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_ HI STORIGAL. _ ' meT oi r s of napol eb n • [Translated far the Stan dura of Uniflti;.] CHAPTER 111. PLAN OF THE CAMPAIGN. l«f. Ciin the French army commence hoslilitict on the first of April ?—2d. Three Plans of Campaign proposed: The first plan, to remain entirely on the defensive, and draw the enemies' armies under Faris and Lyons.—3d. Plan the second; to act upon the offensive, ami invade Belgium on the loth of June.—Uh. Plan the third ; to commence hos tilities on the \slh day of June, aisl in case of disaster, to retire and draw the enemy under the walls of Paris and Lyons. This last plan of operations adopted by the Em peror. The game night of his arrival at Paris, the Emperor ordered tetcral Excelmans to pursue the military establishment of the King, with 3000 cavalry ; and to capture, destroy, or promptly to force it beyond the .frontiers of France. But this establishment of the King, composed of heterogenous materials, dissolvid ol itself. Os its ruins, one part was surrounded mid disarmed, at the tbrticss Bethune. The other part succeeded in taking shelter in the new church, where it was disbanded by order of the Count D’Artois. General Excelmans took possession of all the horses, magazines, and baggage belonging to this corps. Its officers and privates, hunt ed on all sides by the peasants, threw off their uniforms, and sought, by disguising themselves, to escape the effects of the popular indig nation. A few days after, the Count Reille entered Flanders with 12.'>00 men, to reinforce the troops commanded by the Count D’Erlon, who were in Garrison upon that frontier. The Emperor then deliberated, if with these 35 or 36,000 men, he should com mence hostilities on the first of April, by marching upon Brussels, and rallying the Belgian Army under his colours. The English and Prussian armies were weak, scattered, without order, without commanders, and without concert. Many of their officers were ab sent on furlough ; the Duke of Wellington was absent at Vienna; Marshall Blucher was at Berlin; the French army’ could have en tered Brussels on the second of April. But thtf following consider ations presented themselves:—lst. Hopes were cherished that peace might still be preserved ; France desired it, and would have greatly censured any premature offensive movement. 2d. The con centration of 35 or 36,000 men would, nt that time, have left de fenceless the twenty-three fortresses extending frwm Calais to I’hil lipville, forming the tripU U. ih«. North. If the public spirit upon that frontier was as good as that of Alsace, of the Voges, the Ardennes, or the Alps, the tioops might have been withdrawn without inconvenience ; but in Flanders the people were divided. Il would have been highly imprudent to intrust the defence of those fortresses to the local National Guards, and it would have required a month to raise and transport to those posts, the battalions of the tide of the National Guards from the neighboring departments, to replace the troops of the line. 3d. And lastly, the Duke D’Angou l»rme was marching upon Lyons, and the J/orsciZ/ois upon Greno ble. The first news that hostilities had commenced, would have encouraged and stimulated the malecontents. It was of the first importance to drive the Bourbons from the territory of the Empire, and rally the whole French people ; which was not accomplished before the twentieth of April. In the coutse of May, whilst France was reposing in peace, her intestine commotions having been quelled, it became evident that peace with foreign nations could not long be preserved; the armies of the different powers were marching upon the frontiers of France. The Emperor meditated upon the plan of the campaign necessary for him to adopt. Three plans presented themselves for consider ation. The first, was to rest upon the defensive; leaving to the Allies the odium of being the aggressors, and of having commenced the war. By this course they would bo compelled to attack our fortified places, and having penetrated to the walls of Paris and Lyons, we should commence at these two points, a war energetic and decisive. This project hid many advantages. Ist. The Allies not being able to open the campaign sooner than the fifteenth of July, could net arrive before Paris and Lyons earlier than the fifteenth of August; by which time the first, second, third, fourth, fifth and sixth corps of the army, together with the four corps of heavy cavalry, and the guards, would be concentrated under Paris. On the 15th of June, these corps ajiounted to 14(1,000 men under arms ; by the 15th of August they would be augmented to 240,000 men. The first corps of observation, called du Jura, and the 7th corps, would bo united under Lyons; on the 15th of June they amounted to 25,000 men under arms: they would be increased to 60,000 men by the 15th of August. 2d. The fortifications of Paris and Lyons would bo completed by that time, (15th August.) The organization and arming the forces intended for the defence of Paris and of Lyons would bo accomplished by that period; and tbne would be afforded to reduce the Parisian National Guard to 8000 men, and to quadruple the tirailleur* of that Capital, by in creasing iboMi to 60,000 men. These battalions of tirailleurs, com manded by officers of the line, would be of excellent service ; and bemgjojned to 6000 artillerists of the line, of the marine, and of the National Guards; and to 40,000 men drawn from the depots of the seventy infantry regiments, and of the un-uniformed guard be to lh<3 rOrp * of ,he . arn ‘> r " nder Pari!, > would increase t> 116,000 men, the force destined to defend the entrenched camp of Parrs. Iho garrison of Lyons would —>mp'used 4UOO Na- tional Guard*, li/wo tirailleurs, 2000 artillerists, and 7000 men drawn from the depots of the eleven regiments ofinfantrv of thearmv under Lyons, forming a total of 25,000 men. 4th. The enemies’ armies marching upon Paris from the North and the East, would be obliged to leave 150,000 msn before the forty-two fortresses of these two frontiers. Estimating the force of these armies at 600,000 men, they would thus be reduced to 450,000 men, by the time they arrived before Paris. The allied army that should pene trate France by the way of Lyons, would be obliged to watch the ten fortified places upon the frontier du Jura, and the Alps. Sup posing it to amount to_ 150,000 men, scarcely 100,000 could be brought.before Lyons. sth. Besides which, the great national cri sis, arrive I at its height, would develope the greatest energy in Noimandy, Brittainy, ’Auvergne, in Berry, and other places. Numerous battalions would constantly be added to the army of Paris.. 1 he I rench army would be constantly increasing ; those of the allies constantly diminishing in strength. 6th. 240,0'J0 men, in the hands of the Emperor, manetivring upon the two banks of the Seine, and of the Marne, covered by the vast entrenched camp of Paris, defended by 116,000 men not moveable, would be victorious ovbr 450,000 enemies. 60,000 men, commanded by Marshall Sachet, manetivring upon the two banks of the Rhone, and the Sa one, covered by Lyons, guarded and defended by 25,000 men nrt moveable, would be able to repulse the enemies’army ; the holy cause of the country would be triumphant! ! The second plan for the campaign, was, to anticipate the Allies, and to commence hostilities before they were in readiness. The Allies not being able to commence hostilities before the 15th of July, it was necessary to open tho campaign on the 15th day of June, defeat the Anglo-Holland army, and the Prusso-Saxon army •tationed in Belgium, before the Russian. Austrian, Bavarian, and VVertimberg armies could arrive upon the Rhine. By the 15th of June an army of 140,000 men could be collected in Flanders, be sides leaving sufficient garrisons in nil the fortresses, and maskin" the whole forntiers. Ist. If the Anglo-Holland and Piusso-Saxen armies should be defeated, Belgium would revolt, and her army would be added to that of France. 2d. The defeat of the English army would occaston the fall of the English Minister, who would be succeeded by a friend to peace, to liberty, and the independence of natmns; which single circumstance would terminate the war. 3d. Should it, however, be otherwise, the army, victorious in Bel gium, reinforced by the fifth corps, which remained in Alsace, and from the depots, in the months of June and July, would immedi ately march upon the Vogei, against the Russian and Austrian ar mies. 4th. The advantages of this plan were numerous. It con formed to the genius of the nation ; to the spirit and principles actuating them in that war. It remedied the terrible necessity at tached to the first plau, a£ uknnrMnrng rttnt(tors, Picardy, Artois, Alsace, Lorraine, Champagne, Bourgogne, Franche Compte and Daupbincy, to the enemy, without firing a gun. But, would it be possible, with an army of 140,000 men, to beat the two armies X C nn<f B<,l * ,um ’ I na "' e,y: ,hc ,A"g»<’-HoHHnd army, composed of 104, JOO men under arms ; and the Prusso-Saxon army of 120,000 men ; constituting together a force of 224,000 men. But this dis parity in numbers was in some measure reduced bv the quality of lite troops composing the respective armies. The allied army con- X m u°r P ’ ’"’’m ° r eM K °'.’ d ;in eraf,e °" B English sol dw miqht be considered equal to one French soldier; two Hol land I russ.an, or soldiers of the Confederation of the Rhine, equal to one French. Ihe armies of the enemy were cantonned under the command of two different Generals, and consisted of na tions divided by interests, and in sentiments. The month of May was passed in maturing these projects. The section ,n La Vendee weakened the army of Airs 20,00 u men , thus reducing its numbers to 12\000. This was a most fortunate event, and greatly diminished the chance, of success* But the c.Vll war commenced in La Vendee might spread farther ; the Allies, master, of several provinces, might be able to roller the partisans of the Bourbons. Although France was averse to these Princes, yet the march of the enemy to Pari, and to Lyons, would be favorable to them On the other hind, Belgium, and the four depar ment. of the Rhme with extended arms, loudly called for their liberator; and an understanding existed with the Belgian army. Fheiju circumstances determined the Emperor to adopt the third plan, of attacking the armies Anglo-Holland, and Prusso- Saxon, separate, and beat them ; and in case of failure w collect his army and fall back upon Pari, and Lyons. Without doubt, after having failed in the attack upon Belgium, the nrmy would nr r*vo before Paris much weakened; that tho opportunity would be **»L for reducing the National Guard of tho Capital from it, num ber oi 36,000, to 8000 men, for the purpose of incteaging the tirail leurs to 6 i.OOO men; because that operation could not be peiform ed la tiie absence of Napoleon, and during the war, it i, j u « u | go to rvmarit, that the allies, who it was thought would not commence Our wm trf«»ihe Jsth «f July, would be in Awlimv. by t] w £ rM of July, sheuld they be provoked by the the commencement of hos tilities on the fifteenth of June; that their march upon Ppris would be greatly accelerated after a victory; and that the army of Flan ders, reduced to 120,000 men, was 90,000 men less than the armies of the Marshall Blucher, ii-.d the Duke of Wellington. But in 1814, France had, with but 40,000 men in arms, made bead against the army commanded by the Marshall Blucher, and that commanded by Prince Schwartzenberg, accompanied by the two Emperors of Russia and Austria, and the King of Prussia. These united armies consisted of 250,000 men strong. The French army of but 40,000 men, had several times defeated them!! At the battle of Montmirail, the corps of Sacken, D’lorck, and of Kleis, were 40,000 strong; they were attacked, beaten, and driven across the Marne, by 16,000 nten, namely : the infantry and horse guards; the division of Ricard, of 1,150 men, and one division of Cuiras siers. At the same lime Marshal! Blucher, with 20,000 men, was held in check by the corps of Marmont, consisting of 4000 men ; and the army of Schwartzenberg, 100,000 strong, was in like man ner checked in its progress by the corps of MacDonald, Oudinot, and Girard, amounting in nil to less than 18,000 men. The Duke of Dalmatia, (Soult,) was appointed Major-General of the army ; on the second day of June he issued the following order of the day, and immediately departed from Paris to inspect the fortresses in Flanders, and the army : “ The most solemn ceremony has just consecrated our institu tions. The Emperor has received from the representatives of the people, and deputations from every corps of the army, the expres sion of the assent of the whole nation to the supplementary act to the Constitution of the Empire, which had been submitted for its acceptance; and a new covenant unites France and the Emperor. Thus our destiny has been fulfilled ; and the efforts of an impious alliance shall not be able to separate the interests of a great people, from the hero who has attracted the admiration of the universe by a succession of the most brilliant exploits. • “Itis at this time, when the National will has been manifested with so much energy, that the cry of war is heard ; it is at the moment when Fiance is at peace with all Europe, that foreign armies are advancing upon our frontiers. What then, is the hope and design of this new coalition 1 Does it wish to drive France from the rank of nations! Does it wish to plunge in servitude twenty-eight millions of Frenchmen 1 Has it forgotten that the first league which was formed against our independence, contribut ed to our aggrandizement, and our glory 1 One hundred brilliant victories, that a momentary reverse, and misfortunes have been un able to efface, should remind it that a free people, conducted by a great mnn, is invincible. “ When the cause of liberty, and the national honor are at stake, nil are soldiers in France. A common interest now unites all I Frenchmen. Tlio flight of the Bourbons from the territory of I France, has dissolved tho engagements that had been forced upon I us by violence ; they have been dissolved, too, by the appeal of the Bourbons to foreign armies to assist in recovering the throne they have abandoned ; and by the unanimous vow of the nation, which, in re-entering upon the free exercise of its rights, has solemnly dis avowed and disclaimed all that had been done without its consent and participation. “The people of France will never submit to laws imposed by foreigners ; even those who have gone to solicit paricidal aid from our enemies, will soon know and feel, like their predecessors, that contempt and infamy follow their steps; and that they can never wash away the approbrium with which they are covered, but by re turning to our ranks. “ A new career of glory is open to the arviy. History will con secrate the memory of those military exploits which shall render illustrious the defenders of their countiy, and of the national honor. We are told that our enemies are numerous; what care we for’tbat ? It will be the more glorious to conquer them, and their defeat will be so much the more decisive. The struggle in which we are about to engage, is not beyond the genius of Napoleon, nor greater than our power to meet it. Do we not behold all the departments of the empire rivalling each other in devotion and enthusiasm ; and have they not, as if by enchantment, filled the ranks of five hundred superb battalions of national guards, which have already come to double your numbers, to defend our cities, to divide thedangeis and I participats in the glory of the army ? It is the outpouring of the I spirit of a generous people which no power can conquer, and which I will he the admiration of remotest posterity. To arms ! , “ The signal will soon be given for each to do his duty. From i the n tinbers of the enemy our victorious phalanxes will derive ja new renown. Soldiers! Napoleon guides our steps; we shall combat for the independence of our beautiful country ; wo shall triumph, for we are invincible !” •This number does not include the fourteen regiments of English troops, landed at Ostend from America, or in garrison at the fortified places of Belgium* STATE RIGHTS and UNITED STATES RIGHTS. ~ gifatn>(tri> of ggttidtt. JVie friends of lhe Unionare our friends, and its enemies, our enemies.’ TUESDAY MORNINO, MAY 2S. UnionDemotratic Republican Ticket, FOR CONGRESS. D. C. CAMPBELL, Esq. of Bibb, ; Gen. CHAS. H. NELSON, of Cherokee, Gen. B. GRAVES, of Neuton, ROB’T W. POOLER, of Chatham, JUNIUS HIU.YER, Esq. of Clark, Col. J. S. PATTERSON, of Early, Hon. ALF’D IVERSON, of Muscogee, ■ Hon. H. WARNER, of Meriwether. Dr.J.G. McWHORTER, ofJtiehmond, | ff?*Bisliop England, of Charleston, will preach in the Metho dist Church of this place, This (Tuesday) Evening, 22d inst., at the usual hour of preaching. LETTERS OF “A CITIZEN," TO NICHOLAS BIDDLE. We publish, on our 4tli page, four letters, which appeared a few weeks since in the Boston Courior, over the signature of •• a Citizen.” These letters are addressed to Nicholas Biddle, and contain an answer to hW late extraordinary letter to John Quincy Adams, in which the writer has dissected the sophistry of the Bank Autocrat with a Master hand. The force and perspicuity with which they arc written, and tho thorough knowledge of the subject of which they treat, render them peculiarly interesting at the present moment. “THE OFFICIAL REASONS.” Shall we ash for them again ? That is the question. Let us see. A number of weeks ago, they were gratuitously promised by our neighbor of tho Recorder, and such has been our solicitude ever since, to see them forthcoming, that for the life of us, we cannot beat it out of our head, and hence it is, that we continue to ask for their appearance. From over anxiety perhaps, we had flattered ourselves that last Tues days paper, would have brought forth the long promised bantling; but Io! and behold, we were only regaled with a very smoothly indited ar ticle upon the patriotism and statc-right-ism, of His Excellency Go vernor Giltner; from which, we make the following extracts, accompa nied with such remarks as we inay deem applicable to them, tn their order : “Our neighbor of tho Standard seen s to be much put to it, because of tho ability and admirable foresight, with which the Governor of Georgia has conducted tho whole course of preparation for the removal of the Cherokees.” “3'he Standard much put to it.” ! If indeed the Standard is at all “put to it,” in what predicament stands the Recorder, when it cannot perform its own voluntary promise to tho public ?—when the official rea sons for an act, which has been condemned by many good citizens, are not made public, even after an unconditional pledge to do so? In our judgmoit, aud so we think it will appear to every unprejudiced mind, the Recorder is exceedingly “ hard run” to make a shift to evade the true issue. When the Governor refused to commission the field officers elected to command the Cherokee Regiment, raised under the authority of an act of the last legislature, we questioned the legality of his decision, and presented some of the arguments upon which we relied, to sustain our position—to which, the Recorder replied in part; winding up with a promise, that the next week, it would publish “the official reasons and other documents” in support of the Governor’s decision; and now, when weeks have passed away, and wo make an earnest call for them, it answers that we are “much put to it.” That we arc "much put toil" to come at the Governor's reasons for denying to hundreds of freemen, the right of cbosing their onn commanders, we readily admit, while we fearlessly assert, that should they ever be lai 4 before the public, we shall be able to show them wholly indefensible. “ Much put Io it because of the ability and admirable foresight with which the Govcinor of Georgia has conducted the whole course of pre paration for the removal of the Cherokees.” Here is a text.— " Ability anl admirable foresight." Well! If there was nothing in the affairs of the world, to bother our wits, but the “ability aud admirable foresight” of the Governor, we can assure tho Recorder in all sincerity, that we should never bo "put to it” again; be cause, shallow as our own intellect may bo, wc should deem it tin easy tayk, to fathurp thoone, and penotrate tbe other. •‘Has conducted the whole course of preparation for the removal of the Cherokees.” This member of the sentence covers an almost indefinable space. “WHOLE course of preparation,” insplict every measure, leading to this much desired result, “removal,” aud admits of no other rational construction; upon which we join issue, aud assert, that in “tho whole course of preparation for the removal of the Cherokees," Governor Gilmer has done very little, and much less than he might have done. Let us examine tho measures of preparation. 3 he first effectual step in the process of “preparation” was taken by the Legislature of Georgia, about 1830, when his present Excellency was in the Executive Chair.—We allude to the success of the bill for the distribution, organization, and settlement of the Cherokee country ; a measure, without which, the Cherokees could never have been induced even to negociate with a view to their removal—and how was his “abil ity and admirable foresight” manifested upon that Occasion? Will the Recorder inform us? Was he aiding the Representatives of the people in taking this great preliminary step in the “course of preparation,” or was tho whole weight of his influence thrown into the opposite scale? The Recorder knows.— Ihe next important act in this “whole course of preparation,” was the Treaty concluded with the Cherokees in 1835, and in which, so far as we know or believe, he had no agency whatever; but if he had, the Recorder will tell us. Here then, is the second important step in th& "wholecourse of preparation” for the removal of the Cherokees, and that too without the aid or participation of his Excellency. What remains now to be done, is the single, literal act of their leaving our territory, as the consummation of those important preliminary measures, for tho success of which, no credit is duo to tho present Chief Magistrate. For what is it then, that the Governor is entitled to so much credit in tho “whole course of preparation?” Is it for tho military force now in the territory? and hence the ability to enforce a performance of the stipulations of the treaty? We conceive not, for if any credit is duo for “the ability and foresight” with which these preparations have been made, it belongs exclusively to the energy of the present administration of the General Government.—To Mr. Van Buretr, and not to Governor Gilmer. Upon this question, Governor Gilmer found but little to do when he came into office. His predecessor had already relieved him from tho trouble of thinking upon the subject, by the very forcible and perspicu ous manner in which he hid presented it to the President. The President’s mind was then, as fully made upas to the measures to be adopted, and which have been adopted, as it is at tbii moment. The Military “preparation” for the protection of the citizens, and the removal of the Indians, being exclusively the work of the President, the claim of Governor Gilmer to any portion of the credit, must be re jected. Being so far excluded from all participation in the “whole course of preparation,” we leave it to the Recorder to shew, ohe solitary act of his Excellency’s, from 1830 to the present time, upon which he can just ly claim the credit of one prominent measure towards the removal of the Cherokees; unless indeed, it be, his proposition to the War Depart ment, to send a special agent to persuade them to remove, just at a time when the Government was making “preparations” for sending eight or ten thousand troops among them, to make their removal certain. But again the Recorder says, “It is galling no doubt to our neighbor, that the present efficient and admirably devised arrangements should have been so happily executed by a State Rights Governor.” Will wonders never cease? The Recorder snatching the laurels from Mr. Van Buren, to place them upon the brow of Goveinor Gilmer! “So happily executed by a State Rights Governor.”! If the Governor professes the doctrine of State Rights, as understood and defined by the Recorder itself, and the party to which it be longs, he must have undergone a miraculous change since 1832, when he was standing up in the convention against Judge Berrien and others, who wore urging the principles, which were finally adopted as the po litical creed of the party, which appropriated to itself, the name of State Rights. But of his views in relation to nullification (or State Rights as the Recoider calls it,) the people are well informed, and will be very generally astonished at the place assigned him by the Recorder. Our neighbor proceeds to speak with great complacency of the means by which a “State Rights Governor” has saved the Treasury of Georgia from a great expenditure, when it is known to the veriest tyro in the history of our government, that no state in this Union, can be taxed with the expense of removing Indians from her soil, unless it is by her voluntary act, and that the credit here claimed for the Go vernor, is exclusively due to Mr. Van Buren. We quote further. “\V e have unfortunately for our cotemporary, got a Governor who has always gone straight ahead.” It may be so, but if even the Recordci will take the trouble of track ing him back foreighror ten years, he may find some short turns and accutc angles iu his course.—For instance, a Union man in 1832, and a Nullifier alias State Rights in 1838.—A Jackson and Van Buren man in 1832—Anti both in 1838—In 1829—Governor of the whole State, and not of a party. —In 1837, Governor of a party, and not of the State. We could add other instances of inconsistency, notwithstanding the ap plause of the Recorder, in which he looked to us, very much like one, who was going rather crooked “ahead.” The Recorder concludes the article with a flourish over some com plimentary remaiks of tho Richmond Enquirer to Governor "Gilmer’s course in relation to the Cherokees.—How is this? The Recorder quote the Richmond Enquirer as good authority? As soon might we expect a Mahometan to quote scripture to prove the authenticity of his creed. Cau the Editor of that paper tell the truth? O yes—good authority— you hear what he says of Mr. Gilmer—every word the truth, and no mistake.—But neighbor this same Richmond Enquirer cannot be relied on—he tells all sorts of fibs, and if you believe half he says, he'd lead you to ruin. You may think as you please, then, but if any man speaks of Governor Gilmer as he does, I’ll vouch for his veracity. But he puffs Van Buren—says he’s a good Democrat—an honest man, and a sound statesman, and goes in for him against all competitors— what do you say to that? wh -wh-y—He may lie as much as he pleas es about Van Buren, but as long as he talks to please me about Govern or Gilmer, I will believe him. Aboutsucha coloquy as the foregoing, might be very naturally ex pected to take place between the Recorder and Standard, and since they have introduced the Richmond Enquirer as evidence—and as a party is not by the rules of law, allowed to discredit his own witness, we offer the opinions of the same print in regard to Mr. Van Buren. The Enquirer is a warm and decided advocate of the present adminis tration—supports Mr. Van Buren—recommends him to the people as eminently qualified for their chief magistrate, and urges the democracy of Virginia to rally to his support. If therefore, the passing notice be stowed upon Governor Gilmer, be sufficient to constitute him a great man, how much more exalted must be the character of Mr. Van Buren, when it has uttered a thousand times as much in his prrise.— Neighbor, it is a bad rule that wont work both ways. ROSS AND THE CHEROKEES. Tho following extract of a letter from the Washington correspon dent of tho Charleston Mercury, dated May 10th, fully sustains our opinions heretofore expressed, that Ross neither intended to return to his tribe, or advise them to lemove, before tho time should arrive at which the Government would take efficient measures to enforce the stipulations of tho Treaty. And to what cause shall we ascribe his course? First, to his great aversion to tho execution of a Treaty, tho provisions of which were not in strict accordance with his views and his interests; and secondly, from his deep rooted hatred of the late and present administrations of the Federal Government, and his great aversion to tho measures of Georgia, under the administrations of Lumpkin and Schley; and he is therefore willing to be used as a poli tical instrument in the hands of Clay, Webster, John Q. Adams, Slade, Eveiett, Wise, and their Whig codjutors. Why does he linger at Washington City, after the Government has told him in unequivocal terms, that the Treaty shall be fulfilled, and af ter all negotiation with him is closed, if it is not in the hope that the Whigs may pcradventurc use him to their account against the adminis tration? The conclusion is irresistible. But the Cherokees will bo removed. “The ability and admirable foresight” of Mr. Van Buren, will prove an over-match for Ross and his Whig allies; and should Ross’s return to the Nation be delayed a little while, ho will find very few, or none, of his tribo there. They will be gone, and he will have nothing to do. but to take up tho line of march and follow their footsteps to Arkansas, with tho self-torturing reflection that those who have misled him, and his people, by profes sions of the deepest sympathy for their fate, will never again bestow upon him or them a passing thought. “Before Gen. Scott left Washington, ho had an interview with John Ross, and urged him to accompany him to tho Cherokee country and unite with him there iu effecting a peaceable removal, on terms mutu ally satisfactory. He assured Ross of his protection in any event,and pledged himself .to suffer him at any time to leave, even for the pur pose, if ho chose, of leading his warriors to battle ; but Ross declined* the overture, on the ground that Gen. Scott acted under the orders of a superior to whom he was accountable, who had not to his (Ross’) knowledge, authorized the overture, and who would not be bound by it. He also declared that, he would not do any thing which would re cognize the treaty; hut that neither ho nor his friends had any idea of resisting its forcible execution. It appears that the Indians are gene rally so hostile to the treaty, that they would withdraw thcii confidence from Ross, and perhaps sacrifice him, if ho should in any way counte nance or recognize it. All negotiation between Ross and the President on the subject has censed ; and on the 23d instant, the removal w’il! be commenced under the direction of Genera) Scotti.” RESUMPTION !!! e arc proud to learn that Our local Bauks are preparing to resume tho redemption of their bills iu specie; at an early day, and thereby en title themselves to the confidence of the community. The proceedings of the Bank meeting in Savannah, held on the IGth hist., which we give below, will be hailed with acclamation by the peo ple of Georgia. II the measure proposed, of “ a general resumption of specie payments at an early day,” is speedily consummated, we confidently predict that the effect will be to increase tho ability of the Bauks to relievo the pre sent embarrassments of the country, very far beyond what they could d.» should they continue to stand in their present position. The confi dence which this measure will inspire, can hardly be estimated in ad ' ance, but of the great benefits to flow from it, we cannot doubt, man gre all the predictions to the contrary. Let it come, and come quickly—for verily, wo have lived long enough under the Skin-plaster dispensation. . . . SavannAh, May 16th, 1833. At a meeting of committees from the different Banks in this city, to take into consideration toe state of the currency, ami the propriety of the resumption of specie payments. Mr. W. B. Bulloch was requested tO - f ri! Co r'h • :l “’ iUK *’■ F SonilELL appointed secretary. Ihe following resolutions were offered by Mr. G. B. Lamar, and were adopted ; Resolved, 1 hat the Banks of Savannah will unite with the Banks of other sections of this State, and of South Carolina, in tho measures eaHyff'y ‘° •’ re l’ are for a general resumption of speciejpaymcnts at an Resolved, That the Banks of Savannah will be represented iu the Convention of Banks to be held in Charleston, on Tuesday next. 22d lust, lor the consideration of that subject. Resolved, That the Banks in this State ought to adopt a system of mutual settlements for the notes of each other, so as to curtail the ex isting ciiculation, preparatory to a resumption of specie payments, and that the Banks in Augusta be requested to join those of this City in the arrangements for that purpose. Resolved, That a copy of the foregoing Resolutions be furnished by the Chairman, to the Banks of this State, and to those of Charleston. WAI. B. BULLOCH. Chairman. Francis Sorrell, Secretaiy. FREE BANKING? The law of tho late Legislature of New York, commonly called the Free Banking Act, forms in this country a new era upon the subject. It places it in the power of those having the command of c apital, to em bark in Banking operations by a simple compliance with the iaw, with out asking the Legislature for an act of incorporation . If the provision which requires security frpm applicants, be faithful ly executed, the effect will be, to ensure what is of great importance— the solvency of their bills, and their certain ultimate redemption. But while we approbate the principle, as the soundest upon which a paper medium of circulation can be sustained, we have at present some objections to tho details of tho law passed by New York, of which we shall hereafter speak more at large. Under proper restiictions, wo do not hesitate to declare our prefe rence for a system which at once places every citizen upon an equal footing, in regard to the right of using his capital for banking purposes. „ , _. Warren County, May 11th, 1838. To the Editor of the Standard of Union. Sir—By the Journal of the Convention which met in Milledgeville on the 7th inst.. among other things, it was “ Resolved, That a Committee of Three from each Judicial Circuit, be appointed by tho Chair, to make out a list of those gentlemen who have been or may be proposed as suitable persons to be placed on a Congressional ticket, and who are known to be willing to accept a nomination,” &c. Now, sir, on this list of names "who are known to be willing to ac cept a nomination," some person, no doubt with a good intention, has caused my name to be placed. I must, therefore, beg leave to say, that I have neither directly or indirectly, signified to any person, a wil lingness to accept such nomination- The resolution, however, 1 suppose, was not intended to prevent any member of the Convention from placing on the list, in good faith, the natne of any’ person. Your humble servant, &c. THOMAS GIBSON. Editors who have published the Journal of the Convention, will please to publish tho above. The attention of the Southern Recorder is especially invited to the following article from the Washington Chronicle. ABBOLITIONISM AND NATIONALISM—FURTHER DE VELOPMENTS. We are called upon to notice some late proceedings in the Legis latures of New-York and Massachusetts, which ought to render the Nationals who took part in them odious to the whole country. We call the attention of our friends of the Richmond Whig and Lynch burg Virginian to them, and frankly inquire of them what is to be inferred from this course of conduct on the part of the Nationals ? Will they censure us for making these facts public ? Or can they, consistently with the duty they owe their country, and especially the South, overlook these extraordinary proceedings, in their zeal to effect to a change of Administration ? Is there any question, (we will not condescend to name that of the Presidency in compari son,) is there any question that so nearly and deeply concerns the wflole Union as this? Why should itbe mand to give way to any other? Can any reasonable man doubt that the Abolitionists are aiming at a dissolution ot the Union ? Is there aqy individual who can believe that they are so blind as not to see that their crusade must inevit ably lead to such a result ? Now, considering these facts soberly and impartially, is it not right and proper,—nay, is it not the imperative duty of all who love their country, to expose and denounce the conduct of those who aid, countenance, and abet these enemies of the Union I Is it not the peculiar province of the Press to do this ? Shall we be told that we injiiie this or that party, or this or that candidate for the Presidency, by pursuing this course ? We scorn to place the inter ests of any man or party in competition with the peace and safetv of the Union. The Abolitionists haveassumed theattitudeof Trai tors ; and they who give them counsel and support,—be they of what party they may, are accessaries before the fact; and as such, de serve the same punishment. The last number of the Emancipator contains the following letter addressed to the Editor, which will explain the late proceedings in the Legislatuie of New-York : Albany, April 16, 1838. To the Editor of the Emancipator: Dear Sir, —The Assembly have adopted a resolution, “ pro testing against the annexation of Texas to the Union,” by a vote of 80 to 16. . Also they have adopten by an equally decisive vote, resolutions against Mr. Patton’s resolution, asking our Representa tives in both Houses of Congres to procure its recision. These re solutions are strong, manly, and dignified. They speak the senti ments of the empire State in a becoming tone. A most fiery dis cussion was called out. Mann, of Herkimer, King, of St. Law rence, Hurlburt, of Jefferson, and Duke, of Otsego, (all friends of the Administration,) opposed the resolution with great fury. They denounced the Abolitionists as the “ fire and faggot partv,” “ driv ing the sword into the heart of the South,” “ subverting' the consti tution,” “annihilating all good,” “set on by a few designing priests that “ these great numbers of petitions come from women and boys, got up and instigated by Whig members of churches.” I wish the whole State could have heard Abijah Mann’s speech. His alusion to “preaching,” “praying,” “protracted meetings,” &.c. <fcc. were such as to shock the feelings of everv moral man. Their arguments were replied to and the resolutions advocated bv Mr. Silliman, of Kings, Mr. J. A. King, of Queens, Mr. Culver, of Washington, and Mr Taylor, of Ontario, and Mr. French, of Chatauque. The character, motives, measures and principles of the Abolitionists were advocated in presence of a large audience, many of whom never heard any thing so good satd of the Abolition ists before. The discussion had the happiest effect. — The very at mosphere seemed purified and the tone changed, The vote finally was a party vote, every friend of Mr. Van Bu ren who bad not previously “ shot the pit” voted in the negative, and all WHIGS present, (it being very late at night,) except Willis Hall, of your city, and one from Orange, (who was born before the flood on this subject,) voted in the AFFIRMATIVE. The resolutions were sent to the Senate for concurrence, and were then (f'r’ indefinitely postponed by a strict party vote. Now mind, the people will return Senators next fall who can be moved by 21,000 petitions. Abolition has made great strides at the seat of our State Govern ment the past winter. On the other subjects in the petition, be com mittee being divided and it being on the heel of the session, and no time for discussion, it is doubtful whether any report will be made for the action of the House. We have seen the fate that awaits all of them in the “ House of Lords,” which with the avowed intention of men to talk four days on them, seems to render any final ac tion hopeless. The House adjourns on the 18th inst. Yours, &c. Here is a full admission of an entire identity of opinions and ac tions between the Nationals in the Legislature and the Abolitionists ; for the reader must understand that the Lower House of Assembly is composed almost entirely of Nationals, while the Senate is constitu ted of ama jority of Republicans. The incendiary resolutions ori ginated in the former, and were defeated in the latter—the vote in both being, as this “ zealous Whig" says, a " strict party vote." Is it necessary to comment on these facts ? Is there any man so blind as not to perceive their nature and tendency ? And are we to be denounced for making these things public ? Shall we remain silent when we see a political party, struggling for tho power and patronage of the Federal Government, thus openly and boldly taking sides with the infuriate fanatics—the enemies of the South and of the Union ? What says this “ Whig” correspondent of the Eman cipator, when speaking of “ the House of Lords,” as he calls the Senate ? “ Now mind —the people will return Senators next fall, who can be moved by 21,000 petitions.” What does this mean ? Is it not a direct invitation to the Abolitionists to unite with the Correspondent’s party, to change the character of the Senate ; and thus secure a majority in both Houses favorable to the objects of both? The Editor of the Emancipator so understands it, for in his remarks he admits the fact. He says:— “ Wenccd not say that our correspondent is WHIG. With his party predilections we have no concern. Our enterprise is not a party matter, and cannot 6e made such. Our object is the ABOLITION OF SLAVERY. We go for that; and THOSE WHO WILL HELP US IN THAT, WE WILL DULY HO NOR.—Ed. Eman.'’ This is explicit enough. He says indeed that his “ enterprise is not a party matter," but offers “ honor" to those who shall aid the “ enterprize.”—Who are they 1 The Nationals or “ Whigs”— as the proceedings show. The union between them is clear and unequivocal—and we regard both as equally inimical to the South, and to lhe Union. We care not whom they may select for their candidate, we will oppose him to the last. Men are known by the company they keep. THE GEORGIA DELEGATION. The Republican delegation of Georgia, with tho exception of Col. Towns, have withheld their names from the convention whitfh is about to nominate candidates to represent that State in the next Cong re**. A more honorable, true-hearted, able, disinterested deligation was never sent by any State to Congress. We lay before our readers Colonel ITaync's letter declining a re-no ininatiou. with the remarks of'the Federal Union in relation to it. No man better deserves lhe commendation given by the Georgia press. He has been “ consistent, honest, and indefatigable ” in devotion to the Democratic Republican cause of the Uuion, unswerving and vigo rous in support of the immediate interests of his constituents ; and wo believe w’e may truly say he carries with him the good wishes and prayers of every man with whom he has acted in Congress, for tho success of his efforts in the private and paternal duties for which he relinquishes the public service.— Washington Globe. POST OFFICES IN GEORGIA. The following post offices have recently been established. Bond’s Mills, Wilkinson county. Buck Creek, Scriven county. Post Offices Discontinued: Silver Hook, Cobb county. Altis, Cass county. The name of the post office at Stanfordville has been changed to Alatoona. Ihe name of the post office at Applington has been changed to Apphng. B 6 Postmasters Appointed } E. G. Kirkland, Bark Camp, Burke county. W. F. Bond, Bond’s Mills, Wilkinson county. G. M. Manor, Buck Creek, Scriven county. From the Augusta Chronicle and Cenlinel. Mr. Editor,—l ask of you the favor of publishing the enclosed article, prececed by remarks of a correspondent of the Charleston Mercury. Your compliance with this request will doubtless be ap proved by many of your readers. r m . .. A. Subscriber. To the Hon. G. W. Jones and A. H. Wise : Gentlemen—ln asking yout attention, as I would respectfully, to this communication, I feel under no necessity of appologising for the freedum thus assumed. The course you have taken justifies it. The life of the lamented Cilley cannot be recalled. The wound inflicted on a once happy, but now mourning domestic circle, cannot be healed. The foul stain cast cn our common and beloved country cannot speedily be washed away. Lightly as you may regard, cooly as you may treat them—these are melancholy thruths, and they warrant the humblest citizen in addressing you in the language as a just reproach. It may seem to you severity, but from the na tuie of the case, you must bear it. “You must pardon something to the spirit” of agrieved, injured humanity. You say you were “ regulated by magnanimous principles, and the laws of humanity.” Sirs, you must know, that to men who act on other principles than those you have shewn yourselves to possess, it is disgusting to meet with such a statement, from such a source.— The facts of the case are before the world— they speak louder than words, and they speak of murder. The decision of the great body of the people to whose bar you are held to answer, is, as you well know, against you—it has been expressed in terms not to be misunderstood. Such, doubt less, will be the decision of posterity ; for the world is not, we hope, destined to retrograde—and such, ‘it is fearful to think, will be the decision at that bar of infallible justice before which we shall all appear, to give an account of the deeds done in the body. The re marks which follow, appeared originally in a journal published in New-York—one ol the most ably conducted of any in the country. You may spurn them from you—but this will not be the part of wis dom. I wijl only add the expression of the wish, prompted, I may sincerely say, by feelings of kindness, that you may seethe error into which you have fallen, t>nd do all that may lie in your power to repair, as far as possible, the injury you have done. With the res pect which belongs to you as representatives of the people in the councils of our common country. I have the honor to be, youts, &c. ™ , CIYIS. Charlcsto t, S. C., May 7, 1838. The Duellist's desire.— We copy with unqualified commendation, the following rebuke of the Congressional duellists, by the editor of the New-5 ork Observer. It is as well done as their demerits can deserve.. Miserable men are they, who have at once imbrued their bands with blood, disgraced their elevated stations, done dishonor to theii country, and excited universal indignation.—North and South, the horrible affair is execrated by all highminded men : duellists themselves joining with their more sober and religious neighbours in calling it by its right name, murder. 1 he seconds of the late duel have published a statement of the facts in the case, which they conclude with these words : \\ e endeavored to discharge our duties according to that code under which the parties met, regulated bv magnanimous principles, and the laws of humanity. Neither of us has taken the least ex ception to the course of the other; and we sincerely hope that here all controversy whatever may cease. We especially desire our respective friends to make no publication on the subject. None can regret the. termination ol the affair mo r e than ourselves, and we hope again tha last of it will be the signature of our namns to this paper, which we new affix.” Geo, W. Jones. Henry A. Wise. Ihe last of it 1" Men do not speak thus of deeds with which they are satisfied—deeds which their conciences approve. Such language is inspired only by concicus guilt: by “a fearful looking for of evil consequences “to come.” It is the language of one who is afraid that he shall be obliged to remember what be has done, and that the remembrance will be torture. 3he feelings which prompt this language are but the foretaste of those that shall'compel them to say “ to the mountains and rocks, Fall on us, and hide us. from the face of him that sitteth on the throne, and from the wrath of the Lamb; for the great day of his wrath has come ; and who shall bo able to stand ?” On reading it, we could not but recollect certain passages from another writer, with whom these men may bo more familiar. J Spirits. What would’st thou with ns, son of mortals, say? Manfred. Forgetfulness— Frst Spirit. Os what—of whom—and why? Manfred. Os that which is within me ; read it there. Ye know it, and I cannot utter it, Oblivion, self oblivion ! Can ye not wring from out the hidden realms Ye offer so profusely, what I ask ? Spirit. It is not in our absence, or our skill But—thou madst die. Manfred. Will death bestow it on me ? Spirit. We are immortal, and do not forget. We are eternal and to us the past Is, as the future l , present; art thou answered I Though thy slumber may be deep, let thy spirit shall not sleep; 3'here are shades which will not vanish, There are thoughts thou can’st not banish ; By a power to thee unknown, 3'hou.can’st never be alone. By thy delight iu others’ pain, By thy biotherbood of Cain, I Call upon thee, and compel Thyself to be thy proper hell. Witch. It may be That I can aid thee. Manfred. 3’o do this, thy power Must wake the dead, or lay may low with them. Do so, in any shape,—in any hour,— II ith any torture, so it may be the last. “ 331.0 last of it!” Do they think their statements will be “the last of it to the man they have sent, unprepared, to lhe eternal world ? We say, unprepared , for in case of suicide, we mav hope there was insanity, when men aie executed for murder wb may hope there was repentance ; but he who falls in a duel, dies in the very performance of an act, inconsistent with preparation for heaven; d.es in the very act of defying God and making himself more fit for hell, and more worthy of its torments vieHn, , J" ,y w : n nl t ,biS will . b k e ,“‘ l,e ‘ it” to tlie widow of their 1 ti V . ’ Cr an S ,nsh I be a PPeased, will her heart bo made whole, will the very remembrance that she ever knew the hanniness of conjugal affect.on be blotted out, by this cool history, given by men whom she has suds cause to remember ? ’ 6 y Will this be “ the last of it ” to the orphans, whom their crime has made orp.tans ? Can (hey forget to whom they are indebted for the countless dangers an I trials, and sufferings, which must be be portion of the fatherless ? Can they-oughuhev-to cease to re! member who opened the incessant fountain of their mother’s tears? And while orphans suffer, and the beraved weeps, and the soul of the murdered dwells where von In-rn ■ ii . , 1 hear “ the last of it ?” It no be F? • > °’’ be nlloWe<l V° for it Tim i 1n z not bc ’ Eternal ustice cannot suf lei it. The remembrance of your deeds must haunt you. Con fasten"their eves ,f>let evc, - v into an accusation. ‘When men lev When tl o u l lon - v ? u ’ shall think that they remember Cil of him When y ,r, ak ‘ n . WbiS t PerS ’ V ° U S,lall think ,bc - V arC allude tn his ninrrl ' ’ jndefinitely, you shall suspect that they thev renrow inj - erer ’ " bcn _ ,be y are silent, you shall believe that J p in ignnnt recollections purposely. work of God,