, will yield an in
come yvhieh, added to the other revenue of the
State, will be sufficient to support the Govern
ment. I would, therefore, respectfully recom
mend, that the fund be so disposed of, as to
make it by loan, on good security, available
when required, to redeem out pledge, andptof
itable whilst it remains on de_<osite.”
The money was by the Legislature, ordered
to be loaned out, in accordance with the Gov
ernor’s recommendation ; the Central Bank
was made the agent to carry out the measure,
and the people are now reaping the benefits re
sulting from his policy. Within the past week,
upwards of $lO ,000 has been distributed.
I here appeared in the Columbus Enquirer
a week or ten days since, a senseless dialogue,
wr’tten no doubt by some green-horn, who
imagined, like most young authors, that its ap
pearance in print, yvonld not only annihilate
those against yvhom it was directed, but that it
yvonld “knock him up to a glotious immortali
ty.”
But entertaining some misgivings, a cir
culation short of yvhat could be afforded by the
columns of the Federal Union, the Constitu
tionalist, and Standard of Union would not be
commensurate with :ts merits,those papers have
been requested to give it an insertion, and the
Editors of the Enquirer have pledged themselves
tor the charge of such publication; which is
likely to prove, so for as we are concerned, tho
most valuable article which has ever appeared
in that print.
If the author will continue to write, we will
continue to print, provided nevertheless, he
chalks u|» as lie goes.
A VOICE FROM THE WEST.
“ Dear Sir—l have the strongest confidence
in the approaching elections, and feel certain
that yve shall triumph. Gilmer cannot succeed,
and the Legislature yvill be OURS.
You need not be apprehensive for the CHE
ROKEE CIRCUIT. She will be found, as
in times past, true to her principles.
Then, “a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull
altogether,” and the victory is ours.
Sincerely your friend.
DeKalb County, Aug. 20.
The following letter from an intelligent
friend, is not only gratifying to our best feelings
and principles, but comes as an earnest of tho
unanimity and devotion with which the Union
party will rally in the approaching contest.
Our opponents have based their hopes upon
our dissensions, and not upon their own strength.
They will find themselves greatly deceived,
when we meet them at the polls.
Augusta, Vug. 25, 1837.
Dear Sir---Richmond County is herself
again. Having eschewed all compromises, yve
have out a full Union ticket, which you will
see announced in to-day’s Constitutionalist,
and which we are confident will be elected.
Our opponents, presuming on their success last
year, under tiie compromise, have now brought
i out a full ticket, but 01:1 Union friends are
wide awake, and Gen. Glasscock is going heart
Sand hand fur the whole Union Ticket, and is
; making every exertion which he can, before he
1 is compelled to leave for Washington; and by
I his energy, and that of the rest of our friends,
, yve will present at the polls, an undivided pha
] lanx, which will tell at. the counting out that
Richmond is redeemed. The opposition thought
they had bit upon their swiftest nag for the Sen
ate, but you v. i'l see that the old gable end of
Virginia will distance him.
Yours Respectfully.
Aeto Cotton.—Several sample bales of tho
new crop of cotton have reached Augusta. Ono
from the plantation of Turner Clanton, Esq. of
Columbia, and one from that of Maj. Ttviggs,
i of Richmond county, commanded 12j cents
per lb. A bale of superior ijnality, grown by
J. W. Wightman, Esq. of Ridgefield District,
was isposed of at 13 cents.
From England.— Liverpool dates :o the Bth
of July, have been received, byway of New
York. Great preparations yvere making for
lie funeral of the late King, which yvas to take
place on the day of our last advices. The cof
fin in which lie yvas to be interred had been
exhibit! d at the house of the undertaker, and
was said to have been visited by upwards of
-0,000 persons.
The young Queen, it is related, contemplates
•emoving nearly all the higher members of tho
royal household, and supplying their places by
rther appointments.
The Cholera had burst forth at Benevento,
Italy, with great violence. The accounts from
Naples give alarming details, affirming that the
daily mortality had been for some time 200.
It raged severely among the upper classes.
Cy 5 ’ The Manhattan Bank of New York, is
•aid by the papers, to have resumed specie
layment in part. It pays five dollar notes, and
lalf of ten dollar notes, in specie.