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it lil ,x 7<.rU,y enacted by the authority of the name, That
Ircin «:ir! after the passing of this act, the Justices of the Infe
rior ♦ ,’ftiu’t in and for the county of Murray, shall be, and they
are hereby, authorized to layout and form as many new Mili
tia Districts in said county, ns they shall deem necessary and
convenient for the people; and, also, to alter those Militia Dis
tricts in saki county already laid out.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
That all laws and parts of laws militating against this net, be
aud die same are, hereby repealed.
JOSEPH DAY,
Speaker of the House of Representatives,
ROBERT AL ECHOLS,
President of the Senate.
Assented to, 25th December, 1837.
GEORGE R. GILMER, Governor.
STATE DOCUMENTS.
Civil. ES TA 81.1 Sil MEX 1’—1337.
Date. I Ns>. I In nli.i-.-Gnot -drawn. I I '° l ' «l»iwn an,l to I . , j
I I "| uh.->t tuna, Imre,-nl.le.
\ V. 37. ' ' ’
l eb’v 6 221 \\ illiani ScUcy, Forhis !.<tqr. aalnry ns Governor,<tc. $750 00
beh’v 6 2*-2 u . J.\\ .\\ cllhorn, For <lo. Sec’y Ex. Department, 312 50
Feb’y b 223 B. H. Robitwnn, For do. ’ do 31° 5(»
Feb’y 6 221 B. B. Gaither, For do. do 312 50
Feb’y 6 225 Wm. .U Tennille, Fur do. Secretary of Slate,... 500 00
Feb’y 6 226 Thoma* Haynes, For do. Treasurer, 500 CO
Fch’y 6 227 John Brewster, For do. Surveyor General,..,’. 500 0u
Feb’y 6 228 John G. Park, For do. Comptroller General,. 500 00
Feb’y 6 229 John T. Mninr, For do. Secretary of Senate,.. 150 00
Feb’y G 230 Joseph Sturgis, For do. Clerk House Reps.,.. 150 00
Feb’y 6 231 R. M. Charlton, For do. Judge Sup’r Courts,.. 525 00
Feb’y 6 232 John Shiv, For do. do 525 00
Feb’y (5 2’13 Garnett Andrews, For J*. do 525 00
Feb’y G 234 Thos. W. Harris, For dn. do, 525 00
Feb’y G 235 Jno. G. Polhill. For do. do. 525 00
Feb’y 6 236 A. M. D. King, For dn. d 0........ 525 00
Feb’y 6 237 A. A. Murgnn, For do. do ,525 00
Feb’y 6 238 Hiram Warner, For do. do 525 00
Feb’y 6 239 Alfred Iverson, For do. do ’ 525 00
Feb’y 6 210 O. H. Kenan, For do. do 52“ ( . n
Feb’y G 2-11 F.bcnezer Starnes, For do. Attorney General’’ ’%*; !L I
F.-b’y 6 242 R. O. Davidson, For do. Solicitor Gr^. ral 56 o« ,
Feb’y 6 243 James 11. Stark, For do. £? 1
Feb’y 6 211 Junin. Hillver, For do. " /’
Feb’y 6 2IS H. L. Bcnnine, For do, ’ '.’h'- 1 ,
Feb’y fi 246 Win. W. Ilyins, r..r do. do 56 25
Feb’y fi 217 A.G.Scmr.vs, For do. " « S '
Feldv fi 245 Henn! Sims, J ?r do. 56 25 ’
rebv b ~49 loun? J. Long, For that part of d 0.... °9 37 <
Feb y b 250 G. D. Anderson, For do. d 0.... oh on
beb y b 2.4 John E. Ward, Forhis Ist qr. salary ns do .*. 56 25 1
May 1 4co \\ dlinm Scjiluy, For his 2d quarter saliirv as Gov’r, Ac., 750 00
«• ! ler n„’n‘i- rn ’ E or d , o ’ Sec’y fix. Department, 312 50 ,
sluy I 4i»2 B. 11. Robinson, For do. do 312 50
May I I’3 Jno. R. Anderson, Forthat part of do 138 88 J
May 1 464 Win. A. Tennille, For liis2d. qr. salary as Scc’v ofStiite,'. 500 00 <
1 t ? Hay Iles, For do. Treasurer, 500 00
it ay 1 i t"J' 1 '?.’ S V r ’ !." r , ■ 'I' 1 ’ Surveyor General 500 06 •
»r' 1 I-I I , £’■ J “ rk ’ I;nrlus2dqr.salarvas Conipt. General, 500 00 1
May 1 4fß John T. Umar, For do. Sec’y of the Senate,.. 150 00 ,
m" V } 1-n E° r '. ,0 * Clerk llol,sc Reps.,.. 150 00 '
J ’I. ( lon-ltoi l , !." r *’"• Judge Sun’r Court*.. 525 00
Mny 1 4.1 John Shly, For do. do 525 00 ,
May I 472 Garnett Andrews, For do. do >">s on
Mav 1 473 T. IV. Harris, For do. dol "Z 5-n 60
May I 474 John G. Pol lull, For do. do 505 no
Mny 1 475 A. M. D. Kiu-, For do. diall",'. " 5~' , 5 no ’
>r ,y 1 a-- E or do- 1 525 00
Oav I 4 ’i Hiram Warner, For do. d,, cos: nn
Mav 1 473 O. H. Kenan, For do. do' Won
M.y 1 479 Alfred Iverson, For do. doL'"".” 505
May 1 430 Ebenezer Starnes, For do. Attorney General' */.’. *56 25
May I 431 R.O. Dnvidson. For do. Solicitor General’ " ’ 56 os
Mav 1 432 Junes H. Stark, For do. do o'a
Mnv 1 433 Junius Hillver, F’or dn, do kfi o-
Ma'v I 431 H. 1.. Benninr, For do. do’"””’ '«« «
May 1 435 IVm. IV. IVigins, Fv.r do. d0../'/” 56 05
May 1 43> F. A. Nesbit, For tlint pnrt of do/’ oi .',n
May 1 437 H.-nrv l„Sirqs, Forhis 2d qr. salarv as do.'.//./.' 56 25
Mav 1 438 Geo. D. Anderson, For do. ' ,io ”' r ,K os
May 1 439 John E. IVi-.rd. For do. do///” 56 05
Alic. 7 7>l William Schley, For his 3d quarter salary ns Gov’r. 769 00
Aar. 7 73! IV. J.lV.Wellborn, For do. Sec’y fix. Department 312 59
Aug. 7 733 B. H.Robinson, For do. ( |o . Rio
Any. 7 734 J. R. Anderson. For do. d0....*...* ojo in
An?. 7 7X5 Win. A. Tennille, For do. Secretary of State snn nn
Aug. 7 736 Thomn.i Hayne*, For do. Treasurer,., ’ 590 00
I"’’ I E° r Surveyor General,..’/. 560 99
i r ,lr ’ ? or ’ Comptroller General,. 500 00
L 7? J" 1 " 1 l.batunr. J«r ‘”• Secretary of Senate,.. 150 00
Alli. I .40 Jos-jdi .-tnr.-is. For do. Clerk House of R.-, « 159 on
Au-. 7 711 R.M. Charlton, For dint pnrt of his 3d quarter salary
- -tv T1 <ll. ,h « Superior Courts,.... 350 00
Aui’. < .43 John Shiv, For lus 3d qr. salary as do.. 50590
Amr. 7 413 Garnett Andrews, For do. do aV- rn
Aug. 7 741 T.W. Harris, For do. do.' 59a no
Auj. 7 715 John G. Polhill, For do. do aoa on
Au’. 7 716 A. M. D. Kinz, For do. do 525 no
Aus. 7 717 A. A..M„r ? an, For do. do//*.’.’/. 5-5 on
Aux. 7 743 Hiram Warner, F’or do. do ana an
Aur. 7 749 0.11. Kenan, Fur do. do./. "52500
Airs. 7 7.0 Alfred Iverson, F’or do. do 525 00
l?7?75 r ?y' r ’ ir ’’ !? r do ’ Attorney General”./ 56 25
■■y ll, L R- () -Dnvid«on, For do. Solicitor General .... 56 25
Any. 7 .0-3 James H. Stark, Fvr do. Jo 56 05
Au’. 7 754 Junius Hillvcr, For do. ~~
Amr. 7 755 11. 1.. E-nning, For do. S' ®G g
A UK. 7 756 F. A. N-shit, For do. do ’r ror
A*«. •' T 47 Wni. W. U i’ins. For do. do sc a-
Amr. 7 753 Honrj 1.. Sims, For do. do 5? o ’
An’. 7 759 G. I). Ind.-rson, For do.
tmr. 7 7.:0 JohnE.Ward. For do. do///7 V 95
v , 'l r e soft xv’i'w w ’ v' r hi; '’V 1 3 u ' lr, ' ,r ’ n ’" r .v na Gov’r, ic., 759 CO
K”. r a o-m •''. e,ll ” ,rn ’* or “>• Sec’y Ex. Department, 31250
Nov’r 6 899 B. H. Robinson, For do. d , ’ oij
Nov’r fi 900 .1. R.Aml.-r.»o:>. For do. d" 2 .Vr n
6 90 1 . T?"’ '’ n’'''"I''’’ 1 ''’’ r’ r a°’ Secretary of Staw/.’: 500 00
Xov’r 6 903 I homns Haynes, For do. Treasurer,... 500 CO
Ni.’r C 903 John I.rawsur, Fur that part of his 4th qunrtcr saiary
». ~<• oni v1 t Sntveyeyor General, to resignation, 376 28
v"'/ c on- v i t 5-oin appointment, 123 72
r ow *?’ r 1113 •’J 11 qr. salary ns Cotnp't General, .500 00
Nov’r 6 90n John r. Lamar, For do. Sec’y of the Senate. 150 00
N..v;r 6 967 Joseph Sturri-s, For do. Clerk House Reps.,’./. 00
Nov r 6 903 C. S. Henry, For that part of his 4th quarter salary ns
J ml re of the Superior Courts, from his
appointment, qo« rn
r 0.9 J. o!,n Sl,! /’. F’ir his Ith qr. salary as Judge S.Con’rU, 525 00
Nov r 6 <» >r<) tt: Airlr?tvs, ror do. 525 00
Nov’r 6 911 T.W. Harris, Forhis Ith qr.salary as Judge S.’court’s. 52.5 00
Nov’r fi 912 JohnG.Polhill, For do. ' "do. 525 co
Nov’r fi 913 A. M. D. King, F’or do. do.. '525 00
Noy’r fi 914 A. A. Morgan, For do. d0../’/.' 5-35 00
Nov’r fi 915 Hiram Warner, For do. do 595 no
Nov’r 6 916 O. H. Kenan, For do. do. 50'500
Nov’r 6 917 Alfred Iverson, For do. d0../’’’’ 525 00
Ntiv’r fi 913 Eli-noz.er Starnes, F’or do. Attorney General','/..' 56 25
Nov’r 6 919 R. O. Davidson, For do. Solicitor Genera) 56 05
Nov’r fi 923 Ju-nns 11. Stark, For do. do. V, 95
Nov’r 6 931 Junius Ilillver, F’or do. do..'.'.'.’/.' 56 05
Nov’r 6 922 11. L. Benninr, For do. ,1„ srt os
Nov’r 6 923 F. A. Nisbet, F’or do. t?
Nov’r fi 924 Mm. W. Wigins, F’or do. ,i () re os
Nov’r fi 925 Henry L. Sims, For do. J" ’<!
Nov’r 6 926 G. D. Amler*on, For do. t i o ’/J
Nov’r 6 927 John E. Ward, For do. do..* 56 25
«__ Totnl 33
POLITICAL.
TENNESSEE RESOLUTIONS OF INSTRUCTION;
Washington City, Feb. 6. 1838.
To the members of the General Assembly of the State of Tennessee
who voted for the following resolution:
“ Resolved, therefore, by the General Assembly of the State of
Tennessee, That our Senators be instructed, and our Representatives
in Congress be reqnes’ed to vote against any law which may propose
to enforce the Sub-Ticasmy system of Finance, recommended by
the President of the United States in his message to Congress of the
day of September, 1837.”
Gentlemen: I received last evening, the foregoing instructions
from the Legislature of the State, I, in part, have the honor to rep
resent in the Senate of tlio United States, and hasten to inform vou
of the course I shall feel it my duty to pursue.
I have always been an advocate for the right of instruction, and
holding that right as belonging to the immediate constituency of the
represontativc, I also hold that it is the duty of the representative
to obey ; that is, the State Legislature possesses the right to instruct
the Senators from their State in Congress, as to any particular mea
sure, and the people possess the right to instruct their immediate
representatives.
You have instructed me to vote against a particular measure. To
vote against it will involve no infraction of the Constitution; nor am
1 required, by a compliance with your instructions, to inflict a direct
and vital injury upon my country. You, by your instructions, have
taken upon yourselves the responsibility of the vote I am required to
give, and lam relieved from it. The people will look to you as the
principal, and to me merely as the agent, in performing an act ex
pressly required by those in whom 1 recognise the power to instruct.
. I therefore shall obey, in good faith,your instructions as expressed
in yonr resolutions, and shall vote against the bill, in all its stages,
precisely in the same way I should do were I opposed to it myself,
and not follow the example of those Senators of the opposition who
have felt at liberty to disobey the instructions of their Slate Legisla
tures.
If iny political principles would allow mo to do so, perhaps a case
cannot be imagined where stronger circumstances could exist in jus
tification of a course diffeient from the one I have adopted. You
were elected as members of the Legislature in August last. Before
tint time, nothing had been said publicly among the people of the
State in regard to the collection, safe-keeping, and disbursement of
the public revenue. Consequently, your election furnishes no indi
cation of public opinion on this subject, because the question was not
then considered, and was not before the people.
. The President’s message, at the special session in September, first
disclosed the views of the Administration upon this subject. This
document could not have been seen by many of vour constituents
before you left homo for the seat of Government, where you conve
ned on the first Monday in October. Thereftre, most of you could
not have had an opportunity of ascertaining the sentiments of vour
constituents before yon met in October. I am also constrained to
believe that such was the fact, as to your means of knowing the
views of constituents on this measure, from the obvious consideration
that bad you really known that their opinions wore against it, your
respect for those opinions must have led youtoimmediateand prompt
action on the subject, flow, otherwise, can you justify your conduct
in delaying to act till the 18th day of January, 1838.
Neither have I heard of any memorials or remonstrances, indica
ting the public sentiment, that have been sent to you, requiting
you to interpose between mo and my vote on this subject.
You melon the first Monday in October last, and have continued
in session ever since. 1 cannot, therefore, but think It improbable,
if not impossible, that the people have impelled you to this measure;
beenuse, but few of you, since the commencement of your session,
h.ne v isited your constituents, and 1 have not understood that any
of you, before your election or since, have bcett instructed by
them.
I have noiiced in the newspapers one political meeting having been
held in Nashville, to instruct the Davidson membets on oilier
subjects ; but this meassre, on which von instruct me, was not na
med.
I’tirlber. Il it were for the public interest for you to act in this
matter, why did you not act more promptly upon the President’s
Message, which appeared in September last, and the bill introduced
by tlio I- inance Committee at the special session? For three
months and a halt after you met, and knew what measures were re
commended by the Executive branch of the Government, you re
mained silent, permittingyour Senators to exercise their own judg
ments ; and not till a few days past did I bear that you were ear
nestly engaged, in one branch of the Legislature, in passing your in
structions.
It cannot be supposed that you arc waitingto know what measures
would be proposed, for you had the krsl message of the President
early in December, in which lie adhered to bis former recommenda
tion.
.As to the bill which might be brought forward by the Finance Com
mittee in reference to the measure recommended in the Message,
you did not sec it before you adopted your resolutions, at least in
one branch of the General Assembly.
1 he bill reported by the Finance Committee, known as the Sub
-1 reasttry bill, and which you could not have considered wb.on you
instructed mo, differs in several important pnriiculnrs from the bill
of the special session ; and, with proper modifications, I feel confi
dent that some of vou, as well as myself, would pronounce it a mea
sure ot great public utility. \ct, without knowing any of tho pro
visions of the hill, or how it might be amen\-d or changed in the
Senate, you have instructed me to vy‘, e against it.
Von thus see, that it I were disposed to depart from, or evade,
the principles I have Ion" professed, you have furnished as fair an
opportunity as I Could desire: because, in the first place, there is
no evidence mat your instructors are in accordance with the will of
the of Tennessee, with whom rests the paramount t ight or
power to instruct ; and in the next place, because you instruct me
to vote against a bill of the contents of which you were wholly igno
rant, never having seen it.
But, sirs, the abuse of a right does not prove that it docsnot exist,
and it is better to adhere to sound principles, although sometimes er
rors may be committed in tho application of these principles bv men
who have the management of public affairs, than to abandon any of
those fundamental doctrines on which the, people must rely to carry
out, in practice, the representative principle itself.
I therefore wave all exceptions to your proceedings, and shall vote
upon this measure, when it comes before me, according to your in
structions. In doing this, I act upon a great principle, which I deem
essential in a free representative Government, and hope you will not
suppose, for a moment that I am influenced, in the slightest degree,
by a desire to conciliate vot r favor, beyond the simnle discharge of
my duty.
Having thus explicitly stated tho course I shall pursue, I should
consider myself altogether inexcusable, were I to omit bringing to
your notice some important considerations connected with this sub
ject.
Aou instruct me to vote against a particular measure. You are
obeyed. AV hat am I next to do? You, at least some of you, as
know, have been vehement in yo ir complaints against those who ad
minister the government and their friends, for not doing something to
relieve the embarrassment of the times.
A distinct recommendation is made by the President, and the sub
ject is brought before Congress for its decisive action. You say that
the measure recommended by the President will not do, and tell me
to vote against it. This instructs me negatively ns to what lam
not to do, but gives me no light whatever as to what 1 am to do, af
firmatively. If you had only vouchsafed to have told what would
answer the purpose ami meet the exigency, von would have relieved
the public as well as myself from great anxiety, and from the nega
tive position in which you have placed me, of being obliged to pre
vent, (so far as my vote may go,) any thing being done to relieve the
country.
You say the patient is very sick, and will die, unless immediate
relief be afforded. The Piesident of the United States, who is ad
mitted by all parties to possess talents of the highest order, as well
as great experience, has given his opinion as to the appropriate rem
edy. You condemn it ; declare it will kill the patient if applied ;
and yet yon leave the patient in his suffering condition, and w ill not
disclose the paracca that, in your opinion, would effect a cure. Now I
this, it seems to me, is precisely the condition in which you have
placed yourselves.
lam aware that the leaders of the Opposition, in other parts of
the country, say that a Bank of the United States would afford a j
remedy for existing evils; but this I am constrained to brliove is not I
your opinion, from the following evidence : A proposition to instruct
the Tennessee Senators in Congress to vote_for a Bank of the Uni
ted States, was brought forward at an early period in your session.
You failed to act upon it, and no such instructions were adopted.
From this fact, but one inference can be drawn, which is, that you
did not desire the establishment of such an institution. Therefore,
if I were inclined to vote for a United States Bank, as the remedy,
(which 1 am not,) you have thrown an obstacle in the way by vour
conduct, which implies that you would disapprove of such a course ;
and more especially, as, according to my recollection, there stands
on tliejournals of former sessions of the General Assembly of
Tennessee, legislative condemnations of a National Bank in almost
every form ; and these you have not rescinded or revoked. It is true,
I have beard it suggested that the opinions and situation of my col
league in the Senate prevented your acting as you* otherwise would
have done on the subject ofa National Bank, against which he stands
committed.
I will give no credence to an intimation so disreputable to the ma
jority of the Legislature of my own State. It cannot be that mem
bers of the General Assembly of Tennessee would forego what th”y
deemed a great public benefit, to favor ajty individual whatever.
They would indeed be to change the good old maxim of “ measures
not men,” into men, not measures, which I am sure, none ofyou will
venture to avow, before those who have honored you with their con
fidence.
I think, therefore, 1 may fairly conclude that you are not only op
posed to the particular measure you instruct me to vote against, but
also opposed to a United States Bank. You will perceive tint lam
confirmed in this conclusion by the fact that you are a:*, instructing
Legislature. In some States they never instruct their Senators.
They say that they arc opposed to the practice, if not being founded
on principle ; and such is understood to bo the creed of a large par
ty in the country. But this is not the case with you. You instruct
where you wish to do so, to insure a vote against a specific measure :
and you refuse to instruct where the instruction proposed to be given
is contrary to your opinions and wishes.
This is shown in the proceedings of the majority of tho Legisla
ture at your recent session. Resolutions were before you for in
structing your Senators to vote against one measure, and to vote for
another. You adopted the resolutions instructing the Senators to
vote against the Sub-Treasury system of finance, and did not adopt
those instructing them to vote for a United States Bank. Hence, the
conclusion is irrcsistable that you were in favor of the first instruc
tion, and against the last.
Thus the Treasury bill, for the collecting, safe-keeping, and dis
bursing the revenue, which is the remedy proposed by the friends of
the Administration ; and a United States Bank, which is the great
panacea of the Opposition, bein£ both rejected and negatived by
you, what remains ?
Nothing, that I can think of, but
no doubt, three-fourths of you have often censured and condemned ;
in fact, the very preamble to your present resolutions contains an
unequivocal condemnation of it. I am, therefore, left to my belief
that you are opposed to the continuance of that system. But if vou
are not so, and do really think favorably of it, how easily could you
have said so, in your instructing resolutions, and then 1 should have
known that, in laboring to amend and rectify that system,and ren
der it safe, I was fulfilling the wishes of my instructors.
We, who are here, sec daily developed the plan of the Opposi
tion, which isto embarrass the Administration by thwarting its mea
sures, and, at the same time, to propose no measure themselves to
extricate the country and the public revenue and credit from existing
difficulties. I will not, however, permit myself for a moment to be
lieve that you are acting under any sort of dictation or instructions
emanating from this quarter. Common courtesy, and the relation 1
bear towards you, forbid such an idea, although I carnot deny the
fact that there is (accidentally, no doubt) a remarkable coincidence
between your course and that of the Opposition here.
Perhaps you have not distinctly understood my sentiments in rela
tion to the collection, safe-keeping, and disbursement of the public
money.
The principle, for the establishment of which I have felt anxious,
is that a separation between the. Government and all banks should
take place, so as to prevent the public money, (which ought to be col
lected only to pay the expensesand for support of the General Gov
ernment,) from being used for banking purposes; or in other words,
from being banked or discounted on; which must involve the public
credit in all the hazards and losses of private business transactions.
All beyond this is matter of detail, about which I never felt any
groat solicitude, provided this great object should be attained, and
the money be forthcoming, when wanted to meet the" exigencies of
the Government, without being so mixed up with banks and business
concerns, as, in times of great embarrassment or excessive trade, to
leave the Government without its means, in order to enable those
who have used those means, through the banks, to return them at
their convenience.
I consider such a separation as I have named as very desirable,
both foi the banks and for the Government; and until it shall be ac
complished, the community will be periodically afflicted by those ex
pansions and contractions of bank issues which are incident to, and
produced by, the deposite and withdrawal of the public money from
the possession of banks who hold it with permission to loan it.
Besides all these weighty considerations; at this moment in a time
of profound peace and great national prosperity, wo find the banks
all over the country (including the late United States Bank, under its
State charter) with their vaults closed, and the banks that were used
for receiving deposites to be loaned refusing to pay to the Govern
ment the money which has been placed with them on deposite. The
i onseqnence is, that while the money of the Government has been
in\i stcu by these banks in doubtful or deferred loans to the trading
community, it has been obliged to resort to an issue of Treasury
notes to pay the public expenditures. This has produced considera
ble inconvenience; but should such an occurrence take place (as it
would be almost certain to do) in time of war, disgrace and ruin and
national bankruptcy and dishonor, would be its inevitable conse
quences.
Sin h a disaster too, would be quite as likely to happen from ina
bdity on the pan of the banks, as from design; to either or both of
which the Government must be subjected; and it would be more
likely to occur where owe .bank had the custody of all the public trea
sure than where it should be in the custody of many banks; because
a single bank could act with more direct concert in thwarting the
Government, or in withholding its means, to effect any favorite ob
ject ot its own, or of a political party.
1 piesuim; that none of you would hazard tho opinion that the
inis ot no/i-spectc paying banks should be received in payment of
tic pub ic dues. 11, however,such an opinion should be entertained
by any ot yon you must perceive, on reflection, that no pist discrim
ination could be made between banks that may ultimately be found
iv' 1 , 11 )’ aiR 1 , se "l losc notes are not worth six cents on a dollar.
W ould you undertake to maintain that the Government shall be com
pelled to receive and collect its debts in bank paper, which no indi
vidual can be compelled to receive for a debt due to him? No man
in the community can be compelled to take any thing for debts due
.am but gold and silver; why then should the Government be coerced
to take depreciated paper?
_ i.o tar from the friends of the Administration attempting,as is un
justly charged upon them, to make one currency for the people and
another for the Government, tlicir efforts is to place the Government
piecisely on the same footing, in this respect, as that which every in
dividual in the United States now occupies. Besides, can anything
be clearer than that Congress, by authorizing tiny thing but gold and
silver, or tlicir certain equivalent, to be received in collecting the
public revenue, would violate that provision in the Constitution which
declares that “no preference shall be given by any regulation of com
merccjir rettenwe to the ports of one State over the ports of another?”
Now, if the notes of non-speciepaying banks are to be received for
customs, and the notes of the banks in New Oilcans and Charleston
should be fifteen per cent, below specie, while the notes of the banks
of New A« ik and Philadelphia were ouly two and a half per cent,
below specie, and the notes of all these banks are receivable, would
there not be a plain and palpable advantage, and preference given,
“by a regulation of revenue,” to the ports of New Orleans and Char
leston over the ports of New York and Philadelphia ? This is cer
tainly forbidden by the Constitution.
It has been urged against the Democratic party, of which I am a
member, that we are hostile to State banks. This is unfounded so
far as I understand the-sentiments of the party and I know it to be
unjust so far as it relates to myself. My only wish is, so far as any
action ot Congress is concerned, that the banks shall not be permit
ted to trade.upon, or on any pretence to loan or use, the public mo
ney. In this, thete is no hostility to the banks, unless itcan be shown
that, in addition to tho other privileges conferred on them by their
charters, these corporations have a right to claim the possession and
use of the money belonging to the people of the United States, and
| collected for the lawful purposes of Government. No such right ex
! ists; and the banks have no more cause of complaint against the
| Government, on this account, than they would have against an indi
’ vidual who would not let them have his money to loan out and trade
upon. As to the State banks,l would say, the States have created
them, and whatever control should be exercised over them, ought
to proceed from the State Governments respectively, and not from
Crfngress, which has no power either to establish or abolish them.
Equally unfounded is the misrepresentation made by the Oppo
sition respecting an exclusive metalic currency for all purposes. It
is certainly desiiable that all banking institutions should so establish
and secure their metalic basis, as that the paper circulation founded
upon it may be rendered safe, and convertible, in times of depression
as well as prosperity, into gold aud silver, atthe will of the holder;
and that this controvertibility shall be substantial, and not merely
theoretical. It would also be highly beneficial to banish, all small
bills from circulation, as this would introduce specie into common use
for the ordinary transactions of life, and would also be a protection
to the industrious classes, who always suffer most in any bank fail
ure, because they hold the greatest portion of the small bills in cir
culation.
But for the accomplishment of these objects,the people must look
mainly to their State authorities, and not to the General Govern
ment.
I ~ As to a United States Bank, my opinion is unchanged and con
! firmed. AV aiving all constitutional difficulties, I should look upon
| an act chartering such an institution, as creating a power danger-
I ous to the liberties of the people; a power that would not merely
control the currency and the rise and fall of property but would con
trol the Government itself. It would hold in its hands the means to
make war or peace, and to dictate all the policy and measures of the
Government.
It is all a delusion to suppose that Congress, by its enactments
couid fetter and bind dawn such an institution, with a lai go capital,
and to which all the other banking institutions in tiro —must
be subservient. Place around it what legislative guards you please,
it is still an unshorn Sampson, that will at pleasure, snap asunder all
the ligaments with which you may seek to bind it. The late
Bank of the United States has disregarded the very law of its crea
tion whenever it became its interest to do so, as in the case of the
investigating committee appointed by Congress, its exclusion of the
Government directors, &cl and no reason exists to authorize a belief
that another bank would not conduct in a similar manner. If it
should oppose the Government, it would be strongor than the Gov
ernment. If it should unite with the Government, it W’ould make
the Government stronger than the people.
1 n conclusion, I would remark, that you have exercised a right
which you possessed in instructing me, and 1 have only discharged
a duty which you have imposed on me, in making this address to
you as a declarative of my views. We are co-agents for the people
of Tennessee, in our different positions. Your instructions do not
; at all conclusively prove that I either had done wrong in thatrespect
I or should have done wrong, had they not been given. They only
show a difference of opinion between you and myself, which, in
this case, no doubt does really exist. But as I understand and shall
. practise upon the right of instruction, it is not based on any supposed
t superiority of the instructing members of the Legislature over the
i Senators oi the State ; nor is it founded upon the idea that the par
r ticular or individual opinionsand feelings of those members who
_ vote to instruct, create any binding obligation upon the instucted Scn
| ator, bccuuSC these opinions and feelings may not be the result of the
. careful consideration of the subject, or a knowledge of the will of
t the people, but may be produced by party prejudices or partialities,
; stimulated from other sources than the people ihemselvcs, to effect
i party purposes. On none of these is the right of instruction founded ,
but itis founded upon the presumption, that the members of the
Legislature, from their great number, their mode of selection from
all parts of the State, and their supposed conversance with the
• people, are the safest exponents of the public will.
i But the great common arbiter, the people themselves, have a
right to decide all questions between their agents, and they may be of
, opinion that my instructors have instructed too much or too little ;
and to them, so far as I am concerned, the whole matter is respect
fully submitted.
Your fellow-citizen,
FELIX GRUNDY.
[From’ the Extra Globe.]
INTRODUCTION.
The present number of the Extra Globe is circulated simultane
ously with the Prospectus, that the public may have a full view of
the principles and measures it is designed to advocate. The issue
between Federalism and Democracy is again fairly joined by the
Representatives of the two great parties in Congress. As in the
origin of the struggle, when Hamilton presided over the Treasury,
the Federal party seek to bring into the field the banking and fund
ing—the stock-jobbing interest—the money power—to make war
upon the virtue of the pure primitive principles of our institutions.
The controlling influence which this class is presumed to hold over
all otb.er classes, in the sway it has obtained over the whole circula
ting medium, now that the constitutional currency it, in effect, sup
planted by the suspension of specie payments, emboldens the Fed
eral party to avow their original principles. 'i'lieyerc, wielding the
moneyed and trading interest, tire to govern the many, constituting
the landed and producing classes. Capital, with its modern power
of expansion, is to subject every interest by making every interest
tributary to it. The farming, mechanical, and laboring classes, are
tobesubdued by debt—by taxation—as they ire in every monarchical
and aristocratical Government. In such Governments, the usurped
sovereignty maintains itself by levying contributions on the people to
hire soldiers to enforce submission. In Republican Governments, to
aven this danger, the taxing power is confided to Representatives
who are held in subordination to the tax-payers, through elections.
I o counteract this saving principle, the aristiocratic scheme here is,
to operate on the Government with a national league of corporations
irresponsible to the people, and to which an indirect, but almost un
limited, taxing power is conceded. The currency of this league of
banks will tax every thing it touches. The borrower pays the im
post, in the shape of premium or interest, into the banks. Whatever
commodity he purchases with the paper money loaned to him, is im
mediately taxed the amount of discount paid for the loan. The
banks are, in fact, custom-houses, where a tax is paid on -the whole
currency they issue. It attaches to every thing bought with it; and
the burden, apparently borne by the borrower, (like that levied on
importing merchants by the Government,) is saddled at last on the
consumer.
Men who have money have doubtless a right to tax borrowers for
the use of it. They may go further, and turn the credit it imparts
to account by selling it ;jtl |() y may associate together and become
bankers, to facilitate and extend their operations ; but to make banks
political engines—to give (hem capital to bank on, raised by taxing
the people—to allow them to ofree a currency on the people which
they have no capital of their own to redeem—-to insist that this cur
rency shall be received by the Government itself, thus imparting to
it a credit based on the property of the whole people, not on the
capital of the stockholders-—(a privilege from which the Constitu
tion itself debarred the States, by declaring they should not issue bills
of credit,)—and, finally, after actually suspending specie payments,
setting at nought the laws, their own charters, and the Constitution,
to give them a political existence, and make them administrators of
the Government finances, when they have ceased to be banks, in
the legitimate sense, shows at once that it it is not for the fair mer
cantile business purposes, avowed as the objects of their creation,
they are now to be employed, but that they arc to be perverted to
schemes of innovation on our political institutions.
To such institutions, the party which would ally an irresponsible
taxing power with the political power of the State, now look for
success; and if the iiiuncyed corporations of the country become
throughly identified with tiiC Government, those who will then ad
minister the national authority Will soon make the banking parallel
which wo arc now running with England, lead to as perlect a simili
luthi in the supreme influence which commands its legislation.
The political party which is invested with all the power of tho
great banks of the Union, is in difficulty as to tho mode of apply
ing it to give impulse and direction to the Government. The Im
perial Bank, with branches in each State, endowed with the capi
tal and credit of the Government, supported on the one hand by a
high tariff, to supply surpluses to its mammoth coffers, and on the
other with a prescription of internal improvements, to conduct its
mercurial influence through every nerve of the Republic, is the sys
tem to which the Federal leaders and all their well-trained follow
ers direct their efforts. This power, with a control over the State
Legislatures and State banks, and in full co-operation with a Federal
Administration commanding majorities in both branches of Con
gress, would establish the reign of corruption here as absolutely as
it ever was in England.
The popular will and popular virtue has hitherto stayed this dan
gerous and encroaching influence. The election of two successive
Chief Magistrates, inflexibly resolved on “uncompromising hostility”
to the great Bank Government, has arrested its progress. The
people have also returned successive majorities to Congress to sus
tain the Executive in this protracted resistance ; but the bank has
always found means to approach a few among a multitude ; and a few
honest hut deceived members, added to the list of those making false
professions at the polls, as a means of attaining a station to enable
them to betray the people, for their own profit, have again and again
turned the scale in favor of the bank, which, at the opening of each
Congress, preponderated against it. The veto which the popular
will has interposed in a firm Chief Magistrate has alone saved them
from the double weight of a Federal bank and Federal Administra
tion.
Under these circumstances, some oblique course must be taken by
the Federal partv to attain the essential point in its policy. If we do
not greatly err, Federalism will embrace Mr. Rive’s bill, as opening
the nearest and least obstructed path to tho consummation of its de
signs. This bill proposes the establishment of a league of twenty
five State banks, to constitute the fiscal agency of the General Go
vernment. They are to be recommended by the Secretary of the
Treasury by selection ; but both Houses of Congress, by joint reso
lutions must concur to establish the league hy appointment, and Con
gress, by law, can, at any time, “cause the removal of the public
money from any of the said hanks." These banks are to have the
revenues of the United States to bank upon—are “to enter into mu
tual arrangements for receiving and crediting as cash in payment
of the public dues, the notes of each other" and “to render to the
Government of the United States all the duties and services hereto
fore required by laic to be performed by the late Bank of the United
States and its several branches or offices." The substitute further
provides that the fixing on the banks, their number and locality,
to form this league, “shall be determined purely with reference to the
icants and convenience of the Treasury in conducting the fiscal ope
rations."
These clauses, and another which, after a certain time, excludes
the paper of all banks, as Treasury money, issuing notes under ten
dollars— (accommodating the restriction of Mr. Rives to the lowest
denomination of notes authorized by Mr. Biddle’s late charter, and
waiving that of tw’enty dollars, insisted upon in his bill of the extia
session)—would seem to point out the existing Bank of the United
States as the head of the twenty-four State banks or branches. How
ever this may be, it is certain that no bank could come forward with
more promisingpretensions, “to render all the duties and services
heretofore” rendered by the Bank of the United States, than that
bank itself; and as the vote of either branch of Congress can ex
clude any other bank from the service ;as the Bank of the United
States has the whole Federal phalanx devoted to its interests in both
Houses, and has found means to draw majorities to its support in de
fiance of the instructions of constituencies, and the avowed consti
tutional scruples of some who, having, at first, denounced, were, in
the end, found fighting in its ranks, it will certainly have no reason to
despair of regaining the deposites, and its ascendancy as the head
of the system, if, upon the principle of Mr. Rive’s bill, the question
is to be "determined purely with reference to the wants and con
venience of the Treasury in conducting the fiscal operations .” This
being the sole test, it would be difficult to deny that the mammoth
power was entitled to the preeminence to which it aspires.
Its acknowledged superiority, in point of "convenience,” growing
out of its foreign alliances and its immense capital, stamps its selec
tion on the face of Mr. Rive’s bill. It excludes the Secretary of
the Treasury and Congress from giving the slightest consideration to
the past enormities of the institution under the conduct of Mr. Bid
lie, in weighing its pretensions. The cdlrupt political influence it
has exerted—its bribery of the press—its corrupt largeness to public
men, elected to oppose it, buying their votes to the betrayal of the
people—the confiscation of the public money held by it on deposite,
under pretext of damages, which nothing but the verdict of a jury
could assess, and the judgment of a court give a title to—its refusal
to permit a committee of Congress to inspect the books, in violation
of an express provision of the charter—and its fraud in issuing the
notes of the old bank, for which the stock of the Government is
bound, as the currency of a bank in which it has no interest, and
foi the purpose of evading the provisions of the State charter—these,
and a hundred other disqualifying offences that might be enumerated,
are to be interdicted by law from operating against the selection of
that bank as the fiscal agent of the Treasury, which, by means of
its greater capital and more extended relations—by the very corrupt
power it exerts—is more capable of affording “convergence,” and
supplying the“wants” of the Treasury “in conducting its fiscal op
erations,” than any other ; and therefore, according to Mr. Rive’s
bill, the pretensions of this corrupt institution "shall be determined
purely with rejcrcnce” to those considerations in which it has the
advantage.
But this bill of Mr. Rives would reverse the declared opinion of the
gicat body of the Democratic party upon another point. To separate
Government from banks ; to exclude the banks from the use of the
public revenues—from taxing the people on the capital raised from
them in taxes; to withdraw the banks from interference with the
politics and the legislation of the country, by taking away all motive
for intermeddling, is a great principle with the Democratic party.
That men and mind, and not money, should govern, was the cardi
nal point from which the dividing line separating parties was origi
nally drawn. Now that bank multiplication, with an increase in
pul’.’cr equal to that imparted by steam to modern machinery, has
given a tenfold momentum to money, and new facilities in its ap
plication to politics, it has become more than ever the effort of one
party to exclude, and of the other to blend, its influence with Go
vernment. The conflict of parties at the present moment merges
every difference but this.
And how does the scheme of Mr. Rives respond to the universal
wish of the Democratic party to exclude the moneyed corporations
from all political control in the country? He puts twenty-five banks
at the disposal of the head of the Treasury, and the dominant major
ity in the two Houses of Congress. The Executive (who, if this sys
tem succeed, must represent the banks) selects, and the majorities
he brings with him into Congress appoints, twenty-five of the greatest
banks in the Union, to manage (he national purse for their common
advantage. With the credit and capital of the country at command,
these Government banks could as easily control theminor State in
stitutions as Mr. Biddle’s bank and his twenty-four branches ever
did, and especially if Mr. Biddle’s thirty-five million bank were one
of them—an event not unlikely to happen, if Mr. Rive’s substitute
triumphs (as it must if it succeeds at all) over the Administration, and
the Democratic party that sustains it. With such a moneyed ma
chinery connected with Government, interested to work for Federal
ism, because it promises to u«rrle banking indissolubly with the
Treasury, and feed it with all its revenues, is there not every reason
to apprehend that, with its power over innumerable debtors, its in
terest with multitudes of powerful stockholders and officers, the
party so long discarded by the people from power may again com
mand the Chief Magistracy and majorities in Congress'? And with
such means, would it not be able to perpetuate its reign?
But, to look above party considerations, the double marriage by
which Mr. Rives would unite the banks with the Government, threat
ens, we think, greatly to deprave its morality. While the banks
were only wedded to the Treasury, the closest scrutiny was pressed
by committees of Congress into their mutual transactions ; but when
the banks become the pels of majorities in Congress and of the
Treasury, where is the check to that prostitution which nothing but
the jealousy and vigilance of e. disinterested popular representation
has ever been found adequate to furnish ? \\ hen the banks become
bantlings of the two Houses—when they are introduced into both
chambers, and voted into fellowship in the administration of the
money concerns of the people—an intimacy is begun between the
national representation and the money corporations, more dangerous
to the country than if the latter were admitted to an open and res
ponsible membeiship on the floor of Congress. The first effect of
this close intimacy between those who vote the taxes and those who
have the keeping and lending of the revenue so raised, is to break
down the barrier which the Constitution has raised to separate the
Legislative and Executive trusts, and by which they arc made a check
upon each other. The banks in Mr. Rive’s bill are, in fact, treas
urers, and each State delegation will bling into Congress one of
those treasurers. The delegation which supports a bank in Con
gress, may calculate on the support of the bank at home. The mote
money the banks have, the more effectual will be its political influ
ence. In Congress, each delegation will be interested to swell the
Treasury surpluses, which increase the influence of such potent po
litical,instruments; nay, more as these treasurers, domesticatedjin Con
gress, can appropriate the public money to th,* use of individuals by
loans without law, these who have the power to raise the revenues,
can legitimately, through the banks, find the means of putting largo
sums in their own pockets, without the responsibility of voting it
there. A mutual interest then springs up between the members of
Congress and the Congress treasurers to levy immense surplus rev
eilles, while it is so easy to convert it, without responsibility, with-
out even the knowledge of the people who pays it, to the benefit ot
those who vote the taxes, and those who approprirte them in loans.
In opposition to this scheme, the President proposes the simple
plan of the Constitution, which separates those who vote the taxes
from those who keep them. He p; oposes that they shall be kept sa
credly from all use but that for which the Legislature alone is au
thorized to lav them, viz: to meet the wants of the Government, as
provided for by exact appropriations. He proposes that the use of a
single dollar, in any other way, shall subject the Executive officer
intrusted with it to punishment as a felon—that it shall be secured ii»
public vaults by all the checks which protect the public money in
the vaults of banks—that it shall be guarded through the checking
accounting departments, and the means thus put in the power of Con
gress to trace the disposition of every larthing of public money
through every branch of the Treasury, and to fasten defalcations, if
any should occur, upon the offender. Further to guard against de
falcation, bond with adequate security is to be exacted from every
officer entrusted with the smallest portion of it.
[From the Washington Chronicle.}
ARRANGEMENT OF PARTIES.
The Mississippian contains the following very just reflec
tions :
“Mr. Prevvett, on yesterday, entertained the Hotfse with one
of the ablest speeches which lias been delivered during the
present session. His subject was the supplement to the Union
bank and the vices of the banking system generally. It
refreshing after the declamation on this subject, to hear an
man of 75 years of age talk sense and reason.—We wish eve-'
ry man in the country could have heard him. He reminded us
of the old fashioned republicans that flourished during the times
of Air. Jefferson, who are about to be supplanted by modern;
Whigs and patent Democrats, who seem combined to overturn
the principles of ’9B, and to subvert the true theory of our
Government. We believe, however, that there is now a pro
cess of purification going forward, which will purge the politi
cal parties of the country. The disciples of Alexander Ham
ilton and the elder Adams w ill be arrayed on the one side, and
the followers of Jefl’erson, the supporters of the
and the true State Rights party on the other.”
Nothing is more true than what is here set down. It is in
vain to attempt concealment or disguise. We are now as we
were in 1791, when the Federal party first rallied on the bank.
The same questions must work out the same results. Parties
will take sides according to their respective principles;—and
the lines will be drawn deep and broad between the two. Some
there are who w ill attempt to seek shelter behind the deposite
State bank system; —but reflecting men will see that this resort
is but a subterfuge. An organized system of State banks, is
but a National Bank in another, and the worst form. It goes
a step beyond the old Federal party, and strikes at the rights
of the States, by a direct interference with their domestic insti
tuiions. It, in fact, proposes to convert Slate agents into
Federal agents ; and thus to consolidate power in the hands
of the Federal Government, and, at the same time, to unite, as
Air. Clay said in 1834, “the PURSE and the SWORD in the
bands of ONE Al AN.” In support of this scheme, every
consolidationist will, of course, rally,—while the advocates of
State Rights will take the other side. To this complexion it
must come at last.
The supporters of the 4gpc»ite or pet bank system, in 1833,
had some excuse; —for at that time the experiment was untried;
and the object was to get rid of a National Bank. But its
present supporters appear to us without reasons for their course.
They have witnessed the workings of the experiment, and feel
its disastrous effects. It has led to a vicious system of specu
lation and favoritism, unknow n in the annals of civilized Gov
ernment. W'e are confounded at the facts and circumstances
brought to light by the late investigations of the bank commit
tees in the several States. It seems that the whole system has
been utterly perverted.* Not only have the legitimate objects of
banking been entirely disregarded; not only have the banks be
come dealers in goods, wares, and merchandise —buying up
Rail Road, Canal, Turnpike manufacturing and other charters;
—not only have they flooded the country with spurious paper
—but they have actually divided in some cases their entire
capital between a few individuals. We see from the report of
the bank commissioners in Massachusetts, that the Hancock
bank, with a capital of $500,000, loaned out to its President
and two of its Directors, the entire capital, and SIO,OOO be
yond ! ! To the President $210,000 —to one Director,
$160,000 —and to the other, $140,000 ! The entire capital,
and more, to three of its own officers ! ! Is this banking?— or
is it swindling ?
But these are the consequences grow ing out of a connection
between the Government and the banks. So long as the con
nection exists, so long may we expect to see and feel these abu
ses.
As to a National Bank, we maintain that it is unconstitution
al, —inexpedient, and dangerous. A connection of the Gov
ernment with such an institution, at this time, —would be preg
nant with incalculable evils. It would be a tremendous politi
cal machine, conferring on the Government unlimited patron
age, and irresistible power. We will have none of it. We
concur entirely in the subjoined views of the Alississippian.
“ We shall say but little upon the expediency of chartering
a National Bank. An institution which has corrupted the whole
banking system, induced a wild spirit of speculation, stimula
ted over issues, produced panics and distress, and warred upon
the liberties of the country. The report asserts that a United
States Bank could have averted our calamities, and quotes po
etry to prove that Biddle’s Bank is immaculate, when its notes
are two per cent, below par in New York, and when there was
paper enough on the door ol the bank when it refused payment,
to have extracted every dollar from its vaults.
It is admitted that a United States Bank would prostrate our
own banks. What would be the condition of this State should
the Union bank be destroyed by a National Bank ? The
bankruptcy of the whole community ! Yet there are men so
bigotted and blinded by party zeal, that they desire a Nation
al Bank though it produce the destruction of the whole
South. i
[From the Globe.] ■
By mistake, we yesterday gave the resolutions of the Democratic
members of the Legislature at Frankfort for those of the Harrods
burg meeting. I hey both eminently deserve a place in cur columns*
We annex the Harrodsburg resolutions :
PUBLIC MEETING IN HARRODSBURG, MERCER CO.
KENTUCKY.
A very large and respectable meeting of the citizens of Mercer
county, Kentucky, friendly to the present administration of the
General Government, was held at the court-house in Harrodsburg
on the Ist day of January, 1838, agreeably to previous notice. The
object of the meeting being stated by Joseph Haskin, Esq, General
Robert B. McAfee was called to the chair, and Benjamin C. Allen,
Esq. appointed secretary. After which, Air. Haskin moved that a
committee be appointed to report resolutions expressive of the opin
ions of the meeting, and the following gentlemen were immediately
selected by the Chair, viz :
Joseph Haskin, Esq. Peter R. Dunn, Esq. Major Samuel Mac
coun, Colonel William Wade, Nelson Mays, Esq. Rev. Jesse Head,
Col. David McGee, and Col. Rh. M. Sutfield.
On the committee retiringfcto prepare the resolutions, the chair-.,
man, General Robert B. McAfee, was requested to occupy the time.
in presenting his views of the present condition of the country, and
the measures proposed by the Administration, which he did in Ins usu- .
al animated and happy style, which was listened to by an attentive
and crowded audience, whose deep anxiety and profound silence.
gave full evidence of their love of country.
The committee having in the mean time returned, reported the .
following tesolutions .
1. Resulted, That it is sound policy in the Government of the.
United States to collect its revenues in the constitutional currency, t
sons to meet all demands against it in the most prompt manner, ac-_
cording to law.
2. That the revenues of the United States ought not to be loaned
to corporations or individuals, so as to be beyond the control of the
Government when wanted for its necessary expenditures.
3. That all connection between the banks and the Government of
the United States authorizing loans of its money, gives an undue and
fictitious credit to such banks, enabling them to flood the country
with their paper, to the ultimate injury of all classes of society.
4. That gold and silver coin is the onZy safe regulator of the cur
rency and the surest standard of value, and no banks which refuse to
redeem their notes in such coin ought to be tolerated or entitled to
more favors than individual citizens.
5. That the Constitution of the United States has wisely provi
ded that nothing but gold or silver shall be a legal tender in the pay
ment of debts, and that attempts to evade this provision is a violation
of the fundamental principles of our Government.
6. That the administration of the General Government is entitled
to our full confidence, and ought to be sustained in all its efforts to
place our financial system beyond the control of banks or individ
uals.
Mr. Haskin then addressed the meeting for nearly an hour, in tho
most able and satisfactory manner, in which he defended the Admin-,
istration and delighted his audience with a clear and lucid exposition
of facts, showing that misrepresentation, with its thousand tongues,
had only burnished the shield and brightened the panoply of out tru
ly Democratic Republican President.
The resolutions were then unanimously adopted.
BEN. C. ALLEN, Sec’y.
January 1, 1838. •