Newspaper Page Text
line, iii the true spirit of detraction for
/wiiicli they arc so capable, invented and
jciS’vidaled this calumny against Mr. Gilmer,
rjnwc the purpose of withdraw iug froth his
•ppport that portion of the Vbriimunity who
a deep interest in this great work.
Wiiile we d-precate the object of those who
would connect such an important State ■
wprk with politics and thereby certainly
defeat its success, we feel it a duty incum
bent ou rts to disabuse Mr. Gilmer of such .
elwrge by giving a /LZ contradiction, \
to warn our citizens against its influen-i
As a set-off to the above, we copy from
the Macon Telegraph a portion of a late
JKditorial.article in that paper, to which is i
r Appended an extract from Mr. Gilmer’s;
of 1830. The Telegraph says:
“IfGovernor Gilmer ever did any thing;
4n favor of Rail Road , or ever recoin !
ynended-a system of Internal Improvements
the Legislature, we hive forgotten it.
Wehavy no recollection of his ever being [
considered an Internal Improvement hian, ,
JKfin the modern sense of the word.
Jr we do recollect his being in favor of
th(®hin<ms policy of working on the Roads
Rivers by hands belonging to the State,
after the old fashion, and recommending, it
as the iJEST lha| could be adopted.
In his famous Message of 1830, Gov.
Gilmer says: “Expensive canals, turnpikes,
and RAIL ROADS can be successfully
made ONLY in counties whose produc-1
tions are great in quantity, heavy and far ,
removed from their markets. Cotton may J
he considered the sole staple of the interi
or and upp< r part of this Slate—.its value
is «o great, in proportion to its weight, and
the cost of its conveyance, even from those
parts of the State most remote fr<»m its mar
ket, SO SMALL, that NO SUFFICIENT
INDUCEMENT exists for the expendi-l
ture of a larce sum for adding to the trans
portation. The principal rivers pass so far
into the interior, and so equi-distant from;
each other, that but a small proportion of i
the produce of the State can be made to!
pass over any one road or canal. These
circumstances, which thus render it INEX- ■
PEDIENT to make any expensive IN
TERNALIMPROVEMENT, instead of
being a source of complaint, only prove .
the great superiority of our staple commo-;
dity over most othejs.”
Mr. Gilmer assures the Legislature that!
it is "inexpedient to make any expensive j
internal improvement'," but the Recorder ■
and Whig inform their readers that he is the
fast friend of such improvements. Which
shall we believe, Mr. Gilmer or his advo-;
cates? A question of veracity exists be
tween them, which, if convenient to all par
ties, we would like to see adjusted. It may
he thought hard that any individual should
not be allowed to express his opinions in
his own vyords; and particularly when 'that
individual is a candidate for a high office,
it seems unkind in his friends, to tell him;
that he dogs not believe what he himself
says; but as internal improvements are now
growing popular, it is prqtyably deemed of
more importance to prove Mr. Gilmer to be
tlieir friend, than it is to preserve his vera
city unquestioned.
The Recorder warns its friends against
Meh “ridiculous rumors,” which *it says
will doubtlees be “innumerable” before the
election. We would ask that print if it
considers extracts from its candidate’s mes
sage to be “ridiculous?” If so, we have
not a word .o urge in opposition. Many
more “ridiculoirs rumors,” or passages,
have already been discovered in that gen- 1
man’s messages, and they may even prove
to be “innutberable,” for as yet they are
far from being exhausted. But it seems
strange to us, that in urging a man’s claims
for office, one of the arguments should be
that his opinions are precisely contrary to
what he declares them to be.
As this contradiction between Mr. Gil-1
mer and his friends may possibly produce
some doubt in the public mind as to what
are his real views—as Governor Schley is
known to be an ardent and untirincr promo
ter of such works—nhd as the people of
Georgia have a deep interest in their suc
cess, we would respectfully suggest that it
would be safer to re-elect our present Chief
Magistrate. We hope on the 2d of next
month, to see our suggestion adopted, and
William Schley, the internal improvement
candidate, elected by a triumphant majority.
Fromthe Federal Union.
Messrs Editors— Permit me tbrugh vonr
columns, to address a few lines to the Edi
tors of the Recorder.
Messrs Editors of the Recorder :
In your paper of the 22d ult yon‘in
troduced a quotation from the letters of Ju
nius. “ Det me exhort and conjure yon
never to suffer an invasion of your politi
cal constitution, however minute the in
stance may appear, to pass by without a
determined persevering resistance.”
The doctrine thus Advanced by Junius,
tl»e Union party have perseveringly sus
tained, and the happy consequences arc
known throughout this State. Nullification
and all its concomitant curses ’have been
overwhelmed, jnd prosperity and peace
reign throughout our ranks. The Union
party have nailed their flag to the mast and
resolved never to give np the ship to be
directed by the political dogmas of Cal
noun and his sickly stars, Whigism, Aboli
tionism, Blueligbtistn, and if you please
Gilwemm.
Your object in the quotation from Junius
was to aim a philipic against our worthy
Governor, and to incite the nullies to move
if possible Heaven, earth and hefl in rally
ing all ends and parties to the polls at the
next election in support of Mr. Gilmer,
who you kn->w was twice weighed in the
balance and found wanting. Much gen
tlemen as you appear opposed to the doc
trine of Junius, advanced by yourselves,
for in the same paper yon declare your
selves opposed to answering charges against
Mr. Gilmer, “one hundred limes told.”
We are disposed to reiterate facts and char
ties against him, which the good people of
Georgia will answer at the polls, by keep
ing him in private life with those who sus
tain him. And as we wish the people cor
rectly informed of Mr. Gilmer’s past po
litical career, F'e address to you a few in
l rrogatories, and hope you will be so obli
ging as to give your answers and reasons
for them, to the questions proposed.
Interrogatory Ist. Was not Governor
Gilmer eltrcted by the Clark party, over
Maj. Joel Crawford, and think you that
the friends of Maj. Crawford will at the
ensuing election support Mr. Gilmer, know
ing too that he was the in-trument of divi
ding the nullifying ranks ?
Did Mr. Gilmer recommend the sale of
the gold lots, in preference to their distri
bution by lottery ? if his policy had been
pursued would it have accorded with your
xiexvs of justice to the community nt
large?
Do you conceive that Mr. Gilmer’s re
commendation of the ignorant savages ol
the Cherokee and Creek tribes, to be per
mitted to testify against the fine white men
of Georgia, was correct ? What do you
think of the propriety of Mr. Gilmer’s ad
vocating the po'icy of exhonorating the
sons of the affluent at Colleges from drafts,
and the perform ince of militia service tit;.!
the calling upon those from the ranks of
the poor, by heavy drafts to go in defence
of their country ?
As your candidate for Governor Mr.
Gilmer was in favor of granting reserves in
fee simple to the'lndians, thereby enabling
them to settle down among the white
inhabitants, do you suppose it was to tex
tile experiment in Georgia which was re
commended by a former Secretary of the
Treasury. “ That the Only mode to civil
ize the Indians was by amalgamation and
intermarriage between the whites and Indi
ans ?” Do you believe the genuine nul
lifying friends of Henry G. Lamar, and
Thomas Butler King, will support Mr.
Gilmer, a man who they know has been in
politics, placed like the old parson, having
one end of a rope thrown over his barn and
suspended by xveighjs at the other, and was
left hanging as he was, until let down by
the help of one, a solitary majority of one
vote in the ignis fatnus convention held in
Milledgeville last May.
Do you have the credulity to believe, or
the effrontery to insinuate to your friends,
I that the Clark men who supported White
■ for President, will unite with you in pulling
down this glorious fabric they labored to
erect in opposition to your dogmas, because
’he nullifiers, not having a candidate, of
their own to support for President, jumped
’over the fence, and forsook principles,
honesty, every thing, to mingle with them,
and sow discord among the pure sheep ofthe
flock, that supported the Union ? Do yon
not honestly believethe nuLies showed very
much of their goat hair io supporting Judge
White, who until that date, sustained and
advocated every leading measure of Jack
son’s administration, Proclamation, Bloody
Bill and all ?
Do, Messrs Editers of the Recorder,give
ns a full, fair and honest answer to this in
terrogatory ?
Did not Governor Schley use every ef
fort in his power toi'xpedite the commence
ment of the surveys, &c., of the Western
Rail Road ? Could he have put its sur
vey and reconnoizance into operation soon
er than he did ? Did he not make every
exertion immediately to procure a compe
tent Engineer? Will you say whether you
were not apprized of his exertions, and the
difficulties he had in effecting this object ?
I hope you xvill be explicit, as these tilings
certainly come within your knowledge,
your beinjr al the sent of government, and
always’ ready and willing to view things,
and scent on every gale, to injure our wor
thy Governor ? Please show your reasons
for complaining cf eight months delay on
this important subject ? Do you believe
the friends and relatives of our late worthy
Governor Clark will desert one xvho has
ever been his warm supporter, and be kick
ed intn the nullifying ranks by their insult
ing the ashes of their departed friend and
revered patriot, and that too to oppose the
doctrines that he and they always suppor
ted, and to foist their sworn enemy into of
fice?
Do von consider it a matter of objection
to the Treasurer and Comptroller General,
that they should engage in lhe Editorial
management of a newspaper ? Do you
consider it a dishonorable profession ? or
that a man naturally becomes corrupt by
being an Editor? Again, are they the
first Editors who have held public offi e<
in Milledgeville ? Will you be kind e
notigh to inform vour readers what offices
were held, and what government patronage
was enjoyed 8 or 10 years, by a former Ed
itor of the Georgia Journal ? Do you be
iieve that the statements made in your pa
per in rela ion to those individuals wilfblind
the people to the liglit Os truth ?
When one of you whs lately nominated
by the Baldwin nullies as their candidate
for the Legislature, did you refuse to serve
because you conceived it politically wroug,
(being an Editor ?) or did you fertr that the
Union party would unite and suspect the
amalgamatory designs of yourself aid oth -
ers, and leave you nothing still but a prin
ter’s devil to combat with?
Could Governor Schley call tip armies
from the vast deep by a stamp of his foot,
to defend the frontiers from those heathens
that Gilmer wished permitted into our
Courts of justice to swear away the “ lives,
liberty and property of the while men," in
Georgia ? Did ndt Governor Schley have
them there as soon as the nature of the case
would admit ? Did you not in your paper,
and did not the small fry of papers that
follow in your wake, highly applaud the
energy and persevering seal of Governor
Schley in pushing forward men, with means
of attack and defence ? And did you not
draw die enviable comparison between Gov.
Schley’s ability, energy and zeal, and that
of the Governor of another Stale, with the
highly commendatory remark, that if that
Governor had been as efficient, talented and
zealous in defence of the people, as was
Gov. Schley, an end to Indian hostilities
would have been immediately effected
without the loss of lives and property of so
many of our citizens ? Be honest,
Messrs Editors, turn to your columns for an
answer! I hope you will give to the pub
lic, fair answers, to the interrogatories pro
posed ; honest and truthful intelligence is
not easily obtained now a days, to form a
correct political opinion to guide and
guard ones course among the shifting poli
ticians of the times—and as you promised
to record fact for the future I hop<
you will not pass by thert; interrogations,
with a few flourishing insults as usnal, with
out argument, And quk the drive-. Th«
people demand answers; and let me beg
yon, for the respß’t which has been here
tofore entertained by the people for the
Recorder, no more try to lead them astray
by false statements and low tricks and mis
representations. Such a course may suit
the servants ol'dogaries, but the intelligent
and moral worth of the country will spurn
such reasoning and balderdash from their
perusal.
We know you can have no just cause of
opposition to Gov. Schley ; he has ably
discharged the duties of his office, and been
what the people xvi hed him to be, the Gov.
of the State and not of a party —and all
things tinder his control are in active and
progressive operation for the general good,
and the course pursued by him, xx ill make
Georgia; what it is ultimately destined to
be, ‘ the centre jf agricultural and com
mercial wealth,” —-where “ Ceres and Nep
tune” will meet in sweet harmony, and the
arts and sciences make her the centre of
thin" that man could ask or desire.
Among all your objections against Gov.
Schley and the heads of departments, you '
have established but one, and that is, that
they would not follow you to do evil, and
join in support of Nullification. They are
opposed to adding Georgia to the sickly
Nullification star of South Carolina, which
was reared by Hanilton, Calhoun, Bzc. in
view of the people of Georgia. They re
mained on this side the river, tinder the
star-spangled banner, while some of you
passed over and took shelter under the rat
tle snake ; for this sir, you hate them and
your objections to the administration is
this:
I do not like thee,Governor Schley,
The reason I cannot tell why,
But I do not like thee, Governor Schley.
When you calmly deliberate, I have no
doubt but you will be a convert to the true
faith, held by the Union party, (though it is
scarcely to be expected that one so obdu
rate and prone to persevere in error, as you
are;) should you do so, and honestly
confess your fatilts,
“ Forxvhilethc lamp holds out to bum,
The vilest sinner may return.”
you xvill he kindly forgiven after you have
given evidence of your penitence, and se
curity for your better behaviour you will
be let to share in the treasury pap, so much
desired by the Gilmerites, and for which
alone they and you are making so much
ado about—nothing.
After yon have matured your answers to
my “ Book" of interrogatories, I shall in
troduce other subject for your considera
tion—subjects that xvill unveil to the people
of Georgia, scenes that may startle your
sensibilities. The rights and liberties of
the people demand a correct history of the
amalgamation of designing, leading fami
lies in this State, to consult and endeavor
to effect by their influence, the destruction
of democratic principles, and to ride rough
shod over the liberties of the people, and
rule the freemen of Georgia by their aris
tocratic, and tyi-anicul acts. Yes! You
shall know who are the grand daddies,
daddies, uncles, sons nephews of this un
holy combination. They only want to be
known to he driven and kept from power.
They are the people xvho are continually
inflaming the public mind against the go
vernment of our choice and a day bf reck
oning awaits them.
To yon mv (Clark) friends who suppor
ted Judge White for President, I would
address a few words: —with you I heartily
united in support of Judge White, and the
reason for doing so cannot be gain-s.iyed
by an honest politician. We were jealous
of Mr. Van Buren, the man who Wm. H.
Crawford, and his party sustained, and we
acted as we contend, and must be by all
admitted, consistent with our principles. If
in judging the acts of nr-n, is a proper
criterion, the public acts of Mr. Van Bu
ren, and the open declarations of his view’s
and course, in support of all <mr rights, as
expressed in his inaugural address, facts
have developed to us, in point of true poli
cy, that, that part of our party who sus
tained him were correct, and Judge While
has from his subsequent conduct, and pub
lished sentiments, shown himself the sworn
enemy to all he once supported, and now
under the Blue Light, Nullifying, Whigite
flag, he has grounded his democratic feel
ings and principles, and is trying to over
whelm these doctrines he once so zealouslv
defended.
Principles, my brethren, and not men,
have been our motto, and let us rally un
der the good old democratic flag, with our
Union brethren—let us give up all minor
prejudices, and at the altar of our country,
sacrifice every feeling inimical to democra
tic principles.
Shall we suffer ourselves to be divided
by onrent mies, our sworn enemies, men
that have dug up the bones of our departed
Gov. Clark, and on the wings of defama
tion scattered their malice against him and
his friends. Shall we be the instruments of
foisting our sworn political enemy into pow
er, thereby lending a helping hand to the
destructive doctrines of nullification, so
much detested by ns, and aiding the amal
gamation in destroying the glorious prin
ciples that we, breast to breast, have battled
to sustain. God forbid !
1 know you better ; I know that you are
opposed to Aristocracy, Nullification, Ab
olition, W higisrn, Federalism, Blue Light,
Anti-Schleyism, and the whole train of oth
er ism’s, which compounded, make up
Devilism and Anarchy, and tend to a dis
solution of our civil liberty, and the viola
tion of the Constitution of this happy Go
vernment.
Rally to the polls, and give these disor
ganizing factionists, a Waterloo defeat.
Our well tried old courser is in good train
ing. The Constitution his groom, bis
food the wholesome laws of the land his
trappings the best wishes and support of
his friends. Go to the race on the first
Monday in October, ye democrats, in sup
port of Schley and liberty, and you’ll
hear from the mountain gales, and wire
grass plains, that Georgia, with fruitful
Mississippi, and noble Alabama, has suc
ceeded in driving to the land of forgetful
ness, the combined powers, who, though
opposed to each other, allied themselves for
the hellish purpose of destroying the liber
ties bought by our fathers; whose blood
wasYbe cement that united these free and
independent States.
A CLARK UNION WHITE MAN.
COL. GIBSON CLARK’S LETTER.
M'Dono'ugh, August 26, 1837.
Co the Editors of the Federal Union:
Gentlemen—A number of the Feder
al Union having beevn directed to me, con-
STAN I) A lib OF UNION
tinning an extract from the Columbus Si n
tinel in relation to my conduct in the pen
ding election for Governor, 1 feel it a duty
to correct the error of the statem -nt, as
silence might imply an admission of its
truth. I have not in the language ofthe ex
tract,,“ taken the field" for either ofthe
candidates. There is so much to condemn
in the conduct of either of (he parties of the
respective candidates, that it is difficult so
to act as to approve my own conduct. I
consider that the public interest is, in ge
neral best promoted, when the elective
fi anchise is uninfluenced; and that the purity
and success of representative .government
depend upon an independent "exercise of
that right by every citizen. I consider Go
vernor Schley an able, upright public offi
cer, although differing from him in some
of his political views and attachments. I
esteem and respect Mr. Gilmer, and be
lieve if elected, that he will administer the
government (so far as depends upon him
self,) ably and correctly. But there are
strong indications of a factious spirit in
some of his supporters.
In the Southern Whig, of the Sth July
last, which notices the tour of the Governor
to the West, the occasion is used to charge
my deceased brother with having set the
example of electioneering. Under all sys
tems of free government, resting, as they
do upon public opinion for support, it is
not only the right, but the duty of candid
ates for public confidence, when misrepre
sented or abused, to vindicate themselves,
either personally before the people (since
there are many xvho do not read the papers,)
or by publication in writing or print,as they
cannot possibly see alt. This right and
duty results from the nature of the govern
ment and the sensibiltiy of man to the
opinions of his fellow citizens, and has been
practised in all time, under every system
of government; indeed the principles of
representative governments imply and re
quire a perfect communication and acquaint
ance between lhe people and their agents
and has been practised by candidates for
office, both in the State and General Gov
ernment, from the lowest office to the Chief
Executive of the Union. Upon this sub
ject, as upon other acts of bis public life,!
I I am contented to leave the character of
j General John Clark to the impartial judge-!
| rnent of the virtuous and enlightened.—
I The charge in itself is ridiculous ; but the ;
i style in .which it is made is vulgar, low and !
indelicate, and ihe most vindic-
tive spirit of faction. lam opposed to
the government of faction, be it by old or!
new friends. In the conflict for power!
j by contending factions, the public interest!
j is ever sacrificed.
In the support of Mr Van Buren for the
Presidency; by my old frends, I thought I
saw the sacrifice of principle for power,
and I felt myself bound by the highest of
moral obligations to support the public in
terest ; it was not the vain and idle purpose
of elevating one faction above another, but
an independent love of country.
Upon this principle, I am willing to act
xvith any set of men ; conceiving, as I do,
that it is the only principle upon xvhich par
ties should exist in a republic, or can be
long sustained. But if party power and
resentment be the object of lhe struggle, and
faction must rule, I must either retire from
the contest or share the fortunes of my old
friends..
Very respectfully.
GIBSON CLARK.
P. S. The Columbus Sentinel, and oth
er papers that have given publication to
the statement xvill please publish this.
G. C.
From the Augusta Constitutionalist.
Tbe President’s message meets the de
nunciations of the New York and Phila
adelphia whig presses. The New York
Evening Post of Sept. 7, says: “If one
might judge of the vexation suffered by the
opposition party, at tbe tenor of the Presi
dent’s message, by the noise they make, it
must be infinite. It is not mere blame, it is
not simple dissent and disapprobation xvith
which the message is greeted; it is met xvith
shouts of fury, bellowings of rage, gnash
ing of teeth, howls and shrieks of agony.”
We have seen a fexv extracts from those
whig presses, and we must acknowledge
that we never saw such excited and ill-tein
pered lahgitaSe used in commenting upon
a public document. But we must make al
lowances for the irritation and vexation of
the moment: when the blood will have cool
ed a little, and a more dispassionate feeling
resumed its influence over the mind, we are
certain that the New York whig editors,
will render justice to Mr. Van Buren, and
award to him the praise he deserves for his
independence, and the abandonment of the
non-committal system” in his message. If
the New York whigs have received the
message on the points of bayonets, how has
it been received elsewhere?
From the Charleston Patriot.
PRESIDENTS MESSAGE.
This document, which has been anticipa
ted with so much anxiety, will, on perusal,
fully realize public expectations. It is alike
admirable in style, matter and arrange
ment. It presents a clear view of the cau
ses and results of the late revulsion in our
commercial affairs, with the indication of
such remedies asjhe consequent derange
ment of the public finances has suggested
to be most appropriate and expedient. As
a state paper on finance, it is ore of the
most able that has appeared since the es
tablishment of the Government. It will
be perceived that the President recommends
the mode of keeping, transferring and dis
bursine the public revenue by public agents
exclusively, which is consonant to the true
intent of the Constitution. His argument
that it will not add to the insecurity of the
public funds and the patronage of the Gov
ernment, in as great a degree as when
these duties were performed through the
agency of banks-—is conclusive. It'there
should be peculiar hazards attending the
employment of public agents to execute
the fiscal operations of the Government,
it is for Congress to institute additional safc
gu-iids, and if there should be increase of
patronage, it is equally the duty of that
body to provide against its abuse. But
the appointment of some dozen agents, I
with a patronage of sixty thousand dollars’
in addition to the large patronage now
wielded by the Government, is too insignifi
cant any increase to give my force to the
argument. Ihe officers of banks are no
where recognized in the Constitution as
the fiscal agents or banks as the fiscal ma
chinery of the Government. There isjust
the same propriety in employing them to
colled lhe public money, as to keep and
transfer it.
The President also recommends that the
October instalment of tbe Surplus Reve
nue, should be withheld from the States.
This suggestion will meet with no opposi
lion, we presume, from any class of politi
cians. The payment of a Surplus, with
the imposition of taxes on the people, or
the entailment of a public debt, to make up
a deficit, caused by such payment, would
be a policy too preposterous to be thought
of for a moment.
The suggestion of relief to the Mer
chants, by an extension of time on their
bonds for duties, is as liberal as the most
ardent friend to the mercantile interest could
have expected. Thi? recommendation,
■with those sound general views in- relation
to credit contained in the Message, will go
far, we hope, to disabuse that class of our
fellow-citizens most interested in this mat
ter, of the prejudice, that the head of the
Government is the enemy of the credit
system, xvhen he is the foe only of those
fluctuations tvhich are incident to an abuse
of that system.
The enforcement of specie payments for
all dues to the government is another of
those suggestion which shotdd njeet with
readv concurrence from those who look to
the Constitution as the sole guide of con
duct for the Government. It is the duty of
those xvho administer it to present to the
people at all times that standard of value
for the public engagements xvhich is so
clearly enjoined by that instrument. If a
part of the people, through infatuation,
choose to depart from that standard, in their
: private contracts, or choose to authorize
their state fim lionaries to do so, this is no
! ride of action Tor those who conduct the
Federal polity, which was iirtended/br the
! good of the whole. The constitutional
measure of value should never be withdrawn
from the view of l\\e people at large. They
should always have that for reference and
! comparison, which xvill indicate aberration
| or departure from a legitimate and obvious
, test of their engagements.—-This is tbe
I doctrine of common sense, of experience
i and has no tinge of theory or colour of rash
‘ experiment.
The New York Morning Herald of the
I 7th, after stating that the effect of the Ex
' ecutive message on stocks and the money
! market, had been disastrous; that no hope
| could now be entertained of the resuscita
! tion of the national bank; and that the pol
icy of the government, as indicated in the
message, would lead to a final winding up
of the affairs of the Bank of the U. Slates;
it says:
“While this is the opinion entertained of
the message among the merchants, finan
ciers and bankers, covered xvith the engage
ments of 1836, we must say that among
the large body of the people, and capital
ists out of trade it is looked upon as one of
the ablest documents that ever emanated
from the Executive government. The
boldness, originality, and fearlessness with
which the President has assumed his
irround, has entirely disappointed his polit
ical opponents as much as it has astonished
his friends. In the history xvhich he gives
ofthe causes ofthe revulsion, it is triumph
antly said, that he is as accurate and philo
sophical as the Edinburgh Reviexv, in its
last article on the “Crisis in the American
T rade.”
The moral tone of tbe message, in re
gard to the duties of banking corporations,
however unpalatable it may be to many, is
of such a character as to stand the scruti
ny of other nations and future times. There
can be no question about the philosophy of
the monetary principles or the morality of
the mixed views which Mr. Van Buren ap
proves and adopts; but in lhe present state
of the country, these principles are as dis
tasteful to the mercantile interest as medi
cine is to a young girl accustomed to eat
sugar candy.
From the complexion of the House of
Representatives, and the general aspect of
affairs, it is doubted very much xvhether
Congress will agree to postpone further the
suspended bonds, of the merchants. This
postponement depends on two other mea
sures, to which the opposition have mani
fested a bi'ter hostility—the repeal of the
Distribution Law, and tbe issue of Treasu
ry Notes.
From the Dahlohnega Recorder.
GOV. SCHLEY—Stump Speech, &c.
Governor Schley’s recent tour to the up
country, in the discharge of the duties imposed
upon him by the Legislature of Georgia, is still
made the theme of the bitterest denunciations
and the grossest misrepresentations by his poli
tical opponents. At one time they require and
expect of him that he will be active, decisive,
and energetic in pushing forward the work of
the great Western Railroad; at another, when
he is using the most active, decisive and ener
getic measures in the fulfilment of their expec
tations, he is charged, by these same consistent
politicians, with letting down the dignity of his
station, by making an electioneering tour to
the up-country, where it was supposed he had
lost popularity. In what manner do thev re
quire Irim to prosecute this work with activity
and enterprise? By sitting down, with folded
arms, in the Executive Department, and suf
fering the survey and location to take theirown
course? Certainly not. For if he had, they
would have been the first to charge him, and
justly too, with a want of energy in piosecuting
a work placed under his care. It was expected
of him, then, that he would give his personal
attention to the work at its commencement, as
well as at all other convenient times. For this
faithful discharge of a duty imposed upon him
by the strongest obligations, his political ene
mies taunt him with the epithet of a paltry e
lectioneerer. Put suppose Gov. Schley had
visited the up-country for the solo purpose of
electioneering among the people, is lie not jus
tified by the examples set him by all-the-de
cency party in the course pursued by their can
didates for the same office ? It is in the recol
lection of many people of this country, that
Mr. Crawford, while a c. ndidate for Governor
in 1833, visited this countiy ond remained here
several days, bowing and scraping to the mot
ley crew that then infested the gold mines,
without any apparent business other than that
of electioneering. Yet his opponents did not
charge him with the sin of electioneering. Mr.
Dougherty," it will also he remembered, while a
candidate for the same office in 1835, visited
Dalohnehga, for the first and last time in his
life, and made a speech in a meeting held bv
the people of Lumpkin, in relation to the dis
semination of incendiary publications. Still
no one charged him with making a stump speech
or electioneering among tbe people. But if
Gov. Schley should happen to pass the coun
try, in the prosecution of the people’s busi
ness, he is a paltry electioneerer. Whatever
is a virtue in their own candidates, is a view in
their opponents.’*
A correspondent in the Southern Whig, of
the 2d inst. imputes to Governor Schley mo
tives of a degrading character by suppressing
the truth. lie remarks that “ the Governor of
Georgia a weed, ago met at a barbacue at the
lower end of Hall county, by previous and ex
press invitation, two thousand citizens of that
and the adjoining counties, and disregardful of
th" exalted dignity of character which should
so eminently belong to that high functionary,
and ought to be so zealously guarded, absolute
ly made to them a Stump Speech.”
Now the facts in this degrading case arc few
and easily told, and xvill, we feel confident, if
such a thing be within the scope of possibility,
put the writer of that article to the blush. It
will he remembered that about a year ago, Col.
Nelson raised a battalion in the up-country for
the Florida campaign, which remained in ser
vice until some time in July, xvhen thev return
ed home. This Battalion, according to previ
ous arrangements, was to meet at Col. San
ford’s in Hall county, about lhe 14th or 15ih of
last month, to be mustered out of service.
The commander, Col. Nelson, hearing of the
arrival of Gov. Schley at Gainesville, a few
days before the meeting of this Battalion, re
paired to that place, and not only invited him,
but absolutely pressed upon him to meet his
Battalion at that place and reviexv his troops, as
he was the Commander-in-Chief of the Army
and Navy of this State. Governor Schley, as
he was honorably bound to do, met the Batta
lion, and after the review was over, as is usual,
made a speech to the soldiers xvho were about
to quit the service of their country. This,
reader, is the degrading stump-speech made by
the Governor of Georgia, whiclr ought, in the
opinion of some people, to cover him with ever
lasting infamy ! The patriotic citizens of that
neighborhood gave Col. Nelson and his Batta
lion a dinner—perhaps it was a barbacue din
ner—at xvhich his Excellency, as well as others,
no doubt fared sumptuously. Is there any
thing criminal in all this? The people of Geor
gia, on the first Monday in October next, will
answer the question in a voice not to be mis
understood.
STATE RIGHTS and UNITED STATES \
RIGHTS.
gtcmMrt) of BKtttott.
" The friends of the Union are our friends,and its
enemies, our enemies."
E®33>S>si©@
T1 ESDAY MOiRNING, SEPT. 19.
Union Candidate for Governor.
WILLIAM SCHLEY.
UNION AND ANTI-GILMER TICKET
FOR THE COUNTY OF DEKALB.
FOR SENATE.
JONATHAN B. WILSON, Esq.
FOR REPRESENTATIVES.
JAMES LEMON, Esq.
JOHN L. EVANS, Esq.
MERIDITH COLLIER, Esq.
iff* Those. who are opposed to the United
States Bank—to Shin Plasters—to Daniel
Webster, the Ultra Federalist and Abolitionist
—to the Compromise Tariff and to the disolu
tion of the Union will vote for the Union candi
date SCHLEY.
Those who are in favor of an Indian's
swearing away the lives and property of a
white man, will vote for the Nullffiers can
didate, GILMER!
CHAPTER 111.
“ It is due to OUR INDIAN PEO
PLE, that that provision of the law of eigh
teen hundred and twenty nine, should he
REPEALED, wh’eb prevents INDIANS,
and the descendants, of Indians,from being
competent WITNESSES in the courts of
the State, in cases where a WHITE MAN
is a party. The present law exposes them,
to GREAT OPPRESSION, whilst its re
peal would probably injure no one.” See
Journal of the Senate, for 1830, page 14,
and Journal of the House Representatives
of the same year, page 15.
CHAPTER IV.
From Governor Gilmer's Message, Nov. 1831.
“ Upon no subject has there been more
misrepresentation, than in relation to the
government of the CHEROKEES, and
the civilization of the people of that tribe.
Upon examination, it will be found, that
the aboriginal people are as IGNORANT,
THOUGHTLESS and IMPRUDENT
as formerly, without any of the spirit and
character which distinguished them when
war was their employment, and their sup
port derived from the forest.”
And these are the people Mr. Gilmer
would make witnesses, to swear away the
lives and property of white men.
VOLUNTEERS FOR FLORIDA.
We are authorized to State, that the Order
of the Department of War, upon the Gover
nor of this State, for Troops to March to Flo
rida, has been countermanded, and tha. none
will be required until further orders.
R ECA PIT UL ATION.
In the progress es the present contest, wo
have felt ourselves bound to oppose the elec
tion of Mr. Gilmer, from a conscientious con
viction of duty to our fe’low citizens.
In utging objections to his fitness for the
high station which he seeks, we have not tra
velled beyond the limits of his own history, in
which we have found the most ample and con
clusive evidence, not only of his weakness and
inconsistency, but of opinions entertained bv
him altogether at variance with the public sen
timent.
We have charged him with being instrumen
tal in breaking down and destroying the Troup
party; and In proof of this charge, we have
only to refer to his conduct in 1829.
His attack at that time upon Gov. Forsvth,
for the exercise of a duty imposed upon him
by the public law—becoming a candidate for
Governor against a man of his own party—de
feating his opponent by throwing himself into
he arms of the opposite -party upon pledges
made by his friends, and sanctioned hy himself
in his inaugural address, gave the first vital stab
to the Troup party, and paved the xvay to its
fi lal overthrow. It produced a state of dis
traction which opened the door at which Nulli
fication entered, and which has brought it to its
present catastrophe. Let Troup men ponder
upon these things.
How well Mr. Gilmer redeemed his pledge
to the Clark party, to be lhe “ Chief Magis
trate of STATE, ami not of PARTY,” the
history of his administration affords the best
answer; for, as if acting upon the principle,
that “ faith should not be kept with heretics,"
he was no sooner seated in office, than he pt t
them at a distance, and in the face of his own
address, was as emphatically the Governor i f
a oarty as any individual who has ever filled
that office. Let Clark men ponder upon this/
And thus ended the memorable campaign of
Mr. Gilmer, in 1829, in which lie bamboozled
one party, and broke down the other.
He had not been long in office, before a i op
portunity xvas afforded for the exercise of those
high qualities of energy and firmness of which
his partizans have boasted so loudly.
The discovery of gold in the Chetokee coun
try, drew thousands of people from different
States, to the place of its location, and a scene
of plunder upon the people’s propertv ensued,
which called aloud for the strong arm of the
Executive, but it called in vain. Although ii
was as be afterwards declared in his dinner
speech in this place, a violation of State rights,
yet for the life of him he could find no remedy
provided in the laws and the constitution. The
outrage continued —the Executive xvas appeal
ed to, but nothing was done to save the people’s
treasure from daily abduction, until the sagaci
ty of this “ illustrious" statesman hit upon tbe
notable project of shooting them off, with
“ paper bullets of the brain;" and accordingly
he sent his bills of injunction to be read to
them. They were doubtless read to as many
as would stand still long enough to hear them;
but the whole scheme proved as unavailing and
disastrous to the projector, as the renowned
battle of the kegs.
But he did more. He issued a proclama
tion, requiring all officers, civil and military,
to be aiding and assisting in abating the tres
pass ; and in obedience to its mandate, a vo
lunteer company was raised in an adjoining 1
county, and marched to the mines, for the pur
pose of dispersing the intruders and protecting
the interests of the people ; but no sooner had
they reached the spot, than they xvere captur
ed, disarmed, and made prisoners by a body of
United States troops, then stationed in the ter
ritory ; and this insult to the feelings of honest
and patriotic citizens, acting under Gov. Gil
mer’s autlrority—this indignity and insult of
fered to a sovereign State, upon her own soil,
and witliin her constitutional jurisdiction, was
never atoned for, and under xvhich, Mr. Gilmer
sat as careless and unmox'ed as a stoic.
The next question upon which he appeared'
conspicuously before the public, was thesurvey
and distribution of the Cherokee territory,
from which we have heretofore shown him- in
the climax of inconsistency ; first recommend
ing the lottery system as the best of all other*
tor exciting the jreoplc to industry and the ac
cumulation of wealth, arid secondly, denounc
ing it as tending directly to- idleness, corrup
tion,and the commission of innumerable fraud's.
But as if to make his inconsistency the more
glaring, he urged as an argument in favor of
distribution by lottery, the great evils arising
from a full Treasury, and maintained that the
surplus money, in the pockets of the people,
could be used to much greater advantage, than
if drawn from them to be placed in the coffers
of the State; while in the next breath, he re
commends in the strongest and most empha
tic terms, the sale of those very lands,, for the
purpose es filling up the same Treasury, from
which be tells us such great evils will inevitably
flow. Let all rational and considerate men
ponder on these things.
To those who base the claims of Mr. Gilmer
upon bis devotion to the doctrine of State
Rights, a word or two, en passant. How do
they reconcile bis attempt to transfer a large
portion ot the Cherokee lands in fee simple, to
the President of the United States? You
startle at the question ; but be not alarmed ! It
is true, unwelcome as it may be to you. He
did request the Legislature to divest herself oF
her just right to those lands, to enable the Pre
sident to convey them in fee simple to the Che
rokee Indians; but he had not one friend hi l
either House reckless enough to bring foi ward
the measure. If this was an act justified by
State Right principles, then we have studied
the subject to very poor purpose ; and yet Mr.
Gilmer is held up as the STATE RIGHTS
Candidate for Governor ! There is no false
clamor in all this. It rests not upon assertion,
but stands upon the archives, under his own
proper hand.
But we appeal again to*liis own recorded
opinions for the evidence against him. His at
tempt to place the ignorant, debased and cor
rupt savage upon an equality with th’e white
man in our courts of justice, can find no excuse
or palliation in the minds of men who enter
tain a just estimate of their character. And
however he may have been prompted to this
measure by considerations of humanity, it
wholly discredits him as a statesman, and be
trays a fatal ignorance in matters of the highest
consideration. If he should be elected, will he
not utge this measure again?
Mr. Gilmer has been charged with an at
tempt to relieve one portion of his fellow citi
zens from burdens which he would leave upon
the shoulders of the balance. To screen
young men at colleges and literary institutions
from the performance of military duty, and no
one justifies or denies it; and we ask his friends
to tell us, if this measure is based upon a repub
lican foundation ; or whether any man is enti
tled to the name of republican, who would aid
in creating such a distinction in society? Mr.
Gilmer did this thing, as the College books at
Athens will show; and yet lie is called a Re
publican ! Laboring men of Georgia, look to
your rights!
We come now to a subject in which a large
number of our fellow citizens feel at this mo
ment a most intense interest. Wo allude to the
measures which may be required to protect tl:«
people of the Cherokee Circuit from the malice
and treachery of the Cbcrqkpe Indiass.