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Government, their power wa- unrestrained, and they were at ;
liberty to make such treaty <i' was, in their judgment, to the I
Interest of their people. It will be remembered that Hoss, in i
his corre.- tondence, expressed a deliberate conviction that the |
happiness, nay the very existence, of his afflicted nation, de-,
pended upon their protection Iron) State laws. In this he was
doubtless correct. But the question is, did he act in confor- j
tnitv with ibis opinion by defeating a treaty ? Certainly not..
No s toner bad he secured himself and his friends in a treaty-1
making power in the manner 1 have already described, than ;
he become bolder and more unequivocal in his movements.
He announced with much pomp his readiness to treat, if Mr.
Schermerhorn would produce his credentials and they were
satisfactory. At lenght our commissioner exhibited his creden
tials, ami received for answer that, though there might be well
founded objections taken to them, he, [Ross.] however, would
waive all exceptions to form, and hear the proposition of Mr. !
Schermerhorn. The project of a treaty was again submitted
and again rejected, and Ross and his party then gave notice
that they would leave for Washington and there receive pro
positions. Our commissioner, as he was in duty bound to do,
again g tve notice for the nation to be convened tor the pur
pose of making a treaty, and that none would be made in
Washington. In the mean time, Ridge and Boudinot, discov
rii ig th ' game that Ross was resolved to play, withdrew (rom
the delegation and declined to have any thing more to do with
Ross. A council was assembled at New Echotn in December,
after full and fair notice to all parties, and there the treaty', s.»
much denounced, was concluded ; and, I am free to admit,
with less than a majority of the nation. But while I make
this admis-i.m. it was the fault of the nation, or rather John
Ross’ intriguing and selfish policy, that prevented the Indians
from meeting in larger numbers. Had Ross been faithful to
bis nation he never would have abandoned it ai this time, when
he was aware that a council was again called, when he had
beenofnei. Uy informed that no negotiation could be again open’d
at Washington, and when be had himself, about the middle of
the preceding March, declined entering into a negotiation
at Washington ; alleging, as a reason, that it was his duty to
submit the subject to the sense of the nation.
Now, Mr. Chairman, under all these circumstances, when it
is rcnc inhered that this Government exceeded, by six hundred
thousand dollars, the award of the Senate—when every body
must have perceived that Ross and his party were wielding a
<1 spotic influence over their people, in order to advance his
own selfish views—l submit it to the candor of all if this trea
ty is not pl iced upon as high gt ounds of moral justice as any
ever made between this Goverumsnt and our Indian tribes. 1
claim f<>r this treaty no more nor less than for other treaties
with the Indians. If all others are null ami void that fill our
statute book from the origin of this Government to the present
•lay, then you mav consider this in the same light. If those
that precede the New Ecliota treaty are valid and binding up
on the conscience ami honor of the nation, so is this; 1 place
them all upon the same fooling. All—yes, sir, all—>f to be re
garded in the light of treaties as made between civilized na
tions, between equal powers, are null, and, if you pjease, sir,
fraud dent. Will any gentleman tell me that the means resort
ed to to effect this treaty were different or more exceptionable
thin have always been practiced? No sir: if you clmje
those w ho a ade the treaty of’ New Ecliota as usurpers and dis
honest men, I answer you by saving that I have proven Roes
to be both the one and the other. S.» much for the treaty it i
were now an open question, which, as J said before, 1 tr.teriy
<!« ;) V.
Mr. Chairman, has it occurred to gentlemen on this floor
that Georgia, in her federal relation to the other States, lias
rights of the first n agnitude involved in this question ? It
• has long been to me, sir, a matter of much surprise to see all
the sympathies of this House constantly and earnestly engaged
on the part of the red man in all our disturbances with them ;
but of this I do not complain, 1 stand here to ask for the rights
of’ my State, not the sympathies of the House ; if the one
cannot be obtained, the other is not worth having. What,
then, let me repeat, are the rights of Georgia? So far, sir,
as regards soveriegnty and jurisdiction, and soil, they are
equal t> the rights of any of the original thirteen States.
None will, none can, controvert this. Has Georgia, whilst a
colony, or since she became a member of this Union, parted I
with a ritrhl of jut isdiction and soil over the lands in the occu
pancy <>f th'' Cherokees? Certainly not; but, on the con
trary, as far back as April, 1802, the State of Georgia enter
ed into a compast with this Government, whereby she ceded
that * immense tract of country new comprising the States of
Alabama and Mississippi, and the latter stipulated, among
other things, to “ extinguish, for the use of Georgia, as soon
as tiip same can be peaceably obtained on reasonable terms,
the Indian title to all the lands in said State.” Add what is
of som» consequence in this discussion, bv the same compact,
this Government did “cede to the State of Georgia whatever
claim, right, o • title they may have to the jurisdiction or soil
of anv land, lying within the the United States, and within
the defined limits of Georgia,” as settled bv said compact,
which embraces a portion bf the territory ceded by the New
Echota treaty.
Mr Chairman, this compact does not enlarge the right of
jurisdiction and soil in the sovereignty of Georgia, hut it is a
so I recoofiiiion of an antecedent right, an unqualified surren
der of all pretention whatever to the sei! and jurisdiction
witiiin the limits of Georgia, and thereby surrendering up to
Georgia the ttudispiited control of jurisdiction and soil w hich
embraces property and population in its fullest sense. Hence,
sir, if Georgia thinks proper to move against’any portion of
b‘T population, unless they can claim protection under the
Fed. •ral Constitution, which I admit to be paramount to the I
art <>f cession, there is no power known to our form of Gov
ernment that can rightfully interpose or question our course.
Can the Cherokees claim the protection of the Federal Gov
ernment as against Georgia, by virtue of any pow er under the
Constitution ? Certainly not. The only clause of the Con- :
stitution that has a bearing on-the question i«, that “ the Con- !
gres shall have power to regulate commerce with foreign na- |
t'ons, and among the States, and with the Indian tribes.”—
1 lie States meaning nothing more nor less than the States of
this Ltiion, and of course embrace the whole population of the
entire State. The boundary of tiie State, so far as territory
is concerned, gives us the idea of locality and extent, and to
regulate commerce with a territory as contradistinguished
from the population inhabiting the territory, is in absurdity,
’t'o regulate commerce with the Slates, means the people of
tI- St ites. It is nit possible you can discriminate between
portions ot colors, but all must be regarded, in a commercial
point of view, as a Stale or community. If this be true,
tin ti there is no power in Congress, either in a commercial or
political point of view, to draw a discrimination between dif
f< rent portions of the people of the same State. Hence, sir,
a.I your treaties with the Cherokees within the limits of Geor
gia, are merely permissive, not binding upon that State a mo
ment longer than she may choose to submit. You have the'
same power under the Constitution to treat with the citizens of
any one county in a State, and attempt to enforce the provi
sions of such a treaty against the will of the State, as to insist
upon the right of treating with the Indian population of the
original States, and enforcing the provisions of the same
against the w ill of such State. In the one case as in the other,
a State might acquiesce, but the sovereign right to disregard,
at pleasure, is not at all impaired, and can he called in ques
l?m whenever the occasion may require. Georgia has paid
this Government thirty-six yenrs ago to extinguish the Indian
title within her limits; but it will not be pretended that Geor
gia is thereby precluded, by virtue <>f her sovereignty’, to do
it herself. Sue may, by her ow n act, forfeit her lien on the
Government Io perform the contract, but she never has, for
one moment, divested herself of complete power over the
w hole subject.
Now then, ilr. Chairman, how’ dors the question now stand ?
You have made a treaty with the Cherokees bv which you
have extinguish!' 1 their titles to the lands in Georgia. In'this
you have redeemed at last your obligation by the compact of
1802. H< re then the question is settled. If Georgia is satis
fied with the manner au I mode you have thought proper to
discharge your obligation to her, it does not become this Gov
ernment to object. V/e hold you to the compact with us ; we
hold you to the compact with the Indians, which is the fulfil
ment of your obligation to Georgia. And never will that
State, nor will I as one of her representatives, consent to any
modification or alteration of its terms. To the letter I will
go, and on that I will Hand or fall. Yes, Mr. Chairman,
•Georgia remained quid, confiiiding in the justice of this .Gov
ernment, for more than the fourth <if a century. She looked
with regret and mortification at the shameful neglect of her
lights. She saw and felt that repeated opportunities were of
fered when this Government could have extinguished the Indi
an fide to the lands within her borders. In 1808 in 1814
■ojfi in 1817, and in 1819, at which times treaties were made
'iib the Greeks ard Cherokees, it was in the power of this '
VMCtnmeut to I * t quieted the Indian titles to lands in Geor-
gia. But, sir, the policy of the Government was to purchase
the Indian title west of our boundary. In Mississippi and
Alabama the Indian title was first to be extinguished. What
was the effect of this policy ? To concentrate in Georgia,
andon her frontier, the whole Indian population of the mighty
tribes of Creeks and Cherokees. Ami, sir, as you narrowed
down her territory, in the same proportion did this Govern
ment increase her diflienlty in discharging her obligations to
Georgia. This consequence should have been foreseen, and
strictly guarded against. Yet it was the pleasure of the Fede
ral rulers, notw ithslaning the repeated memorials and protests
of Georgia, obstinately to persist in this course ot’ policy, the
direct tendency of which was to fasten upon the teriitory of
Georgia, throughout all time, an Indian population—a popu
lation that this Government was under the highest moral obli
gation, as well as by express stipulation, to remove with the
least possible delay, and at her own expense. Well, Mr.
Chairman, after waiting from 1802 to 1829, with no earnest
effort having been made to discharge the obligations ot this
Government to Georgia, a state of things had actually taken
place in the Cherokee country which would no longer admit of
delay on the part of that State. It was most manifest that
Georgia had to look to herself for the preservation of order
ami good neighborhood, for the maintainance of her political
rights, and the enforcement of her own laws. Remonstrance
and petition had failed, argument, reason, and justice urged
with all the eloquence of candor by the constituted authorities
of Georgia, by her legislative bodies, were no longer regard
ed with favor by this Government. And the alternative was
presented to my State, either of beholding, for the first time in
the history of this Government, the right of a sovereign State
over ti e jurisdiction and soil within her own limits —a right
far which she, in common with the original thirteen States
fought for and won in our revolutionary struggle, and which
she believed and felt was guarantied to her by the Constitution
—prostrated under foot by a code of Indian laws; or, other
wise, to assume the responsibility that honor and patriotism
demanded, of vindicating her laws and free institutions from
violence at home, or aggression from any other quarter.
Sir, she did take her stand; and I behold in her attitude that
undying and unconquerable spirit—the love of liberty—-which
is the patriot's best hope that our free institutions may yet be
preserved.
Mr. Chairman, in 1827, the Cherokee tribe of Indians or
ganized a government with a written constitution and code of
hws, extending over all that portion of territory then in their
occupancy within the limits of Georgia. The Cherokees
claimed exclusive jurisdiction over the personsand things with
in their limits. What, sir, was the consequence ? The bad,
the profligate, the idle, all grades of the human character, from
every portion of the country, were rapidly congregating in
the Cherokee nation. Public highways, connecting the white
settlements in Georgia, Tennessee, and Alabama, were fre
quently beset by these lawless wretches; robbery and murder
was the necessary consequence. These examples were quickly
imitated by the more ignorant Indian. The scene was too
shocking to describe. If, perchance, the offenders were likely
to be brought before the tribunals of the Cherokee nation,
they sought safety in flying to the mountains in Georgia and
Carolina, Tennessee and Alabama, and then wotdd again
commence new operations, by plundering the Indians. When in
the Chero.kee country, they would plunder the whites; when on
the borders of the settlements, they would plunder the Indians ;
and so numerous ?nd well organized was this band of thieves,
that fora length of ti.me the arm of the judiciary, the ministe
rial officers of the law were resisted, and often baffled by the
superior force of the offenders, in the due administration of the
laws. The state of things, bi’ong.'jt about solely by the pre
teusionsof this Indian Government, coti.’d not longer be en
dured. The jurisdiction of Georgia and her responsibility to
herself and the world, for preserving the rights of her
of property and life itself, imperiously demanded of her, as
the Governm-mt had failed to remove the cause of this annoy
an e, to arrest the evil. Well, sir, what was the first step taken
by Georgia to accomplish this object, which the candid of all
parties must admit wets her duty ? It was, by legislation, to
extend her criminal jurisdiction over her entire territory, and
therby abrogating the Indian form of Government. Was
not the Indian as much protected by this act ns the white man ?
Was it not as much, nay more, necessary to protect the Indian
than any othej- portion of our population ? Their own laws
bad proved inadequate to the object, they had been tried and
failed. Instead of preserving order, the result was endless
confusion and mi-rule. We had stood by and seen the experi
ment fully made, and it had most signally failed. Eve y prin
ciple therefore, of enlightened humanity, as well as of honor,
patriotism, of State sovereignty, demanded the course that
Georgia pursued. Yet, sir, it is remarkable, that for this act
of Georgia, there has been an uniform and deep voice of cen
sure, froma particular quarter of this Union, from that city to
this. Nor has there been any thing left undone, that could
thwart the policy of Georgia, in adjusting her own domestic
ri thtsand interest, to which it is even indecent on the part of
the States to allude, in the terms of censure, much less of in
terference, and more especially the older Slates of this Union.
If, sir, I were disposed to retort, by telling the story of outrage,
I cruel, merciless, and vindictive as it was, even to the extermi
nation of whole tribes, whit answers are gentlemen prepared to
give? Where are the tribes that once inhabited this country
from Maine to Georgia ? Either swept from the face of the
earth, or here and there small numbers residing in obscure
corners, broken down in spirit, degraded, poor, and miserable.
Yet, sir, we of Georgia, are to receive lectures on morality,
on the rights of the Indians, of humanity to savages, from the
people of those States, whose forefathers have exterminated
tribe after tribe, bv their just, and humane policy to the savage !
Did it ever occur to those who are unjustly dealing out t. eir
detiitni inions against Georgia, how different must be thejttdg
inent ol posterity from their own, when history shall tell the
solemn truth, that the humanity and justice of the East and
North, as well as portions of the South, had exterminated the
mighty tribes that once held possession of those sections long
before the close of the eighteenth century ; while at this day
the cruelty and injustice of Georgia towards the savages in
her State, had enabled them to boast of men of the first talents,
high literary attainments, and in numbers exceeding the entire
Indian population ol all the old States together. These are
things, sir, of which, as an American, I can take no pleasure
in adverting to; but as a Georgian, I can only feel the emo
tions of disgust, when I hear my state denounced for her In
dian policy, by the people of States, who have hunted down,
as the wild beast of prey, the last of the red men within their
borders. Il we are to be lectured, let it come bom pure hands
and honest hearts; not from those whose practice it is to preach
justice, equality and humanity abroad, while at home every
act is shoruded with designs black and wicked.
But, Mr. Chairman, there are other facts that should be
known to this committee and the nation, in order to ii'iderstand
the true position of Georgia. By the treaty of 1819, with
the Cherokees, made with Ross, Gunter, and others, who have
been opposing the late Cherokee treaty, there is an express re
servation in favor of John Ross, Lewis Ross, John Martin,
James Brown, .John Bulge, Edward Gunter, Richard Tay
lor, Thomas Foreman, and Richard Fields, and a number of
others, 640 acres of land to each, provided they wished to be
come citizens of the United States, &c.
Now, sir, 1 will state also, as a fact not generally known,
that this very same John Ross Ross, Lewis Ross, Edward
Gunter, Geo. Lowrey, and John Gunter, did put in, in writing,
which was regularly recorded at the Cherokee Agency, their
applications for the reservations as set forth in the treaty. 1
will give the letters of Lewi-, Ross and John Ross.
Washington City, March6th, 1819.
Sin: Agreeable to the 3d article of the treaty signed at Washington
on the 27th of February, 1819, 1 hereby notify that it is my intention
to continue to reside permanently on the land reserved to me in said
treaty.
(Signed) LEWIS ROSS.
Col. R. J. Meigs, Cherokee Agent.
Creek Agency, June 17,1819.
Str: : Finding that some of those persons who have been granted
special reservations in fee simple, by the late treaty, concluded at Wash
ington City on the 28th day of February l ist, have thought proper to
report to you, agreeable to the condition stipulated in the third article
of said treaty, notwithstanding 1 am fully convinced in my opinion
that said condition does not immediately apply to special reservations,
yet, in order to avoid any inisuiiderstnndiiiK of the treaty, 1 have also
thought proper to follow their example. You will therefore please to
acknowledge this as my notification, in compliance with the aforesaid
stipulated condition, that ilis my intention to continue to occupy and en
joy permanently the land reserved me in that treaty.
1 am, sir, your obedient servant,
JOHN ROSS.
Col. R. J. Meigs. Cherokee Agent.
The letters of the others are of tho same character. Mr. Chair
man, can this House, will the American people, ask more to satisfy
them of the true character of John Ross and o.lters who arc oppos
ing this treaty, and the peculiar situation in xvliich Georgia has found
herself situated ? Sir, it should be remembered that il was not till
after John Ross, his brother Lewis Ross, and the others who arc now
hostile to this treaty, had accepted tho provisions of that of 1819,
constituting them citizens of the United States, and with a fee sim
ple in 640 acres of land, selected as the most valuable in the nation,
that the project was set on foot by the same individuals, that they
would sell their reservations, return again to the nation, assume the
command and control ot the Cherokees, organize a Government,
adopt a written Constitution and code of laws, to advance their own
ambitious projects. What have the eulogists of John Ross to sav
to his solemn, written pledge, that be intended to reside permanently
on his reservation, under the 3d article of the treaty of 1819 ?
Where stands his unblemished character in this transaction? Just
where it stands in the present. It was John Ross and his party that
made toe treaty ol 1819, securing among other things, the best pos
sessions in their country in fee simple, with the rights of a citizen of
the l iiitcd States. How long did they’ adhere to the conditions up
on which they obtained this bounty? 'No longer than was necessary
lor them to pocket the profits ol their treachery, and a new scene
ol ambition opened to their view. ll<j then renounced all the rights
and honor ol an American citizen, and sought forglorv and distinc
tion by again betlaying the best interests ot bis nation; and it is this
mail and his party, who it is contended, have the sole and exclusive
right of making treaties for the Cherokees. Is it so, sir? Have
not be and his associates, by their own voluntary act, as far back
as 1819, deprived themselves of the influence they now seek to ex
ercise ?
One other fact, Mr. Chairman, I will allude to in justification of
the course of Georgia, in abrogating the Cherokee Government.
Among other oppressive enactments, these people passed the fol
lowing barbarous laws for the sole purpose of perpetuating in the
hands ol Ross and his. party, who had then seized upon the govern
ment of the Cherokees : “That any person or persons, whatever, who
shall be found guilty of forming unlawful meetings, with intent to
create faction against the peace and tranquility of the people—to
encourage rebellion against the laws and Government of the Chero
kee nation, shall receive one hundred stripes on the bare back."
Another section provides : “ That any person or persons who shall,
contrary to the Legislative Council, enter into a treaty, &.C., and
agree to sell any part or portion of national lands, upon conviction
shall suffer death.” And it is, also, provided that persons who ab
scond, or who shall refuse, by resistance, to appear at the place of
trial, are outlaws ; “ and any person of this nation shall kill them so
offending,'in any manner most convenient, within the limits of this
nation, and shall not be held accountabli to the laws for the same."
And another section of the Cherokee laws provide, after administer
ing one hundred lashes on the naked back, for a particular offence,
“and no treaty shall be binding upon this nation which shall not
have been ratified by the General Council, and approved bn the
principle Chief."
1 will not spend the time ot the Committee in commenting on
these laws. No one can mistake their object. John Ross was the
principle chief, and no tieaty could, therefore, under their law, be
binding without his epproval. This gave him the power, unlimited
and despotic as it was, that he desired. These laws were enacted
in October, 1829, and it was not until November or December, 1829,
that the legislature of Georgia extended her criminal jurisdiction
over the Chetokee country within her limits. I need not here re
peat what is universally believed to be true, that these laws prevent
ed the great mass of the Cherokee people from emigrating. If one
dared express a desire to go west, or treat with the United States,
we all know his fate ; and, if the reports of the day are to be be
lieved, many paid the forfeit oY that law with their lives. Under
such circumstances, Mr. Chairman, was my State placed at the mo
ment she took her stand and asserted her rights. If consequences
to be deplored have resulted, they must be attributed to the folly
and ambition of Ross and bis party, and the delay of justice by this
Government to Georgia. Georgia acted as became her at so mo
mentous a crisis. Had she done less, she would not have command
ed the respect of her sister States, herself, or of posterity.
Mr. Chairman, the honorable gentleman from Virginia, condemns
the policy of this Government, in removing all the Indian tribes
West of the Mississippi. That this policy, so fatal to the red man,
originated with General Jackson, and must end in ruin. I think the
honorable member is mistaken, when he gives entire credit, for so I
regard it, to General Jackson. The policy of removing the Indians
west, and.withont the limits of the. States, commenced under the ad
ministration of General Washington, and has been the settled policy
of the Government, from that day to this. It is true sir, and so
much the mote creditable to General Jackson, that he never failed
to urge this policy upon Indian tribes within the Stares, or upon
Congress on all suitable occasions, as the last and only means of
throwing around the savage the efficient protection of this’ Govern
ment. But while lam tree to admit, that this policy; under bis Ad
minisi.r!ition, assumed a decided and organized form and practical
bearing, yet 1 wJI not yield all the honor of this mighty work of na
tion d humanity to General Jackson. It originated in the benevo
lent and comprehensive charity i»nd practical humanity of our first
Chief Magistrate, and have been sanctioned by all who come after
him; and though it may be said of General Jackson that more ha.\
been done under his Administration to carry out this great work, in
which every philanthropist must feel an abiding interest, it does not
show the whole to be his, or that the policy itself is wrong. The
honorable gentleman will take upon liimst If # task of no ordinary
character, when he attempts to prove that what is understood to be
our Indian policy, is either wrong in itself, or will be productive of
results fatal to them or to the whites.
The honorable gentleman, as is somewhat common in this Ilofise,
c.n particular occasions, reminds us of the danger of a large stand
ing army to the liberties of the people; and that such an army will
become necessary, in order to j rotect our western frontier, if the In
dians are all concentrated on the west of the Mississippi. He in
forms us, from our experience in the Seminole war, that we have
found that it was necessary to have seven American soldiers to con
tend against one Indian warrior ; that when the Cherokees shall reach
their western home, the mighty tribes can number sixty thousand
warriors, which would require, according to our late experience in
Florida, a standing ar ny of upwards of three hundred thousand sol
diers to protect that frJhtier, and hold the savages in check ; and the
honorable gentleman concludes that the policy is unwise, because it
will necessarily lead to this overgrown standing army, that is to swal
low up the liberties of the people. Sir, I cannot think therf is
much force in his view of the question. The honorable gentleman
greatly underrates the character of the American soldiers, if such is
his opinion. But I regard the immense army spoken of by the gen
tleman as imaginary, and that he entertains to much respect for the
courage of our soldiers, to diparage them by any such comparison.
Mr. Chairman, the honorable gentleman insists that we can live
side by side with the Indians in harmony, and that it would be hu
manity and justice in Georgia, to permit the Cherokees to remain on
the land ol their fathers. Sir, this is the feeling of many gentlemen,
who have either forgotten the lessons of all experience, or know but
little of Indian character. How often has the experimejit been tried ;
and where can you point to a solitary instance of permanent good
resulting to the savage? No sooner do you bring the white and red
man in close contact in the same community than the latter falls into
all the vices and errors of the former, imitating none of his virtues.
Sir, I have seen something of Indian character ; I know something
of the demoralizing influence upon the white and red man, by plac
ing them in contiguous neighborhoods; and I should regard it as one
of the greatest moral evils that could befall the Cherokees to remain
in their present situation. Better forthem that they be driven at
the point of the bayonet to their western homes, than to remain
where ruin, wretchedness, and misery await them. Why, from the
beginning, such should be so, 1 will not attempt to explain ; but that
the fact exists-, all must admit. Then, sir, should we now halt in onr
career, again to make experiments that have, as often as repeated,
led its victims to the alter? Is it not the part ol wisdom, is it not
our duty, to provide for evils that exist, to treat the condition of
these Indians as a practical question, rather than indulge in morbid
sympathies and bitter railings, that the laws of nature have fixed an
insuperable barrier between the moral condition of the savage and
the Christian ? In all this there is a providence beyond the ken of
man ; stubborn and unalterable laws of nature, that will neither yield
to onr entreaties, nor disappear at our bidding.
Mr. Chairman, the honorable gentlenun, with his accustomed ear
nestness of manner, asked, would not Georgia consent to pay an ad
ditional sum of money to induce the Indians to emigrate sooner than
engage in a war? Yes, to bribe Ross and liis party to sanction this
treaty, rather than see war raging on our soil ? I would deprecate
as much as any man living a conflict with the Cherokees. I will
pursue no course here or elsewhere, with the intention of bringing
about such a result; but, sir, I will never vote one dollar to biibe a
faithless man to sanction the supreme law of this land. Others, who
take a different view of the subject, may vote John Ross million up
on million for pacification. I shall not complain at that; but, as one
of the Representatives of Georgia, I cannbt consent, by any vote
of mine, to purchace the peace of my constituents at the hands of
John Ross. And has it come to this, that the treaty which has been
so often on this floor denounced as fraudulent, as a foul blot upon
onr national character, as a crying sin invoking the vengeance of
Heaven, is at last tube purified, stripped of its infamy, made worthy
the support of all that have denounced it, by voting two or three
millions to John Ross and his friends? 1 rejoice, sir, that the true
issue has, after all, been presented. John Ross is now, as he always
has been from the first moment, in the market. Giv» him one or
two millions, embraced in the treatv, with the power of conducting
ihe emigration of the Indians, and alljiis attachment for the land of
his fathers, the soil of his birth, will die in that false and treachrous
bosom, uiflamenting the necessity that compels the separation.
For one, Mr. Chairman, whatever may he the consequence, I
cannot conceive of nothing I would not prefer to placing mv Stale,
by any vote of mine, in a situation so humiliating. 1 will never
consent Io vote one dollar to bribe Ross, or extend the emigration
one day beyond the time prescribed in the treaty.
MEXICO/
A decree has been passed by the Mexican Government opening
the ports of Tuspan and Soto la Marina from 15lhJune, and Cabo
Rojo, from 15th July next, to last during the present difficulties with
I'rance, six months alter all difficulties have been settled.
Her Britannic Majesty’s packet Alert sailed from Tampico on the
7lh June, for Portsmouth, via Havana with $750,000 specie.
1 lie New Orleans Bulletin says that the United States ship Nat
chez, Captain Page, sailed from the mouth of the Mississippi on the
12th instant, with despatches and passengers for Mexico. A num
ber of persons arc said to have taken passage on board of her for
Tampico. The Bulletin says that since the institution of the block
ade by the French, our Government vessels from the only medium
ol communication with the Mexican ports. Merchant vessels have
been ordered off in every instance, and now are prohibited even from
landing passengers. This wotdd have proved an intolerable and in
superable seclusion to the commercial world, but for the kind offices
and urbanity of our naval officers. We have heard high encomiums
passed upon the commander of the Natchez, in particular, for his
humane inteference in numerous instances. In every cruize that he
has m ide to and from the Mexican coast a crowd of applicants have
pressed upon him lor passage, all of which were occommodated free
of any charge of expense, where satisfactory vouchers were furnish
ed ol the necessitous circumstancesand meritorious character of the
applicants. It is a standing rule in his ship to receive no compensa
tion for passengers. This noble hospitality is characteristic of our
navy, and extends a benevolent band to the distressed in every quar
ter of the globe.
from the Savannah Georgian:.
THE ILL-FATED PULASKI.
The melancholy details of the late unprecedented calamity which
has befallen our city, must be our apology for want of Editorial mat
ter of a political cast. Wc confess that we have not been in a frame
of mind necessary for the discharge of political duties incumbent on
the conductor of a press; for ten days only have passed since we
were appalled by the intelligence that many of the experienced
minds and beautifulyouth of our city, had been cast upon the waste
of .waters, never more to see, in this life, those who wore dearer than
existence itself. The simple narrative of Captain Pooler, elicits
•anew the sympathetic tear, fcr the fate of the sufferers, while our
hearts respond to the feelings which have excited the muse of our
native Poet, to reflect on the disasters of that night at sea, when the
beautiful and brave, the youth and the man of years, stood above
one common grave. But we forbear. More able pens than ours
will be engaged in the melancholy duty of portraying the virtues of
those who have been snatched from our broken circle, while memory
will ever recall to mind their heart-rending and awful fate.
We took our departure from Charleston, at 6o’clock, A. M. on
Thursday, the 14th June, 1838. About 7 o’clock, I arose from my
berth unrefreshed by sleep, having passed a very unpleasant night, 1
ascended to the deck, and found that the boat had progressed on her
way to Boltimore about 10 or 12miles ; at the breakfast table many
happy and joyous faces met, alas! neither there nor elsewhere oil
earth ever ta meet again.
The wind was fresh on the land, and a heavy sea caused the bout
to labor with unpleasant motion, and almost every one on board was
more or less About half past 8 o’clock P. M. I retired to
rest, and at about 10 o'clock, fell into an uncomfortable slumber.
An astounding noise like that of an huge gong followed by what ap
peared to be the entire breaking up of the boat, aroused me from my
sleep. I immediately sprung from mv berth, and calling for my
child, had him in a moment by my side. Confident that some ter
rible accident had occurred, I hurried with him to the deck, passing
over crushed glass which cut my feet, in several places. On turning
to the larboard quarter, I was seized bv Mrs. Pringle, of Chark-stoiq
who rushed from the Ladies’ Cabin, and begged me for God’s sake
to tell her what the matterwas. I was endeavoring toquiet her fears,
when her husband came tc herewith his face perfectly black) and
on having a similar enquiry put to him, he assured her that one of
our wheels had been carried away by another boat, and led her away.
I then discovered Mr. Lamar, I approached him, and asked him
what was the matter. You may judge what mv feelings were, w hen
he informed me that we were gone, that the whole starboard side of
the boat had been bio vn away and that we were sinking fast.
I quickly turned to where the boat hung on the larboard quarter,
and discovering two men in the act of lowering her into the sea, I
threw my child into the boat, and followed after, to save or die with
him. I found Col. Robertson-, of Savannah, already in the boat,
and about the time that the boat touched the surface of the sea, Mr’.
James 11. Couper, of St. Simons, occompanied by Mrs. Nightingale
and child, Mrs. Dr. Fraser, and son, got into the boat, when in the
act of shoving ofl, two colored women jumped into the boat.
In danger of being crushed under the quarter of the steamboat,
we cast off and pulled to about 200 yards, and rested on our oars.
About this time, the passengers appeared to have collected on the
deck, and some one on board commanded us to return with the boat.
About 20 minutes after this we were hailed, and on answering, as
certained that there was another boat afloat, in which the matefCapt.
Hibbard was. On inquiry being made, Capt. Hibbard informed us
that he had four persons aboard, an that he had fallen in with another
boat, filled with water, which he requested us to take charge of and
bail out, asit was all important that she should be saved; We in
formed him that our own boat was leaking, and that we had nothing
but a slipper to aid us in keeping her free, and that it was impossible
for us to comply with the request. The steamboat, about this time,
appeared to be settling in the sea, and apprehensive that the suck
would take us down, we rowed off about a bundled yards further,
and again rested upon our oars, until the sound of the breaking up
of the boat (which we heard distinctly) and her disappearance fiotn
our view, convinced us that all was ofver.
A sboit time after this Capt. Hibbard approached ourboaf, towing
the boat that he had picked up filled with water, and being again j
assured that v.e could not bail lw?r, he threw the painter aboard of
us and requested us to hold on until he could do so himself. Col.
Robertson in the bow of our boat held on to the rope,—while Hib
bard’s crew endeavorud to f'roo Iwr n£. tlw wale-, lint the o£th>-» ■
proving ineffectual we were reluctantly compelled to abandon her
after much fatigue from the exertion to save her. A proposition was
now made to Capt. Hibbard to put to the shore as the sea and wind
were both favorable and our lives might thereby be saved. Never
can I forget his humane and magnanimous reply “Were Ito quit
THIS PLACE UNTIL TIIE DAY DAWNED AND WITHOUT MAKING EXER
TIONS TO SUCCOUR THOSE UNFORTUNATE BEINGS WHO HAVE SUFFERED,
I would consider myself guilty of Murder.” IL then inform
ed us that he intended to row in towards the wreck and requested us
to follow and stand by him. We assented gnd Hibbard led the way.
On rowing in towards where the steamboat last appeared we fell in
with fragments of the wreck which almost every moment endangered
onr safety. Bearing tie cries of persons floating near us, Capt. i
Hibbard promptly approached with his boat and having ascertained
that the cries proceeded from two men floating on a piece of the
wreck he immediately took them into his boat.—They proved to be
two laborers who l ad been blown off by the explosion and were very
badly scalded. Again was the cry for help heard, and again was as
sistance promptly given by Hibbard, and an old gentleman belong
ing to Buffalo of the State of New York, who had been in Florida
for his health, was rescued from a settee upon which he had been
floating for some time. This gentleman infoimed us that about ten
minutes before we fell in with him a Mr. McWade, of Florida, had
been floating with him on the settee, but finding that they both could
not well be supported by it, McWade had generously relinquished in
his favor and taken to a piece* of floating timber. Mr. Lewis Bird,
of Savannah, and a Mr. Leuchtenberg of Eichstett, in the Kingdom
of Bavaria, were rescued in a similar manner by Captain Hibbard.
The day now began to dawn, the two boats approached each oth
er and having as many on board as could be carried with probable
safety. Capt. 11 ibbard was again urged to lead the way to the land,
which was then supposed to be about thirty-five miles distant, as the
current and breeze were both in our favor, Capt. Hibbard expressed
a desiie to remain until the sun rose, but being overruled in this, at
about half past 3 o’clock A.M.we put the heads of our boats for
theshore. The wind being favorab’e we made use of Col. Robert
son’s frock coat, the only one in the boat, as a sail, and by the aid of
it and two oars wedescried land about 12 o’clock meridian, about ten
miles off. The sight was indeed cheering; our exertions were re
newed and we were buoyed up, with the hope that we would inti
short time be once more on land.
You may judge of our dismay, when on approaching the shore,
we discovered the whole coast hemmed in with sand bars, upon which
the sea broke with terrific violence. Exhausted by fatigue and the
want of water and food, and sorely burnt by the sun, we determined
to brave the danger and effect a landing if possible. Capt. Hibbard
perceiving that our boat was too heavily laden, approached us and
took into his boat the old gentleman from Buflale, and the two color
ed women. He then directed us to follow in his wake at the distance
of two or three hundred yards and remain on our oars until he essay
ed to land, and if he succeeded, to follow him quickly, and that
himself and crew would be ready to aid us. We rested on our oars;
oir eyes were fixed on his receding boat ; we saw her enter the
breakers; the oars were wrested from their grasp by the force, of the
waterX; the bow of the boat was depressed ; a sea struck her in
the stern, and all precipitated into the water, were suddenly lost to
our view. They are gone was the cry, and in their fate we saw our
own. Hope was gone for the moment and we fancied ourselves in
the arms of death. A few moments after this we saw one man
emergs from the water, then another and another, until 6 appeared,
the greater part of whom, threw themselves upon the beach, appa
lently entirely exhausted. Mr. Lewis Bird of Savannah, the old
gentleman from Buffalo, one of the Laborers who had been scalded,
and the two colored women sunk never to rise alive. As soon as
Capt. Hibbard recovered from his exhaustion, be waved his hat to
us to keep off, in a manner that convinced tis that to land would be
certain death. With two women in our boat an infant, of eight
months old, two boys and five men, three of whom had never before
pulled tin oar, without meat or drink, almost naked, helpless from
exertion and suffering from a scorching sun, with a boundless sea on
our rear, and tho land, withits bariier of breakers on onr front,
despair almost took possession of our souls—but when we turned our
eyes upon our women, who neither by word or look had embarrassed
us for a m oment; their heroic fortitude stimulated us to further ex
ertion, and Hope was once more revived.
We then rowed further up the coast, with the expectation that we
would discover a more faviirable landing, hut our companions on
shore still waving usoff, we returned to our foi mer station, about 300
yards from the shore, and contented ourselves with keeping the head
of our boat to the sea. We perceived some of those on shore em
ployed in hauling their boat over the Sand, to the sound, between
the island and the main land—while Captain Hibbard repaired to .a
fisherman’s hut, about a mile above. We now consulted about the
course we should adopt. Some were for landing, others for keeping
off. We determined, howeve', to delay our decision until the re
turn of Hibbard. About seven o’clock, P. M. Hibbard returned,
and hope of succour from the land ceased, when be again waived us
off. It was then decided that we should attempt a landing. The
breeze had freshened, tho flood tide was setting in, and the clouds
■ above the land indicated a change of wind and weather We all
i were aware of the danger about to be encountered. The duty of
each was assigned—-we backed our boat in, stern foremost, and at a
word given, wheeled about, and, head foremost, mounted upon the
breakers, and pulled ahead; —for some time we kept her bow to
the sea, bnl the larboard oar having been wrested from the hands of
the oarsman, 1 was called upon to assist in placing another oar Mv
attention was diverted from my child, and in a moment, upon the
comb of a tremendous breaker, we broached to, and .ill were whirl
ed i nto the deep. I was carried to the bottom with considerable
force, and upon my icturn to the surface—looked fer my child he
was not to be seen. * * * * *
In a second or two, my boy rose to the surface, and swimming to
him, I clasped him with my left arm, and swam with him to the boat
which was near by keel up. We had scarcely reached the boat’
and seized hold of her, when another breaker again hurried us to the*
bottom, and this thrice successively, until we were forced so far up,
as to be able to wade to land. We landed on a barren sand island '
about 10 miles from New Rivei Inlet, and separated from the m-.in
land by a sound, called Stump Sound. By the exertions of Capt.'
Hibbard who had made an excavation with a shell,near a salt pond
on the back part of the Island,, we obtained sonic brackish water
with which we refreshed ourselves, and in our wet clothes, threw
ourselves upon the sand, where we remained until eleven o’clock at
night—-when the men who had crossed the sound, returned in the
canoes of Mr. Siglee Redd, who bad sent us every thing that our im
mediate necessities required.
We were conveyed across the sound to Mr. Redd’s residence
about a mile oft, where we were kindly received and hospitably en
tertained by himself and family. Arrangements were made with
Mr. lledd to endeavor to procure us conveyances to Wilmington, and
most of us being in an exhausted state, it was determined that we
should set out on Sunday morning. During the whole of Saturday
the wind blew fresh and on Sunday morning therecame up a storm,
at the commencement of which Capt. Hibbard and Col. Robertson
started in a cart for Wilmington. But on account of its increasing
violence (I understood) they were compelled to stop about 17 miles
from that place, and were not able to reach it until Monday morning.
The storm raged during the whole of Sunday, and for years 1 have
never witnessed ti severer gale. On Monday morning we procured
a large wagon, three horses and a and cait and men, women
and children being placed in them, we commenced our journey to
Wilmington. Seventeen miles from Wilmington we were .met by
carriages sent out by the citizens to convey us to town. AUoui 7
o’clock in the evening reached that place, where we were met
with the warmest sympathy and condolence and by every arrange
ment that active benevolence could make for the comfort of the dis
tressed sufferers.
The Pulaski.— The editor of the New York American says:
“Much censure is now cast, and deservedly, as it seems to us, on
the cocduct of Captain Allen, of the steam packet New York, who,
in passing the wreck of the Pulaski, on Monday last, contented him
self with distant reconnoitering, and lowered no boat to see if any
survived the calamaty,and who spent but two hours, according to his
own’showing, in looking about, without running down for the wreck.
It will be seen that it was not until Tuesday that the survivors on the
bow—the very part which Captain Allen said he saw—were rescued.
Captain Allen passed on Monday ! Several persons died of fatigue
and exposure ou the bow, besides those who were rescued. It be
hooves Captain Allen to explain his conduct in this matter.”
It appears that out of alcven passengers from Florida, in the Pu
laski, notone is known to be saved.
The Philadelphia U. S. Gazette says:
“ It is with great satisfaction that we can announce the name of
another soul saved from the ill-fated Pulaski. It is Mr. Innis, (of
Philadelphia) of the firm of Okie and innis. His friends had let
ters from him yesterday, dated at Wilmington, North Carolina. He
was the person unknown, of the thirteen that were last heard from.”
He had been “ mourned as dead” by his friends at home.
Sixty thousand dollars in specie have been imported in New York
within the last two or three days. The stock market in that city
seems to be quite active. From Jto 1 per cent have been the gene
ral advance within a day or two.
Biddle missed a figure most hansomely when bis agents attempted
to run up exchange with the hopes of producing a re-shipment of
specie to Europe. Theie never was a greater failure. Sterling bills
for the Great Western, we notice, went off at 8U This does not
much look like sending back the specie this country has been so
largely receiving.
The Whig members of the New York Legislature have recom
mended to the DEMOCRATIC WIHGS throughout the Union a
National Convention; What kind of an.animal is a Demociatic
Whig ? To what tribe or species does lie belong? We fear that no
body can answer to that name. It lias always been a favorite ruse
among politicians of the Federal school to give bad names to their
opponents, and choose fair ones for themselves. “A rose by any
other name would smell as sweet.” So that under whatever colors
the old Federalists have sailed, the democratic Republicans have al
,ways miderstouil them, and scented and snuffed their principles at the
first expose. H Ings, Democrats, KepublFcansriTave alf been tried
to cover up the cloven foot, and all sorts of bard names have been
invented to render infamous the principles of the true Democratic Re
publican party. The thing lias come down to this absurdity—a De
mocratic Whig. Daniel Websterisone—a Democratic Federalist!
Oh!— Mobile Pat.
THE END.
The struggle is over, and the MONEY POWER HAS PRE
VAILED! On yesterday the House of Representatives rejected
the Constitutional Treasury bill by a vote of 125 to 111. The able
and eloquent atguments of Messrs. Dromgoole, Pickens, Rhett,
Hunter, and others availed nothing against the mysterious appeals of
a power whose rhetoric is more resistless than that of Tully or De
mosthenes—Republicanism did all that it could to rescue the Gov
ernment and the people from the demoralizing despotism of a mo
rn yed aristocracy, but al) in vain. Federalism, as it has always
done, rallied together all the elements of opposition. The Banker,
the Stock-jobber,—the Shaver, the Anti-Mason, —the Abolitionist, —
tiie Conservative all combined together, and the result has been as we
have stated.
The occasion is one that calls for comment—but we have not lei
sure to indulge in remarks. Changes of a veiy mysterious and ex
traordinary character have been effected in the last few days,—and
we are left to ccnjectu.e as to the agency. Time, however, in whose
train, is ever an attendant, will probably disclose facts and cir
cumstances which may leave little to conjecture. Enough, for the
present to know that FEDERALISM HAS TRIUMPHED. The
means which it employed may lie the subject of future investigation.
And now we turn from this self-constituted board of bank direc
tors, who are determined that both the Government and the People
shall submit to their authority—we turn fromthem tothePEOPLE
THEMSELVES. The issqe is made up—whether the money
dealers SHALL BECOME THE SUPREME POWER IN THIS COUN
TRY. Whether THEY shall dictate to this Government—
assume and exercise the SOVEREIGN AUTHORITY to create
a PAPER CURRENCY for this great nation, in despite of
the CONSTITUTION—-and COMPEL the PEOPLE to take
it in EXCHANGE FOR THE PRODUCTS OF LABOR ON
THEIR OWN TERMS, This is the issue now distinctly made
up and presented to the country, and every man must shake off his
lethargy, and piepare himself for the contest. If flic Federal party
succeed, this Government ceases to be a Government of the PEO
PLE; and becomes a mere agent —a corrupt machine of the mo
neyed monopolists of the country. The wages of prostitution will
be regularly paid out to members of Congress, who will become to
all intents and purposes, a mere board of bank directors, abusing
their high functions at the bidding of their masters—and sacrificing
their constituents to the slakeless cupidity of sordid capitalists. They
will shingle the whole country with corporationsand exclusive privi
leges, and make the honest labor of the Peojilo tributary to a vast
moneyed aristocracy.
If there ever was a time when the virtue and patriotism of the
people should be roused into action it is now. The Federal aristoc
racy of money has contrived so to manage the State Governments
as to secure to itself exclusive privileges in the charters of nine hun
dred banks. These, wielding the immense power of THREE HUN
DRED MILLIONS OF DOLLARS, and hourly adding to the.
amount, have been organized and brought out into the field against
the Government and the people, demanding that both should yield
obedience and pay to them the immense annual tribute of FIFTY
MILLIONS OF DOLLARS—nearly equal to the nett proceeds of
the entire productive labor of the whole Union exported to foreign
markets ! This tribute they demand, not for capital loaned, but for
credit sold ; and which credit has been given to them by laws passed
in despite of that equality of rights secured by our institutions !
The question aiises and demands attention,—what is to be the
result of this contest? We confidently answer in one word—
I It EEDOM ! —freedom from the shackles of a moneyed aristocracy.
Such has been the result of every contest in which the PEOPLE of
this country have been engaged against those who would make them
slaves, whether foreign or domestic. British power from abroad tried
it once—and Federalism at home made a similar effort in 1798. In
each case the people came oil victorious; —and so it will be again.
TIIE VOTE GIVEN YESTERDA Y WILL DESTROY THE
POLITICAL PROSPECTS OF MORE MEN THAN ANY
rnyr was ever given in the halls of con
gress , rot excepting that on the alien and sedition laws. It has
served to show the true attitude and complexion of individuals, and
brought matters to a distinct issue. It will, therefore, lead to an ac
tive and energetic organization in every district, and by public discus
sion bring out the true merits of the question—disseminate correct
views—and undeceive the people who have been deluded by a sys
tematic course of misrepresentation, adopted, recommended and
practised by the Fc.deral party, fi om Mr. Clay the leader, to the low
est hired slangwhanger, that haunts the galleries and reporter’s box
es. 1 his is what is most to be desired—for it is the only means of
reaching the people, since the press has become the mer® tool of am
bitious individuals—suppressing the truth—or suggesting falsehood,
just as the interest of its favorites required. All that is required i«