Newspaper Page Text
EDITED BY THOMAS HAYNES.
VOL.. V. VO. 23.
< (Sfc of §&>»««,
BY P. L. ROBINSOX, Slate Printer.
sdnd Publisher (by authority) of the Laics of the I nited Slates
OFFICE NEAR TUE CORNER OF WAYNE AND FRANKLIN STREETS.
ISSUED EVERT TUESDAY MORNING.
/ CT* TERMS.— Three Dollars per annum. No subscription taken for less than a
wear, and no paper discontinued, but at the option ol the publisher, until all arrear
age. are paid.
TWENTY-FIFTH CON<JBCSS....Sccond Session.
TREASURY NOTE BILL.
SPEECH OF MR. RHETT,
Os South Carolina,
Jn the House of Representatives, May 13,1838 — On the Treasury
Note Hill,
{('uwr/wiW from our Lint.]
It is nid, ho erevee, that another form of borrowing is better. Go
In at once for a tegular loan on time, by issuing stock for some
10,000,000. That will be proper and constitutional, and will bo
doing the thing in a dignified manner. Now, Mr. Chairman, in
the first place, no loan such as gentlemen propose for the time
needed by the Government, can be negotiated in this country,
in the present situation of the banks and the currency, unless
the Government will receive the irredeemable paper of non-specie
paying banks. If the object of gentlemen is to drive the Government
into the arms of these banks, and to implicate it with the irredeema
•ble currency the so country, for the support of the banks, certainly :
a loan in their paper will be a very good way to accomplish the ob
ject, and place the Government in their power. But if the loan is
to be negociated in specie, or the notes of specie paying banks, it
cannot be done. Would any such bank or banks, in the doubt
ful position in which they are now placed, venture to take a loan of
Un, or even five millions of dollars, at the rate of five per cent, and
pay for it in specie, or by an issue of their notes'! Would individu
al capitalists do it? They could scarcely obtain the notes of specie
paying banks, or specie, with which to carry the loan into effect. —
There are now, I am told not more than nine millions of specie in
New-York, and but little more than half of that amount of the notes |
of their banks in circulation. But could tho capitalists or the banks
easily obtain the means, what inducement would there be to take a
loan for six months, which the wants of the Treasury only require?
», Wliat compensation would there be in an investment for so short a
lime, to induce the capitalist to call in his bonds and mortgages, and
•elf his stock dr real estate ? The same obstacle exists to the sale
in this country of the bonds of the United States, due to the Go
vernment. These bonds are of $ 2,000,000 each; one payable
within six months, and the other the year after. Suppose, how
ever, that the loan could be effected in New-York; bow do gentle
men reconcile this operation with their tender professions of an ex
clusive regard for the welfare of the banks? There would be created
an immediate demand upon the b inks of New-York for $10,060, (KM)
in specie, or their notes, convertible into specie. Do gentlemen
want anothei crash—another stoppage of specie payments, upon ,
which new changer may be rung of the hostility of the Government,■
•nd their own entire devotion to the banking institutions of the country?
A loan ought not to be effected in the present situation of the banks.
It cannot be effected, unless made upon time; redeemable in some
five or ten years. Gentlemen from the North may go for such a
measure. They desiic a debt upon the country; and the greater,
•nd the longer continued the better forthem. Biit how will gentle
men from the South reconcile this policy with their views of duty ?
to place a permanent debt upon the country of $ 10,(MM),000, to
meet an emergency of but six months* necessity. Mv colleague pro- i
poses, however, that the loan should be negociated in Europe, and the
■mount brought back in specie. But this, sir, would be postponing
the cure until the patient is dead. The wants of the Trearury arc i
now, at the present time, chiefly within the next two or three months.
Long before the loan could be negociated in Europe, and tiie avails
be returned, the Government will be bankrupt and disgraced—its ,
faith and its engagements dishonored. If the relief could be post
poned for six months. bUf— i— —■ Secretary of the Trea-
•ur> iccad back a portion of the amount deposited h+. arc •
States? That would be a far mote Southern mcasuie; for then the
amount contributed, would be, as it was deposited, upon the princi
ple of direct taxation; and the South would not be com;«elle<l,
through indirect taxation by duties on importations, to pay a dispro
portionate share of the contribution. But the most remarkable part
of my colleagues’ proposition is that the loan, when negociated in
Europe, should be brought back to this country in specie. lie has j
just made a most elaborate argument to show that every importation
•f specie from Europe must necessarily depress the price of our cot
ton. To him the importation or the existence of specie in the coun
try brings no satisfaction, because it is at the expense of our great '
•taple, and consequently injurious to the South. Well, sir, under
the increased abstraction of specie from Europe, which his operation
will occasion, what will become of our cotton, declined and now de
clining in Liverpool ? If his argument is good, his whole plan of
relief will operate as a double injury to the South ; it will establish
• debt, and depress the price of our cotton. The veins and arteries
will be opened at the same time. Sir, my friend’s project for relief
will not do. The other projects for a loan will not do. We must
pass this bill, or disgrace and dishonor tho courtry. If this measure
•tood alone on its own merits, gentlemen know that it wow’d p.ss this
House with scarcely a dissenting voice. Although the necessities
of the Treasury are far greater and more immediate than at the
oxtra session, many gentlemen who then supported the Tieasury
bill to which this is an amendment, oppose now most bitterly this
measure. Why this change? Why the combination, so obvi.ius to
the least observant, to defeat the bill ? It is, sir because gentlemen
connect this measure with the Government, and the Government
with the great financial and political contest now waging in tlie coun
try. In ordinary times, with $28,OoO.(M)0 on deposite with the
States, and $ 15,000,000 due the Government by the banks and in
dividuals, one-half of which will come into the Tieasury within the
next six months, no man would think of denying to the Govern
ment the use of its own credit for a few months, in a form sanc
tioned by unbroken usage, at the only period the necessities
of the country required its use. No one, for such an emer
gency, would think of proposing impracticable methods of relief
to the Government; and useless, if practicable. The idea would
be spurned, that any triumph of party, or measure of policy,
could compensate tho country for the degradation and dishonor
which would attend a violation of its faith and engagements. But
Unfortunately, sir, the courtry is divided—this House is divided upon
the great issue which the President of the Pennsylvania Bank of
the United States, on the part of the banks, has presented to tho
country. The Government and the banks, he says, are in tlie field
face to face, and one or the other must be driven from it. My col
league utters the same opinion, and says that a “ mortal conflict is
how waging between the Government and the banks.” Ido not ad
tbit that any such contest exists in the Southern Sates ; and especi
ally on the part of the banks of that State which I, in part, repre
sent. In that quarter of the Union, the banks have the good sense
to perceive that, if united to the Government, the banks will soon
become th a Government, or the Government the banks. Patriotism
and interest, therefore, in their estimation, alike'dictate an entire
separation of the Government from the banking institutions of the
country. But, sir, I agree with my friend that such a conflict does
exist in another part of the country. I deny, however, that this
Government has made or seeks the contest; or has placed itself in
the field against the banks. On the contrary, if facts can show any
thing, they all show, if fairly viewed, that so far as tho present Gov
ernment is concerned, it has neither sought any contest, nor evinced
any hostility, to the banks of the country. Suppose, sir, that the Spe
cie Circular was a cause of embarrassment to the banks—did the Go
vernment do more than it had a right to do with respect to its own
property? Had it not a right to sell or.not to sell its own lands, and
to dictate the terms on which it would sell them? Admit that the
deposite of the surplus revenue with the States was clumsily execu
ted —were the banks, in that operation required to do more than they
bad engaged to perform ? Did they not, for compensation received,
■of their own accotd, agree to do what was required of them? and
will any man seriously assert, or expect others to believe, that these
measures originated in hostility to the banks? and tlfat implicated,
as the Government was, with millions on doposite with the banks—
committed, as it was, against the re establishment of an U. States
Bank, contrary to every principle of duty or common sense, it would
seek a contest in which it had nothing to gain, and every thing to
fear, from the combination of the banks and capitalists against its
measures and power? Even the corporation bankrupt law, to much
declaimed against*, suggested by the President of the United States,
but which received no support in this House, meditated no hostility
to banks; but was only intended to apply to those banks which
should cease to be banks, by becoming insolvent. Sir, it is a truth
unquestionable, that if the banks had fulfilled tlieir own promises
and engagements, the idea that this Government had warred upon
them never would have been raised ; and if they have not been able
to meet their engagements, in their two eager pursuit of gain, who
it to blame but themselves? The Government did not control their
issues, nor has it taken away any of their means to meet them. On
t le contrary, since their suspension of specie payments, what indul
gence has been refused on the part of the Government, that their
■OtiiitSauS of fglttimfc
warmest triends have required, consistent with ti e laws and the safe
ty oi the revenue? What functionary of the Government—what
I member on this floor, or in tho other wing of the Capitol, has ex
| pressed any hostility to these institutions? Tlie real ground for of
fence —the whole war—exist in the proposition to separate the Go
vernment from all connection with the banks. Tho banks do not
like the separation ; and, because it is proposed by the Government,
they declare that it is war. To have nothing to do with them, and
to leave them unmolested in the full enjoyment of all their charter
ed privileges, is atrocious hostility. To avoid them—to fly awav
from their agency or assistance, is to make a “ mortal conflict”
with them. The Government only asks what the humblest citizen
has a right to require, that it should be let alone, to manage its own
| fiscal affairs in its own way ; but the banks and tho capitalists will not
let it alone. They insist that they shall be taken into the Govern
ment, and participate in managing its revenues ; and because, the
Government declines their intervention or co-operation, they pro
claim that they and tho Government arc in the field, face to face,
and that one or tho other must perish. Whilst hypocritically crying
out that they are pursued, they are, in fact, in combination with the
great Federal party of the country, hunting down the Government,
and storming the battlements of the Constitution for its overthrow.
Sir, although distress brings confusion, and, in times of trouble, the
people are most liable to be deceived, it will be impossible to conceal
from them the true issue forced upon the country, according to the
vaunting declaration of the banks themselves. It is a contest between
the banks and the Government—the capitalists and the people. The
Government, and the people to whom the Government belongs, arc
on the defensive, and, I trust, they will calmly and imtnoveably re
main so. The demands on the one side are another United States
Bank, capable of controling the whole currency of the country —ora
re-connection of the Government with the State banks. On the other
side it is insisted that the Government has no more right to connect
itself with banks than with individnals ; and that an absolute and
entire separation from them is its right and duty. Such are the
measures of the assailantsand the assailed.
1 o divert attention from tlieir own aggressions and designs, it
has been urged by the banks, that by the Government separating
itself from all banks, two covert measures of hostility are meditated.
!iy receiving, in payment of the public dues, nothing but specie or
its own paper, it is designed /to bring the whole currency of the
country to gold and silver, and thus dispense with all bank paper;
and secondly, by using its own paper, it is intended to supply a pa
percurrency, on the part of the Government, for the whole country,
and thus destroy all bank paper. Neither of these assertions have
any foundation in fact; and arc, in truth, inconsistent and antagonis
tical to each other. If the Government should issue a paper cur
rency, which should be a substitute for all the bank paper in circu
lation, how would the circulation be a mere metallic circulation ?
And if the country is reduced to a mere metallic circulation, how
could a Government paper currency be in circulation ? My col
league has dwelt upon both of these points. He hasgoue elaborately
into statistics to show how impracticable for the uses of the country
would be a currency of gold and silver without any paper, in the
form of credit, in circulation. Sir, he should have first shown, that
receiving specie in payment of the public dues by the Government,
would have the effect ol destroying all the solvent banks in the country,
abolishingall credit, and reducing the currency to nothing but gold and
silver. According to the most liberal calculation, the Treasury, under
such a policy, will not require more than ten millions of specie to
cart'y on its operations; and this, according to the plan proposed by
its friends, will be gradually drawn, in a series of years, from the me
tallic supply of the whole world , whilst there is in the United States
alone, at the present time, not less than eighty millions of dollars.
1 o atgue gravely, that such a cause can produce such an effect, and
that, by the employment often millions of specie, the Government
designs forcing upon the country the use of no other currency than
gold and stiver, and the prostration of the banks and all credit, is as |
poor a compliment to the sagacity of the Government, as it is to the ;
intelligence of the people. Sir, I have never yet met the man,
either in or out of Congress, who has ever maintained the propriety |
or possibility of reducing this great and enterprising country to a ■
mere hard money currency. If you were to abolish, to-morrow, ■
every bank in the land, paper credit, in die siiape of .notes of indi- !
viduals, or some other form, would crowd into your circulation. Is
it not remarkable, that gentlemen should be so eager to attack what I
mduuly defends? They stull up a man ofstraw. and tli»n«l>nwil>eii- i
dexterity in sliw»;» s u And that other diversion from the!
true issue before the country—that the Government designs to es- !
tablish a Government bank, and to destroy the State banks, by a
substitution ot its paper in the place of theirs. Where is the proof
of any such design? In the destitution of facts, even the paltry and j
carefully restricted issue ot Treasury notes authorized by the bill be- !
fore you, has been relied on to make out the charge. In another
part of this building, the sama charge has been made, because the
Government proposes to do what it has done ever since it was esta
blished—draw upon its own funds—a privilege undenied to the
humblest citizen ot the country. The only measure which gives the
least semblance to any such design, was a measure proposed, not by
the Government, but by myself at the extra session of Congress,
and voted down by a large majority—that bills receivable in pay- !
ment of the public dues, should be issued instead of Treasury notes. ’
But this measure was intended to be confined strictly within the '
wants and operations of the Government. There was no assigned !
capital—no discounting of notes, or dealing with individuals, pro- I
posed. Sir, neither the banks, nor the capitalists of the country,
believe that any hostile designs exist towards them on the part of
those who oppose their association with the Government, or refuse
to bend it before their ambitious and selfish pretensions. We intend
to maintain the banking institutions of the States, in all their powers
and privileges, with as much fidelity and energy as they can evince.
I hese are mere tubs to the whale—mere pretexts to divert the atten
tion of the people from their true designs. They know that the
banks rest in security, beneath the protection of the State sovereign
ties who created them, and to whom alone they are responsible. They
know that there are not twenty men on this floor, who would con
sent that this Government should touch, much less destroy them ;
and that those who are most strenuous for the separation of the Gov
ernment from all banks, oppose the re-establishment of an United
States Bank, (their panacea for all the ills of the currency,) exptess
!y upon the ground, that this Government has no right, by the esta
blishment of such an institution, to enter the States, and cripple or
crush the banking institutions they have established. Not then, up
on policy only,but upon constitutional principles, we are necessatily
the fast friends ol the banks of the States. Sir, the capitalists are
in no delusion as to this matter. These pretexts are but feints in
the battle, to disguise the true point of attack. If they can succeed in
making the people believe that they are the party wronged—that
the Government, and not their own imprudence and weakness, caus
ed them to fail in redeeming their promises, and that it is now seek
ing their destruction ; why then, the more confusion and distress
to the people, the greater the greater the odium to the Govern
inent, the more power they will possess of accomplishing their
design of controlling its action, and making it contributary to
their credit and aggrandizement. Hence, the violent and sudden
contractions and expansions in the currency a few years since, by
which thousands were injured or ruined. Hence the innumerable
suits which crowd the courts of the country on the part of the banks,
whilst refusing to meet tlieir own promises to pay. Hence, the re
fusal lately to resume specie payments. Through the agitations of
i distress, and the mists of tears, the people are to be confounded and
I blinded, and the Government is to be struck down and throttled be-
J neath the gripe of monopolists and money changers. The last blow
i —the “ crowning mercy,” may be the measure alluded to by my
honorable colleague—“ stopping the supplies" to the Government
| —destroying the bill upon your table, without any adequate substi
tute to meet the wants of the Government. “If ever there was a
time,” he says, “ when this old method, common with our English
ancestors, of redressing the rights of the people against their Govern
ment, was justifiable, it was now.”
[Mr. Thomson rose and said, that he did not recommend such a
measure, or say that he would vote for it: on the contrary, he had
declared his willingness to vote for a loan or any other constitutional
method of supply.]
I have staled, Mr. Chairman, the words of my colleague as I un
derstood him to utter them, and my statement is not incompatible
with what he says. I know that be did suggest a method of supply, in
connection with his remarks—a loan in Europe—far which he said
he would vote, but which he expressly declared at the same time he
should not propose. This scheme 1 have already considered, and
hrivc shown, I think, that it will not answer the emergency of the
Treasury , hut if adopted, would, in fact, be ‘‘stopping the supplies.”
Let it be, sir, that my friend has merely hinted at this grand reined v.
It is followed up by a proposition of the gentleman from Virginia,
[Mr. Hopkins,] for anotherform of supply, who declares at the time
that he shall not vote for his own proposition* The gentleman from
Tennessee [Mr. Bell] proposes another form, but he does say that
he will vote lor it. Mr. Chairman, I trust that I mistake these in
timations, and that gentlemen do not intend to carry them into effect.
Is it come to this, that for usurping power or aggressing upon the
rights ol the citizens, but because the Government will not act—will
noi unite itself to banks will not usurp a power (establishing a
• Mr. Hopkins in the dolmto subsequently declared, that hiflwonld vote for no
supplies, until their custody was properly provided for, by new leziMation. He
had just proposed, as an amendment so the treasury bill, Mr. Rives’s hill uniting
the t. vvernrocntto a league of twenty-five State Banks. Mr. Randolph, of Now-
Jersey, in the course of the debate expressed, also, the opinion, lliut the abuses of the
Governmentjuatificd the House in “ stopping the supplies.’’
MILLEIMM-IVILI.E, «EORCIIA, TUESJDAY MORNING, JUNE 36, SS3S.
Oser Conscience-—Our Country—Our .Party.
United States Bank) questioned from the very first origin of the Gov
ernment—that it is to be violently suspended and overthrown ? No
one can doubt our control over the supplies. It is absolute—unlim
ited. But to stop them, is a revolutionary measure, justifiable only
when we are prepared to dissolve the Government; throw away the
shield ot (he Constitution and the laws—and re-construct from the
entangled elements of society, a new political fabric. I call upon
gentlemen to look to the consequences boldly, before they trifle with
them. Neither your civil nor military dependants are bound to
serve you without bread or pay. Your army—your navy—vour Ju
dicial and Executive officers all over the land, will have a* right to
disband and leave your service. Suspend- single day the laws
and the Constitution of the country—and when, and where it may
end ? let the spiiit of anarchy and lawlessness at a time like the pre
sent, full of confusion and distress, of violent political agitation and
fierce contention for pawer, once lift its hydra head in our land—
and who shall strangle it ? Sir, 1 bid gentlemen beware. They
may sow to the wind, and reap the whirlwind. lam a friend to the
banks, although no apologist for their abuses. lean be no enemy
to the capitalist, for I own ptoperty ; and hold that its accumulation
is the necessary fruit and reward of civilization itself; but if they, in
conjunction with the great Federal party to which they are allied,
shall make this experiment upon the patience and patriotism of the
people, their madness will be their ruin. Banks and capitalists are
the natural allies to Government. They' are the creations of law,
and essentially depend on its steady and certain administration for
their support. Credit is a delicate plant, often of slow growth, and can
only live in the sunshine of peace, and the calm of confidence. For
getful or regardless of their true nature and policy, for the first time in
the history ofthe world, the banks of the country are arrayed against
the Government; and the path ofrevolution is pointed to as the triumph
ant road in which they are to tread to power. Sir, let them enter it,
and their ruin will be inevitable. The very first victims to lawless,
popular fury, may be these who shall have created, excited, and
dared it; and even that marble palace, with its splendid halls and
lofty colonnades, towering in all the pride and glory of classic ar
chitecture, may not be too high for the grasp of the people’s rage.
Over deeper, wider foundations, planted as they may have been
firmly in the affections and interests of the people, the ploughshare
of ruin hath been ruthlessly driven.
Mr. Chairman, this method of embarrassing the Government, by
“ stopping the supplies,” is not new even in the history of this coun
try. It was tried during the last war, and we all know the result.
r l he supplies were opposed by a certain party in this country within
these walls ; and, out of this House, after the supplies were voted,
the same party did all in their power to defeat the Government in
negociating its loans to carry on the war. Ido not intend, sir, to in
dulge in indiscriminate condemnation of the motives, although 1 do
not approve ofthe conduct of this parly. Many of them, I have no
doubt, believe that their course was justifiable, upon the highest
principles of policy. Tlieir error was, in acting upon the fear of
speculative evils, instead of doing their immediate duty. At that
time, England was battling, not only for her own existence, but the
the independence of all the nations of the earth. We had undoubt
edly, the best and highest causes for war; but they might have sup
posed that success in such a contest might have been our ruin ; and
that if England was overthrown, our liberties and independence
would perish with her. But they opposed their country in favor of
a foreign enemy. Instead of rallying to the support of the Govern
ment, at a time of great danger and difficulty, they endeavored to
paralize, embarrass and overthrow it. Sir, what was their fate?
The war rolled on—triumphantly rolled on—borne up by the pa
triotism of the people, responding to that lofty sentiment of him,
whose brow in life wore the laurel of the hero, and whose memory
should live forever embalmed in the lays of the minstrel—■“ our
country, right or wrong.” Where are those who were for “ stopping
the supplies” duiing the war ? Sunk forever into privacy, suspi
cion, and contempt! And so it will ever be. The Government
might be weak or wrong; but the people will not stand passively by
and see it beaten down by a foreign enemy, nor will they now per
mit it to be appropriated and prostrated by the banks and capitalists
of the country. Why, if we are to have masters, let them at least be
those whom we can respect or fear. Let there be one battle-field
at least, which can tell to as er times that one brave and mighty ef
fort was made for our liberties: but to be overcome, not by the power
ofthe sword, but by the influence of money—to give up the Govern
ami Constitution of the country by the base instrumentality of
colored) votes, or distress wrung ftom the poor, or the terrors ofanar
eby—Sir, it will not be. The people—the people will come to the
rescue. Although surrounded by mists and darkness, and drugged
with distress, they will, ere long awake, and rising up in the majesty
of truth and justice, they will snap asunder the chains which ambi
tion and avarice have forged for their ruin. They will soon per
ceive, from the principles and parties involved, that the disgrace of
the Government in this contest, will be their infamy—its fall, their
overthrow; and that noble patriotism which,during the last war, on
land and sea, rallied to its support, will once more come forth in all its
majestic power, and march on to victory. And in this mighty strug
gle where, sir, shall each of us be found? My position, at least,
shall be in the van. If this Administration had continued in its
strength, approving, as I do, nearly all of its measures, since I have
been upon this floor, I should have been content to stand aloof, as I
have heretofore done, and see it go on in its career of constitutional
usefulness and duty; but the more it lias fallen, the nearer I have
tound myself to its destinies; and now, if it is to fall in maintainantfe
of the great financial measures, upon which I believe it has staked
its existence, lam willing, I ain ready, to go down with it. Better
to fall with those who fall in defence of the Constitution and liberties
of the country, than triumph with those whose victory, in my opinion,
will be their prostration.
Mr. Chairman, our duty, on the present occasion, appears to me
to require us to pass thebill before the committee as soon as possible.
The necessities of the Government cannot be postponed. Let
those who agree in this opinion determine to occasion as little delay
as possible, by discussing the measure, and be ever ready to vote
upon it. It those who oppose the bill, think proper to consume time
in discussion, and thus postpone relief to the Government, let them
do it—on them be the responsibility. It they think proper to defeat
the bill without any efficient substitute, let them do it. On them be
the responsibility.
fAt the late election in New England, the manufacturers, it is said, compelled their
workmen in the factories to vote colored tickets.
HISTORICAL.
MEMOIRS OF NAPOLEON.
[Translated for the Standard of Union.]
CHAPTER VI.
BATTLE OF WATERLOO.
Ist Line of battle of the Anglo-Il oil and army. 2d. Line of
battle of the French army. 3d. Plans of the Emperor—
attack upon Uougoumont. 4th. Arrival of General Bulow
on the field of battle with 30,000 men, ichich increases the
Duke of Wellington's army to 120,000 men. sth. Attack
on \a Way e-’Sauw.e, by the first corps. Glh. Be pulse of Ge
neral Bulow. Ith. Charge of the cavalry upon the plain.
Sth. Movement of Marshal Grouchy, 3th. Movement, of
Marshal Blucher, by which the enemy's force upon the field
is increased to 150,000 men. 10th. Movements of the Im
perial Guard.
During the night of the 17th, the Emperor issued all the
necessary orders for the battle on the next day, although every
thing indicated that it would not take place. In four days
from the commencement of hostilities, he had, by a succession
of the most able manoeuvres, surprized his enemies, gained a
brilliant victory, and separated the two hostile armies. In do
ing this, he had accomplished much for bis glory, but not
enough for his situation!! The three hours lost by the tardy
movements of the left, under Marshal Ney, had prevented his
being able to attack, as he had meditated, the Anglo-Holland
army in the afternoon of the 17th, which would have crowned
his campaign!! Indeed.it was probable that the Duke of
Wellington and Marshal Blucher would avail themselves of
that night to cross the forest of Soignes, and unite before Brus
sels. After that junction, which could be effected-before nine
o’clock in the morning, the situation of the French army would
become extremely delicate! The two armies of the enemy
would be reinforced by all the troops in their rear; 6000 Eng
lish troops had been landed at Ostend, ‘from America, a few
days past. It would be impossible for the French army to
hazard crossing the forest of Soignes, in the face of forces
more than double their numbers, already formed and in posi
tion, and with a knowledge, that, in a few weeks, the Russian,
Austrian, and Bavarian armies would pass the Rhine, and
push forward upon the Marne. The fifth corps of observation
in Alsace did not exceed 20,000 men.
At one o’clock in the morning, much engaged with these
weighty reflections, the Emperor walked out, attended only by
his Grand Marshal. His design was to follow the English
army in its retreat, and cut it to pieces in detail, in spite ofthe
darkness of the night, as soon as it should begin to march. He
traversed the line of the main guards; the forest of Soignes
resembled a conflagration. The horizon between that forest,
Brainc-la-leude, the farms of La Belle Alliance, and ofla
Haye, was illuminated with the fires of the Bivouacs. The
most profound silence reigned around. The Anglo-Holland
army was buried in deep slumber, consequent on the fatigue
suffered the preceding days. Arrived near the wood of the
chateau of Hougoutnont, he heard the sound of a column in
march. It was half-past two o’clock; if the enemy was in re
treat, it was the time when the rear guard should commence to
quit its position ; but the illusion was short, the sound ceased.
The rain fell in torrents. Several officers, and spies, sent out
to reconnoitre, returned at about half-past three, and concurred
in reporting that tto movement was perceptible in die English
army. At four o’clock, a peasant was brought before the Em
peror ; he had served as guide to a Brigade of English cavalry,
which had taken position upon the extreme left of the village
ofObain. Two Belgian deserters, who had just left tlieir re
giment, reported that their army was preparing for battle, and
that no retrograde movement bad taken place ; that the Bel
gians fervently prayed for the success of the Emperor, and that
lite English and Prussians were equally hated by them.
T he enemy’s General could have done nothing more at va
riance with the interests of his party and his country, to the ge
neral spirit of that campaign, and even with the simplest rules
of war, than to remain in the position that he occupied. He
had in his re.cr the defiles of the wood of Soignes; in the
event of defeat, his retreat was impossible. The French troops
were bivouacked in the midst of mud and bogs ; the officers
held it impossible to give battle on this day. The earth was
so saturated with water, that the artillery and cavalry were
unable to manoeuvre, and twelve hours of fair weather were
necessary to render it sufficiently firm. Day'began to break,
and the Emperor returned to his quarters, full of satisfaction
at the great tault committed by the enemy’s General, and very
anxious that the bad weather should not prevent him from tak
ing advantage oi it. But already the atmosphere began to
brighten ; at five o’clock, he discovered a few feeble rays of that
sun, whose setting should witness the destruction of the Eng
lish army. On that day, the British Oligarchy would be over
thrown ! and France arise more glorious, more powerful,
and greater than ever !!
The Anglo-Holland army was placed in battle order upon
the highway from Charleroi to Brussells, in front of the forest
ot Soignes, crowning a beautiful plain. The right, composed
of the first and second English divisions, and the division of
Brunswick, commanded by Generals Cook and Clinton, rest
ed upon a ravine, beyond the road from Nivelles. A detach
ment occupied the chateau of Hougoumont, in advance of its
front. The centre, composed ot the third English division, and
the first and second Belgian divisions commanded by the Ge
nerals Alten, Collaert, and Cliausse, was in front of Mount St.
John. Its left rested upon the highway from Charleroi, and
occupied, with a brigade, the farm of La Haye Sainte. The
left was composed ot the fifth and sixth English divisions, and
the third Belgian division; and was commanded by the Ge
nerals Picton, Lambert, and Porclioucher; having its right
resting upon the causeway of Charleroi, and its left in the rear
ot the village La Haye, which it occupied by a strong detach
ment. The reserve was stationed at Mount St. John, inter
secting the highways leading from Charleroi and Nivelles, to
Brussells. The cavalry, arranged in three lines upon the
height of Mount St. John, skirted the rear of the line of bat
tle of the army, the extent of which was 2,500 toises. The
front of the enemy was covered by a natural obstacle. The
plain was gradually concave towards its centre, and terminated
in a gentle declivity with a ravine of no great depth. The
fourth English division, commanded by General Colville,
placed as flankers on the right, occupied all the defiles from
Halle to Brai/ie-la-leude. A brigade of English cavalry, as
flankers of the left, occupied all the pass ways from the village
ot Ohain. The force shown by the enemy was differently esti
mated; but the most experienced officers supposed them to
amount to 90,000 men, iuclu'ding the corps’ of flankers; which
agreed with the general appearances. The French army con
sisted of but 09,000 men, but victory did not seem tlie less cer
tain. These 69,000 men were excellent troops; and in the
enemy’s army, the English only, who numbered 40,000 men
or more, could be rated as such.
At eight o’clock, breakfast was brought to the Emperor, who
was seated with several General officers, to whom he said, “the
enemy’s army is nearly one-fourth superior to ours ; we have
not less than 90 chances for us,and lOagainst us.” “Without
doubt,” said Marshal Ney, who entered at the moment, “ if the
Duke of Wellington was simpleenough to awaityour majesty;
but 1 come to inform you, that already his columns are in full
retreat, and they disappear in the forest.” “You have notseen
correctly,” replied the Emperor, “ it is no longer time, he
would expose himself to certain destruction ; he has thrown the
die, and they are for us !!” At this moment, some officers of
artillery, who had examined the field, announced that it was
practicable to manoeuvre the artillery, although with difficulty,
which, however, in an hour would be greatly diminished. The
Emperor immediately mounted his horse and proceeded to the
position occupied by the tirailleurs, opposite la Haye Sainte,
examined anew the enemy’s line, and charged General Haxa,
a confidential officer, to approach still nearer, to ascertain if he
had erected any redoubts or intrenchments. This General
returned, and promptly reported, that he could not discover
any sign of fortifications. The Emperor reflected for a quar
ter of an hour, and then dictated the Older of battle, which was
reduced to writing by two General Officers, seated on the
ground. His Aids-de-Camp bore these orders to the different
corps of the atmy, which were under arms, full of impatience
and of ardor. The army moved, and commenced its march,
disposed in eleven columns.
Os these eleven columns, four were destined to form the first
line, four the second line, and three the third line. The four
columns of the first line consisted, of the left column, formed
by the cavalry ot the second corps. The second, was com
posed of three divisions of infantry of the second corps; the
third consisted of four divisions of infantry of the first corps ;
and the fourth of the light cavalry of the first corps. The four
columns constituting the second line, were, the left column for
med by Kellerman’s corps of Cuirassiers; the second by two
divisions of infantry of the sixth co.ps; the third column con
sisted of two divisions of light cavalry, one from the sixth
corps commanded by the General of division Daumont, the
other detached from the corps of Pajol, and«cominanded by
the General of division Subervie; the fourth column was com
posed of Milhaud’s Cuirassiers. The three columns of the
third line, were, that of the left consisting of the division of
mounted grenadiers, and dragoons of the guard, commanded
by general Guyot. The second column was composed of t|ie
three divisions of the old, middle, and young Guard, command
ed by Lieutenant Generals Friant Morand, and Duhesme.
The third column consisted of the mounted chasseursand lan
cers of the guard commanded by Lieutenant General Lefeb
vre Desnouettes. The artillery marched upon the flanks of
the columns.
At nine o’clock the heads of the four columns constituing the
first line, reached their points for deploying. At the same time
were seen more or less distant, the seven other columns crossing
the heights above. They were in full march ; the trumpets
and drums sounded to the field ; the martial music echoed
those airs which recalled to the soldiers the memory of a hun
dred victories; the earth itself seefned proud to bear upon its
bosom the gallant host. The spectacle was most magnificent,
and the enemy, who were placed in a position to discover even
the last man, seemed to be deeply struck with the imposing
scene. The army must have appeared to be double its actual
effective strength.
Thcseeleven columns deployed into line with so much preci
sion, that not the least confusion was perceptible, and each oc
cupied the position selected for it in the mind of the command
er. Never before were such large masses of troops mtfnoeu
jvred with equal facility. The light cavalry of the second
P. L.BOSINSON, PROPRIETOR.
corps, which formed the first column on the left of the first
line, deployed in three lints upon tiie causeway from Ni
velles to Brussells, close to the eminence upon which
was situated the first wood in the park of Hougoumont,
overlooking from the left the whole plain, and having strong
guards upon Braiue-la-Leude, and its battery of light artillery
upon the causeway from Nivelles. The second corps, under
the orders of General Reille, occupied' tie space comprised
between the highway from Nivelles and that from Charleroi,
being an extent of 900 to 1000 toises. The division of Prince
Jerome holding the left near the causeway from Nivelles and
the wood of Hougoumont: General Foy the centre, and Ge
neral Baclic-lu the right, which extended to the highway from
Charleroi, close to the farm of la belle alliance. Each divi
sion of infantry was formed in two lines, the second at thirty
toises from the first, having its artillery in front, and its parks
in the rear, close to the highway from Nivelles. The third co
lumn, consisting of the first corps, and commanded by Lieu
tenant General Count d’Erlon, rested its left at la Belle Alli
ance, on the right of the causeway from Charleroi, and its
right opposite the farm of la Haye, where the enemy’s left was
stationed. Each division of infantry was in two lines, the ar
tillery in the intervals between the brigade. The light caval
ry forming the fourth column, deployed to the right upon three
lines, observing la Haye, and Fricliemont, and pushing ad
vance posts upon chain, to watch the enemy’s flankers; its
light artillery was placed on the right.
The first line was scarcely formed, when the heads of the
four columns of the second line reached their points for de
ploying. Kellerman’s Cuirassiers established themselves in
two lines, at thirty toises distant one from tlie other, their left
resting on the causeway from Nivelles, at about 100 toises
from the second line of the second corps, and their right upon
the highway from Charleroi. The extent of front was 1,100
toises. One of their batteries took aposition on the left near
the causeway from Nivelles , the other on the right near tlje
highway from Charleroi. The second column, commanded
by Lieutenant General Count Lobau, was posted fifty toises
in the rear of the second line of the second corps ; it remain
ed in close column of divisions occupying one hundred toises in
depth along, and upon the left of the highway from Charleroi,
with a distance of ten toises between the two columns of‘di
visions, having its artillery on the left flank. The third co
lumn consisting of light cavalry commanded by the general of
division Daumont, followed by that of General Subervie, was
formed in close column by squadrons, the left resting on the
causeway from Charleroi, opposite its infantry, from which ii_
was only separated by that causeway. Its light artillery was
placed upon the right flank. The fourth column, consist
ing of Milhaud’s corps of cuirasseurs, was deployed upon
two lines, having an interval of thirty toises, and about 100
toises behind the second line of the first corps ; the left resting
on the causeway from Charleroi, the right in the direction of
Fricliemont. It occupied an extent of about 900 toises; its
batteries being on the left near the highway from Charleroi,
and in its centre.
Before that second line could be completely formed, the
heads of the three columns of the reserve, arrived at the points
from which to display into line. The heavy cavalry of the
guard was placed in order of battle 100 toises in tlie rear-of
Kellerman, in two lines, having an interval of thirty toises ;
the left reaching to the side of the causeway from Nivelles, and
the right extending to that of Charleroi, with the artillery in.
the centre. The centre column consisting of the infantry of the
guard, was displayed in six lines, of four battalions each, at a
distance of ten toises from each other, stationed on the road
from Charleroi, and a little in advance ofthe farm of Rossome.
The batteries of artillery belonging to the different regiments,
were placed upon the right and left; the horse and foot artil-.
lery of the reserve behind the lines. The third column, com
posed of the mounted chasseursand lancers of the guard, dis
played in two lines, at thirty toises interval, and 100 toises in
the teat of General Milhaud, having its left at the causeway of
Charleroi, and its right extending along side of Fricliemont,
its light artillery in the centre. What may seem incredible,
these movements were completed, and all the troops were in
position by half past ten o’clock. . The most profound silence
reigned over the field of battle. The army was arranged up
on six lines, representing the figure of six W’s. The two
first, of infantry having the light cavalry upon the wings ; the
third and fourth of cuirassiers; the fifth and the sixth of caval
ry of the guard, with six lines of infantry of the guard, placed,
perpendicularly to the lops of these six W’s; and the sixth
corps in close column perpendicularly to the lines occupied by
the guard ; the infantry on the left of the road, and the caval
ry upon the right. The causeways from Charleroi and Ni
velles, were clear, in consequence of which the artillery in re
serve would be able to move with facility upon the different
points of the line.
The Emperor passed through the ranks; it would be diffi
cult to express the degree of enthusiasm that animated every
soldier. The infantry elevated their caps upon the points of
their bayonets; the cuirassiers, dragoons, and light cavalry,
hoisted their helmets and caps on the points of their sabres.
The victory seemed certain. The old soldiers who had been
present at so many battles, admired this new order of battle ;
they endeavored to penetrate the ulterior views of their Gene
ral. They freely discussed the manner in which the attack
should be made, and the point at which it should commence.
During this time the Emperor issued bis last orders, and sta
tioned himself on foot at the head of his guard, at the summit
of the six VV’s upon the heights of Rossome, from which be
could survey both armies, the view extending far to the right
and left of the field of battle.
A battle is a dramatic scene, having its commencement, the
middle, and the end. The order of battle assumed by the two
armies, the first movements to commence the action, constitute
the recitative ; the counter movements of the attacked army,
form the intrigue', then succeeds the new dispositions which
lead to the crisis, from which results the end, or denouement.
So soon as the centre of the F rench army should be unmasked to
commence the attack, the enemy’s General would make coun
ter movements, either by his wings, or in the rear of his line,
byway of diversion, or to carry aid to the point attacked.
None of these movements could escape the experienced eye of
the t rench Monarch from the central position in which he had
placed himself; and he had in his hands all the reserves lyliich
could be pushed at pleasure upon any point where their pre
sence might be required.
Ten divisions of artillery, among which were three divi
sions of twelve pounders, were united ; the left was appuyed
upon the causeway of Charleroi, upon the hills beyond la
Belle Alliance, and in front of the left division of the first
corps. They were destined to support the attack upph la
Haye Sainte, about to be made by two divisions of thg first
corps, at the same time that the two other divisions of the
same corps, marched forward upon la Haye. By this, move
ment the whole left of the enemy would be turned. The di
vision of light cavalry attached to the sixth corps, in close
column, and that of the first corps which was upon its wing,
were to aid in the attack ; which would be sustained by the
second and third lines of cavalry*, together with all the foot
and horse Guards. The French army once masters of la
Haye and Mount St. John, would cut off the highway to
Brussells from the entire right of the English army, constitut
ing the principal part of its forces. The Emperor had prefer*
ed to turn the left of the enemy rather than its right, because,
Ist, he wished to separate it from the Prussians who’were at
Wavres, and to prevent their forming a junction, should it be
meditated ; and even though they did not seek to effect it, yet
if the attack was made on the right and the English army
driven back, it would retire in the direction ol the Ptussians;
whereas by attacking the left, it would be separated from them
and driven in the direction of the sea. 2d. Because the left
appeared lobe much the weakest. 3d. And lastly, the Emperor
momentarily expected the myival of a detachment from Mar
shal Grouchy, by his right, and did hot wish to incur the risk
of being separated from it;
Whilst all were preparing for that decisive attack, the divi
sion of Prince Jerome, upon the left, commenced the fire in
WHOLE MO. 231.