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reflected by the water, commenced cutting for the purpose •
‘getting a hole through the ship; and had ent thrtHtgl:
rure r finishings of the cauin and lar into the hard timber
it his knife came in contact with a spike which so dulled it
to render it useless. About this time, voices Wefe heard
• ; >m the outside of the vessel, being the first sound that Ind
me tn their ears save the how lings of the (tortus and the pelt
ns i f the Itnil, on the bottom of the vessel, The echr. Pu
•<ki. Cant. Matthewson, having discovered the wreck, after
tr hours heating, came alongside and took, from the wreck
c «i!1 nigh exhausted sufferers, But in what way to proceed
rescue those in the cabin they knew not. While calculating
mi the uncertainty of success, (’apt. Matthewson formed the
wk resolve, and carried into execution the plan which re
tir'd in saving them, and which entitles him not only to their
vting gratitude, but tanks him high on the list of the humanely
live. With a rope round his body, the waves tuning fenr
llv high Ut the time, he dove under the vess> I, and with bis
et up felt for the sky-light, into which he thrust them, to which
ey one by one dove down, caught, and were drawn nut, with
e exception of the boy, who was unable to dive as low as the
•iptain’s feet. A hole was immediately cut through the bot
"ii of the vessel through which he was taken out. When
' hole was cut, the discharge of confined air resembed the
. ingolf of steam from an engine. No blame is attached to
j pt. Miner, he having used every precaution necessary, save
Mttpply of ballast previous to sailing.
[ From the Baltimore American of July
\t ten o’clock last night we reieived by the Steamboat Line
.min Philadelphia, the New-York Era of yesterday morning,
’>om w hich we extract the news which follows :
Another Steamer from England.
NINETEEN DAYS LATER NEWS!
I h» British steampacket Royal William, which has hitherto
■ii between Liverpool and Dublin, Mrrived here List evening
>m Liverpool, under the command of Lieutenant Swanson,
N., after a passage of nineteen days. She is a strongly
It vessel, about fitly tons less than th 1 ' Sirius, and is renown
or speed, but on this, her first atlantic trip, she is said t>>
, ' encountered head winds for ten days. She left Liverpool
i the sth inst., at 6 o’cloi k P. M., and arrived off the Batters
t evening about the same hour.
We are indebted to Mr. James L. Hale, the proprietor of
" all-street News Room, for the latest London and Liver-
.00l papers.
The coronation of the young Queen Victoria, took place
the day appointed, (the 28lh uh.,) with the utmost conceiv
'd magnificence, gorgeous pageantry, and loyal enthusiasm.
r the information of our fair readers, we will just mention
■w particulars about the young Queen’s dress, deportment,
so forth.
In the first place then, she is a very pretty young lady, and
■ had the good taste to make her first appearance in the
1 : i>-of an immense abbey in which she was to be crowned
Qu en of more than a hundred millions of people, in a very
nr it and simple dress. Her gown was of the purest satin,
< .ered with a trasparent dress of white blond lace, and a cir
le ot diamonds glistening in her hair. It is a great pity that
t’; • sweet effect of this maidenly attire, was spoiled bv so huge
.'nd ponderous a train of velvet and gold, which, however, as
a queen, she was compelled to wear, and which was borne bv
cigul young ladies, daughters of peers. The ladies who per
onned this humiliating service, and were called “ maids of
honor, ’ were dressed al! alike, in white satin, and wore small
w .:ite roses in their hair, so that this group of lovely women
.mist have been a delightful spectacle.
On ascending the choir of the cathedral, on the steps lead
ing to what is called the theatre, she was compelled to pans**
nearly a minute, and thus the immense audience had an opor
t mitt ot gazing on the young creature without an intervening
obstacle. The papers describe her as slightly affected with the
randeur of the scene around her and the acclamations which
;rt ted her; bat she is said to have then walked with grace
nd self-possession to the seat, at which she was to receive the
• homage of nobility and titled clergy.” During the ceremo
ny of the “ homage,” rather a ludicrous accident occurred :
Lor.l Rolle had reached the tip top step of the elevated dais,
:r platform, on which stood the throne, before which he was
o kiteql and kiss the Queen’s hand, when his lordship’s toes
am .ipated his marrow-bones, and slipping, pitched him right
backward;., and so Lord Rolle rolled heels over head down
the whole Hight of steps to the next landing place, in the sight
nd to the irresistible diversion of forty or fifty thousand spec
i n-. He did not slide down, but fairly rolled over and over,
became seated with his back towards her majesty, and
us i.ae and feet towards the rest of the world.
However he soon recovered a perpendicular position, wheel
ed about, and reascended the steps with as good grace as
possible, and the good natured queen rose from her seat, ex
tended her hand to him, and expressed a hope that his lordship
was not materially injured—for which, of course, she w as vastly
applauded.
The mere ceremony of the coronation, in its several stages,
such as the investing with the mantle, the offering of the sword
and spurs, the ring, the sceptres, the crowning, the anointing,
the inthronization, the offerings, the arrangement of the rega
lia, and “ all that sort of tiling.”
»Ve have only to letnark that the affair passed off with great
spirit and harmony, and was altogether the most splendid co
ronation recorded in English history. The chivalry of all
Europe seems to have been called forth on this occasion, and
th- foreign embassies vied with each other in displaying the
>n ist gorgeous paraphernalia that money could procure.
L mdoii, and, indeed, all England, was entirely absorbed
with the festivities which the occasion called forth, and the pa
pt i - re so completely filled with descriptions, that we can find
arcely any other kind of news, either domestic or foreign.
Ve trust that the reign of Queen Victoria, who was educated
i i a more liberal school than any other British sovereign, will
prove a blessing to her immense empire and favor the progress
of those equal rights, without which it must he a reign of in
j Jstice to an incomparably great majority of her subjects.
We beg to acknowledge our obligation to the respected
agent of British and American Steam Navigation Company
for English papers, brought by the Royal Will am, w hich f d y
r>plie.l the deficiency occasioned by the detention of our
di . - in Wall-street.
<) i the evening of the Coronation the places of amusement
w< re thrown open to the public. The admission being regu
i " I by tickets issued to admit as many as each house would
:><•> ommodate. Mr. Bunn, of Drury Lane, and Mr. Macrea
d., of Covent Garden, received .£ 400 each for the loan of their
atres, and to provide suitable entertainments.
It i. also understood that £2ooeach waspaid for the Haymar
' t and English Opera. Mr. Davadge, the lessee of the S irry
I icatre,received .£150; Mr. Homier, of Sadler’s Well. £l5O ;
i . Yates, of the Pavillion, Whitechapel road, £100; and
L . O-baldson, of the City of London Theatre, Norton-fol
gate, £IOO fora similar purpose. At Astley’s grand specta
tacl gel up expressly for the occasion, but the precise sum paid I
.V tile government we do tint find stated. At Vauxhal, £750 '
..a,- obe paid for the use of the gardens, which it is supposed |
void.l occomrrodate nearly 37,000 persons.
One hundred and seventy-five thousand newspapers were
...-•patched from the Post Office in London the Monday after
xl.e coronation.
From the New York Journal of Commerce.
TWENTY DAYS LATER FROM EUROPE.
I ne British Stearn ship Royal William, Capt. Swainson, was
mmomieed by the Telegraph about 3 o’clock yesterday after 1
noon, and about 6 o’clock we received by her files of the London
Sim, Morning Herald, Times, and Shipping Gazette, to the 4th I
ii. t. inclusive, ami Liverpool papers of the sth.
The Royal Will iam, we i< iderstand, had eleven days of head |
winds and gales, and accomplished half the passage in seven
days.
THE CORONATION.
Liverpool, July —Before dawn on Thursday (June 28th)
the metropolis was alive to the interesting and important trans
actions of the day, which was ushered in by the firing of a
royal salute of twenty-one guns, at a quarter before 4 o’clock ;
streams of persons were soon after seen hastening to the point I
where was to be exhibited the georgeous spectacle, and joyous- ;
ties-, happiness, and loyalty appeared to fill every breast. At '
5 o’clock, the doors of the Abbey were opened, and many of
those having the privilege entered shortly after that time, and
carriages continued to arrive in a rapid succession and set down
their company for several hours. So anxious were parties to
.■( tire seats, that the galleries erected in the open air, in the
;tr t inct of the Abbey, were partially occupied as early as half
past four.
Troops and the police were brought out during the morning
to occupy the line of route. The procession started from the
New Palace a few minutes after ten. The varied costumes of
thef'/ « iruka ' adore and'the other individual* vty formed 1
, the procession, excited much admiration. The approach of
i Her Majesty’s state carriage was the signal for the kindliest
anti must affectionate demonstrations, and a shout, deep, fer
vent, and enthusiastic, was sent up from the immense assem
blage ; many were the fervent blessings uttered as Her Majes
ty gracefully bent forward, acknowledged these mid many
touching demonstrations of lot ally and affection ; and she was
visibly-affected with these marks of devotion and attachment.
Throughout th > whole line of route but one desire seemed to
actuate all present—that of the best exhibiting their loyalty to
wards their sovereign.
In about an hour after leaving Buckingham Palace, Her
Majesty arrived at the west entrance of the Abbey, and was re
ceived by the great officers of state, the noblemen bearing the
regalia, and the bishop*, when Her Majesty repaired to her ro
bing chamber. Her Majesty having been robed, advanced up
the nave into the choir, the choristers singing the anthem, “ I
was glad when they said unto me, we will go into the bouse
of the Lord.” When Her Majesty took her seat in a chair
before ami below the throne, the spectacle was truly magnifi
cent. Then followed the recognition, Her Majesty's first ob
lation, the Litany, and the remainder of the-
The sermon was preached bv the Bishop of London, from
Chron. XXXiv. v. 21. The Archbishop of Canterbury then
administered the oath, to a transcript of which her Majesty af
fixed her t oval sign manual; after which the Archbishop an
nointed and consecrated her Majesty. Then followed the pre
sentation of the spurs and sword ; the investing with the royal
robe, and the delivery of the orb ; the investiture of the ring
and gloves, and the delivery of the sceptre and the rod with
the dove.
The Archbishop then placed the crown on her Majesty’s
head, and the peers and peeresses put mi their coronets, the
bishops their caps, and the kings-of-arms their crowns. The
effect was magnificent in the extreme.
The sliqut which followed this part of the ceremony was
really tmmilttious. After this followed the anthem. “ The
Queen shall rejoice in thy strength, O Lord ;” at the conclu
sion of which the Archbishop presented her Majesty with the
Holy Bible, and then pronounce ! the benediction, and the
choir sang the 7’e Detim. Then followed the ceremony of the
inthronization, the Archbishop and Bishops and other peers
lifted up her Majesty into the throne, when the peers did ho
' mage. The solemnity of the coronation being thus ended,
the Queen went down from the throne to the altar, made her
second oblation, and returned to her chair.
The Archbishop then read the prayers for the whole estate of
Christ’s Church militant here on earth, &tc.; and the chorus
“ Hallelujah ! for the Lord of Omnipotent reigneth,” having
been snug, her Majesty proceeded to the al ar, accompanied
by the great officers of state, when the Archbishop reed the fi
nal pravers. The whole co onation office being thus per
formed, the Queen proceeded, crowned, to King Edward’s Cha
pel, where she delivered the sceptre with the dove to the Arch
bishop, who laid it on the altar there. His Grace then placed
the orb in the Queen’s left hand, and the procession returned
in the same state and order.
Her Majesty reached the palace at a qnaiter to six o’clock,
and, as she descended from the carriage, the cheers w hich salu
ted her in the morning were repeated with increased heartiness
and renewe l vigor. She appeared as study in her bearing,
notwithstanding the fatigues of the day, as when she set out in
. the morning, and recognized by her graceful acknowledgements
' the cheers and gratulations of her subjects.
The night presented a scene of indescribable lustre from the
illuminations throughout all the principal squares and streets of
the metropolis, the inhabitants vieing with each other in doing
. honor to this interesting occasion. There was also a brilliant
J display of fire-works in Hyde park.
| The following is an estimate of the value of the different
jewels contained in the late magnificent diadem, the “ Queens’
rich Crown,” and front which the present one, manufactured
bv Messrs. Runnell and Bridge, is composed, and which her
Majesty wore on Thursday :
20 diamonds round the circle, 1,50 C/. each, £30,000
Two large centre diamonds, 2,000/. each, 4,000
i 54 small diamonds placed at the angles of the former, 100
Four crosses, each composed of 25 diamonds, 12,006
Four large diamonds on the tops of the crosses, 40,000
12 diamonds contained in i\w fleur-de-lis, 10,000
IS smaller diamonds contained in the same, 2,000
Pearls, diamonds, &cc. on the arches and crosses, 10,000
141 diamonds on the mound, 600
26 diamonds on the tipper cross, 3,000
, Two circles of pearls about the rim, 300
I
£lll,OOO
Notwithstanding such an uncommon mass of jewelry, inde
i pendent of the gold and velvet cap, ermine, &.C., this crown
weighed only 19 ounces 10 pennyweights; it measured seven
i inches in height Gom the gold circle to the upper cross, and its
- diameter at the rim w: s five inches.
SUICIDE BY THETEXI AN MINISTER.
We learn from the Lexington (Ky.) Imelligencerof the 17th
' uh. that Peter VV. Grayson, Esq. of Texas, committed suicide
■ at Bean’s Station, a few days before, by shooting himself
! through the head widi a pistol. Mr. G. was on his way from
Texas to Washington City, having received and accepted from
■ the Government of Texas, the appointment of Minister Pleni
j potentiary to the Governinent of the United States. The act,
l it is said, wis committed with much deliberation. Mr. G. was
' a native of Kentucky.
■ Extract of a letter to the Editor of the Greenville Mountain-
eer, dated
LAURENS DISTRICT, (S. C.) JULY. 23.
A Homicide was committed at Parks’ Old Field, near Lau
rens C. -'I. on the 21st inst. upon the body of Mr. Sexton Du
ll dioo. Dunahoo, after some fend with Elihu Poole, of this !
District, procmed a gnu for the avowed purpose of shooting 1
him, and made a desperate effort to execute his dreadful par- !
| pose ; but this being wrested from him, he seized a stone and '
j pursued Poole, who being bard pressed, and having retreated
! some di.U nee, shot him with a pistol. And strange to relate, ?
i after receiving the ball, which passed through his heart and
i lodged near the surface of his body, apparently unconscious of
it, he grappled with his antagonist, and with his superior
! stiength prostrated Poole, thrust his fingers into his eyes, and
■ was castigating him severely, when Poole cried out, and Dun
ahoo was taken off, breathed a moment, and expired, to the
profound astonishment of all present, who had not hitherto
thought be had hern injured by the shot of Poole. This ex-
j traordinary fact rests upon the authority of several eye witnes
j ses of unquestionable integrity.
I refrain from giving urther particulars, as the catastrophe
will be made a subject ol judicial investigation, Poole having
i been arrested.
MONUMENT TO FRANKLIN.
To the Editors of the Baltimore American.
GENTLEMEN : Ihe papers speak of a Monument to be erec-
I ted t<> the memory of Franklin. Let all pens and tongues
be • loqiie.il in the approval of such a design.
BENJAMIN Franklin emerged from poverty and obscurity
towcalth anti station, solely by the power of his original mind,
(lie most truly original that has ever appeared. His first en
trance into Philadelphia was in the character of a ragged boy,
staring about the streets, and eating a roll of bread. On his
. return from Paris, his entrance into the same place was >m
i nounced by the shouts of the multitude, the thunders of the
| cannon, and congratulatory addresses from all parts of the
' United States.
His first appearance in London a young and needy adventu
rer, known to scarcely any one, afterwards as the agent of the
Colonies at the same place, he was the “ observed of all ob
servers.” His company was eagerly sought after by the great
and the learned, among whom was the distinguished Pitt,
i Pitt, in reply to Lord Sanwicb in the House of Lords, who I
had alluded contemptuously to Franklin, thus spoke in defence
of his fru nd : “ His Lordskip has injurious reflected upon one
whom all Europe holds in high estimation for his knowledge
and wisdom, and ranks among onr Boyles and Newtons, and
; who is an honor not to the English nation only, but to hu
man nature.”
Franklin united in one man the excellent mechanic, the ripe
scholar, the moral sage, the able statesman, and the profound
philosopher. History does not mention one of whom the same
can be said. He is said to have been the best printer of his
tltiy. He ever studied the good of his fellow creatures, and by
his example, his moral writings, his proverbs, his useful inven
tion*, he made bis life a blessing to mankind. Meagerly edu
cated at a common grammar school, he obtained merited ho
nors from the chief Universities and Literary Societes in Eu
rope and America. When Minister to France, he, by his n>as
tprly measures, brilliantly accomplished the objects of his mis-
sion, to the honor anti glory of his country. —His wonderful
sagacity enabled him, as a philosopher, to astonish Europe by
the most valuable discoveries in science.
I* ranklin’s residence in France endeared him to thrtt polite
people. His name and sayings were on every one’s tongue.
He was the Socrates of Paris. They Were scarce second to
Americans in their admiration and love for this great and good
man. When Mirabeau announced his death to the National
Assembly, the solemn feelings of the nation were eloquently
declared by the voice of the orator. ”We have lost,” said
Mirabeau, “ the sage whom two world’s claim, and the man
disputed by tlm history of the science's, and the history of Em
pires.”
I here are four marked periods in the life of Franklin, which
may he mentioned in juxta position--—Franklin wheels a load
ol paper to his printing office, through the streets ol Philadel
phia. Franklin flies a kite, upon the metallic point ol which
the fire of heaven is playing Franklin stands at the bar of die
Houseol Commons, displaying the resources of his mind in
answers the most ready and conclusive.—Franklin is at Paris,
and, as the friend of mankind, writes a pass for the exploring
vessel of Captain Cook.
I hat the contemplated monument may be completed to the
satisfaction of its enlightened builders, and of the whole nation,
is my earnest desire.
Y ours, kc.
From the Baltimore American, Auffuet 3.
TRADE IN NEW-YORK.
The New-York Gazette of Wednesday s-.ns :
Since it was settled by the late Bank Convention that a general re
sumption of specie payments should take place on the I-Xth of this month,
a large number of merchants from Viiginia and other Southern States,
have made their appearance in our market, who had not been this way
on business before since tile suspension in 1837, in consequence of the
depreciation of Southern Exchanges. They are buying pretty freely
of goods, and there is a fair prospect of a large fall business, as the
South and West are generally veiy bare of goods, and may soon be ex
pected in as wholesome a slate as they were two years ago.
TRADE IN PHILADELPHIA.
The Philadelphia Herald of yesterday says :
A number of merchants from the South have arrived to purchase
goods, and there is a prospect, w< are happy to say, of a fair business
being done by our merchants this seasoil.
TRADE IN BAI/’JMORE.
Merchants from the South West are in our market, making their pur
chases for the ensuing Call an I iVinter business. The indications of an
aetise trade are quite promising. During the past six months, Balti
more has done an annually extensive business in the Grocery branch—
target, in fact, than she hasdose for a number of years past. We need
scarcely add that her merchaits in that and in the other branches of
Made, are ready to supply tte wants of their frien Is in the interior on
the same advantageous terms which they have heretofore oll’cred.
CHEEOKEE INDIANS.
The Western Georgian of July 31. mi the authority of the Hamilton
Gazette, printed at, Ross’ Landing. Tennessee, gives usllhe following
information respecting the Emigration of the Cherokee Indians.
“ The collection of the Indians commenced on the 25th of May last,
under the direction of Maj. Gen Scott, and at the present time, all the
Indians are collected at tie different depots—about 8,000 at the Chero
kee Agency—2 000 at tbs place —1.500 at anew camp, twelve miles
from the Agency, and 800 at Fort Payne, Ala. These numbers com
prise all the Indians in tie territorial limits of the nation, with the ex
ception of a few who hive pledged their words to come in, in proper
time.
It is due to truth, mid a correct understanding of this delicate busi
ness tw state, that the uiilit.iry opsr itiom. rendered necessary in the col
lection of the Lilians, were conlactel hiiiroieh/, and with but little
suffering to th j lu li iSs, an I in a ma mer highly creditable to tin skill
and ability so characteristic of the brave accomplished officer to whom
the necessary, but painful duty was assigned We wish this fact to be
borne in mind, as rumor with her thousand tongues, is busy in scattering
falsehood among those who h tve not an opportunity of becoming ac
quainted with the modus operandi of collecting and removing the Che
rokees.
• **»*•»*
‘■The whole number of Indians in ’he nation on the 231 of M ly, was
estimated at 16.003—0ut of this number about 2,633 were despatched
by the Superintendent by water to their new homes in the west, during
the month of Jnne. They are divided into three parties—the first con
sisting of 950, which started about the 15th of .lune, under the follow
ing officers: Lt. Davis, U. S. Artillery, conductor; Messrs. Reeves,
Walker ami Cox. as-istants. Messrs. Cates ami Folger. physicians.—
The second party of 8)3 started about the 10th of June under the fol
lowing officers: Lt. Whitley, (J. S. Artillery, conductor; Messrs. John
Hooke, and P. Price, assistants. Messrs. Hodsden and Morrow physi
cians. The third party consisting of 1,070 started about 16th June, in
wagons, to Waterloo, Ala., where they were to he embarked in boats
The officers in charge of the party are Henry Bateman, conductor;
Messrs. Goody and Standifer, assistants. Messrs. 11 »yle and Willough
by, physicians.
“ We understand the first party mentioned, reached the Western Na
tion in twenty days, without the loss of a life. The second party is
presumed to be near the borders of the Western Nation, and the third
party, has perhaps by this time reached the Mississippi river.
“On account of the season. Gen Scott mi the 18th June, suspended
the emigmtinii u rtil the Ist Sjpte über n :xt. at which time vigorous
operations will he commenced ; in the mean time nothing will be done
except to subsist the Indians at the different depots.
“ We are informed by Dr. Young, the agent in charge of the busi
ness at that place, that the Li-li tits are in fine health and condition.”
From the New-York Whig, August 2.
DESTRL'C HYE CONFL \GR \TION.
Yesterday morning about half past three o’clock, a dreadful fire broke
out in n soap factory in the rear of 163 Hammond street, occupied by
Messrs. Banrmerster & Schepelin, and before it was subdued upwards
of fifty buildings were destroyed. The houses injured and burned were
situated on Han nonl. Washington, Perry an I West streets.
By this awful conflagration nearly one hundred families have been
thrown upon the world without a home, half of whom were made peu
nyless.
The excitement during the fire was intense, ami made more so by
the numerous firing rumors of loss of life and accidents to human be
ings. Mr. Samuel Kilpatrick, an aged man, was the only person that
suffered by this awful fire. When ’bivid his head was literally burned
to ashes, and crumbled from ths body on its being removed from the
< ellar.
While the fire was raging, a female was discovered making her way
througli the fl lines into a house. The firemen .detained her with much
difficulty. (Hid to their interrogations she only exclaimed, “ My child !
my child! ’ A noble hearted fireman rushed to where she pointed, and
was so< n seen issuing from the burning building with the infant in his
arms. The scene was truly affecting, and the generous fellow who risk
ed his own life to save that of the child, deserves the w irtnest thanks of
everyone. We say God lde*s him .'
On Washington street. Nos. 702. 734. 736. 703, 710, 712, 714 and
716. were the buildings burned Nearlv all were insured.
Nos. 137, 139 141 143. 145. 117, 119.151 ami 153, situated on Per
rystreet. together with four two story brick houses standing in the rear
of No. 149 weie btnned.
Eight buildings, being Nos. 309. ’lO. ’ll, ’l2, T 3, ’l4. ’ls. and ’l6,
on West street, were either destroyed or injured ;—and on Hammond
street, where the conflagration commenced, Nos. 110, '42, ’44, ’46, ’4B.
'SO. '52. '54, '56. ’53, ’6O, '62. ’64. ’57, ’59. 55, wore partially injured or
entirely destroyed. Also a blacksmith shop in the rear of No 155.
This is the largest since the great fire in December, two or three years
since. The loss by this conflagration cannot be less than $350,003
The firemen worked like brave ones. They are a glorious set of fel
lows, and should receive the thanks of all.
Origin of Inventions.— Electricity was discovered by a person
observing that a piece of rubbed glass, or some similar substance
attracted small bits ol papei, &c. Galvanism again owes its origin
to Madame Galvani’s noticing the contraction of the muscle of a
skinned hog, which was accidentally touched by a person at the
moment of the professor, her husband, taking an electric spark from
a machine. *lle followed up the hint by experiments. P< tiduimn
clocks were invented from Galileo’s observing the lamp in a church
swinging to an I fro. The telescope we owe to some children of a
spectacle maker placing two or more pair of spectacles before each
other, and looking through them at a distant object. The glimpse
thus afforded was followed up by older heads. The barometer ori
ginated in the circumstance of a pump, which had been fixed higher
than usual above the surface of a well, being found not to draw wa
ter. A sagacious observer hence deduced the pleasure of the at
mosphere, and tried quicksilver. The Argand lamp was invented
by one of the brothers of that name having remarked that a tube
held by chance over a candle, caused it to burn with a brighter
flame—an effect before unattainable, though earnestly sought after.
W it.iout the argand lamp, light-houses (to pass over minor objects)
could not be made efficient, and on the importance of these it is
needless to dwell.— Penny Magazine.
Fire Proof Cement.— The French Cement for the roof of houses,
to preserve the wood and protect it from (ire, is made in the follow
ing manner:— I’ake as much lime as is used in making a pot full of
white-wash, and let it be mixed in a pail full of watei ; io this put
two and a half pounds of brown sugar, and three pounds of fine salt,
mix them well together, and the cement is completed. A little
lampblack, yellow ochre, or other coloring commodity, may be in
troduced to change the color of the cem mt, to please the fancy of
those who prefer it. It has been used with great success, and re
commended particularly as a protection against lire. Small sparks
of fire that frequently lodge on the roofs of houses, are prevented
by this cement from burning the shingles. So cheap and valuable
a precaution against the destructive element, ought not to pass un
noticed. I hose who wish to be satisfied of its utility can easily
make the experiment, by using it on a small temporary building or
it may be tried by shingles put together for the purpose, and then
exposed to the fire.
Our Richmond Enquirer of the 13th did not reach us until last
night. It had taken some circuitous route. If it had come in due
course of mail, the following notice of the renewal of an old “im
posture,” would have saved our article in regard to it. We remem
bered that the author of it (whose name, it seems, we did not sjiell
exactly right,) had been driven to the wall, or rather into the slough,
but we bad forgotten that it was our friend of the Richmond En
quirf.k who had so pressed him home. To correct our mistake in
the name, and some of the circumstances,'we insert Mr. Ritchie’s
reminiscence of the impudent attempt to counterfeit Mr. Jefi’EßSOn’s
style, and at the same time opinions for him.—— Globe,
POLITICAL.
I - -
( From the ilostou Quarterly Review,
j THE SUB-TREASURY BILL.
, Lhe principle of the Sub- I’aeasury bill is simply that of provid
ing for collecting, safe-keeping, and disbursing the public revenues
without recourse to banks. We shall not trouble ourselves or our
readers with the details of the bilk They are, we presume, in the
main, satisfactory ; for we have heard little or nothing said against
them. Ihe principle of the bill is all that we feel much interest in ;
it is all the friends ol the bill are very tenacious of, and all its ene
mies strenuously oppose. To the principle of the bill, as we have
stated it, shall we therefore confine the greater portion of the re
marks we have to offer.
It may be assumed in the outset, that the Government has the
right to collect, keep, ami disburse its revenues, by means of its own
officers, without tiny recourse to bank agency. It may also be as
sumed that the hanks have no natural claim on the Government to
be employed as its fiscal agents, and that they will have no injustice
to complain of, if they tire not so employed. Moreover, it may be
assumed again, that the Government can, if it choose, manage its
fiscal concerns without any connection with the hanks or banking
institutions. Banks tire a contrivance of yesterday; But Govern
ments are older than history, older even than tradition ; and there
can be no doubt that they iiad fiscal concerns which they inan;.'ged,
in some instances very well too, a considerable time before banks
were dreamed of. What has been done, may be done. The ques
tion, then, on the side we are now viewing it, is one of expediency.
Is it expedient for the Goveriiment to dispense with banks, and all
bank-agency, in the management of its fiscal concerns?
Our Government, in its measures and practical character, should
conform as strictly as possible to the ideal or theory of our institu
tions. Nobody, we trurt, is prepared for a revolution ; nobodv, we
also trust, is bold enough to avow a wish to depart very widely from
the fundamental principles of our institutions; and every body will
admit that the statesman slionhl study to preserve those institutions
in their simplicity and integrity, and should seek, in every law or
measure he proposes, merely to bring out their particular worth, and
secure the ends for which they were established. Their spirit should
dictate every legislative enactment, every judicial decision, ami
every executive measure. Any law not in harmony with their geni
ous; any measure which would be likely to disturb the nicelv ad
justed balance of their respective powers, or that wonld give
them, in their practical operation, a character essentially differ
ent from the one they were originally intended to have, should be
discountenanced, and never for a single mement entertained.
We would not he understood to be absolutely opposed to all inno
vations or changes, whatever their character. It is true, we can
never consent to disturb the settled order of a State, without strong
and urgent reasons ; but we can conceive of cases in which we
should deem it our duty to defr.and a revolution. When a Govern
ment has outlived its idea, ami the institutions of a country no long
er bear any relation to the prevailing habits, thoughts and sentiments
of the people, and have become a mere dead carcass, an incum
brance, an offence, we can call loudly for a revolution, and behold
witu comparative coolness its terrible doings. But such a case does
not as vet present itself here. Our institutions are all voung, full of
life and the future. Here, we cannot be revolutionists. Here, we
can tolerate no innovation, no changes which touch fundamental laws.
None arc admissible hut such as are needed to preserve our institu
tions in their oi iginal character, to bring out their concealed beauty,
to clear the field tor their free operation, and to give more directness
and force to their legitimate activity. Every measure must be in
harmony with them, grow as it were out of them, and be but a
developement of their fundamental laws.
3 he Government ot the United States is a Congress rather than
a Government. It is not instituted for the ordinary purpose of
government, but for few, and comparatively a very few, special pur
poses. The ordinary rules for interpreting the powers of Govern
ment can be applied to it only to a limited extent, and even then
with great caution. Ihe principle governments of the country, ac
cording to the theoiy of American institutions, are the State Gov
ernments. These were intended to he the governments for the
people in all their civil, mtmiciple, domestic, ami in dividual interests
and relations. Ihe Federal Government was designed merely to
take charge of the external relations of the confederated States with
foreign nations, and to a certain extent, with one another. Il was
never intended to be a Government affecting the private interests
of the people, as individual citizens. It in fact repudates every
measure which would make it a great central Government, giving
law to the States, or which tends to give it a direct or indirect con
trol over the private fortunes and affairs of the people ; and it can
own only such measures as tend to keep it within its province, to
preserve its original idea, and enable it to discharge its legitimate
functions.
Undoubtedly the Federal Government may take such measures,
though they affect the private fortunes and relations of individual
citizens, as are necessary to the exercise of its delegated powers.
But they must be necessary, not merely convenient. The rule al
ways to be observed is, the Federal Government must touch the in
dividual citizen as seldom and as lightly as possible, consistently with
the faith*ul discharge of its constitutional duties. Should two mea
sures be proposed for acoomplishing a constitutional end, one of
which has very little bearing on individual citizens, leaving them al
most entire freedom, the other connecting the Government intimate
ly with all the business of the country, and bringing it into a close
relation with every individual citizen, the first ought to be adopted
instead of the last, although the last might be the more feasible of
the two, and likely to be attended with more beneficial results.
What may Be consulted openly and done directly, must never be
consulted covertly and done indirectly.
' We, must avoid as far as practicable, all incidental action of the
' Government—and that too when it promises to be useful as well as
when it threatens to be injurious.
These principles, we believe, are sound. We do not mean to
say that some persons may not be found who’will controvert them ;
, for there are persons to be found who do not very well comprehend
. the relations which were originally established between the Fe
t deral Government and the State Governments, and who have a
I strong desire to make the Federal Government the supreme Gov
ernment of the country. But they are the only principles we can
adopt, if we mean to avoid the charge of being revolutionists, and
i to preserve our institutions in their real character ; if we mean to
i preserve the States, as we ought, the main business of Government,
I and to restrict the Federal Government in its action to the special
, purposes for which it was ot initially ins’ituted.
Yet these principles have been departed from. The Federal
” Government in point of fact, his become the supreme Government
jof the land. It is no longer a,Congress for regulating our relations
I i with foreigners, for adjusting the intercourse of the States with one
' another, a tel providing for the general defence; but it has become
tigrand and central Government, affecting by its measures, individ
ual iteiests and relations mote power ul than the action ot the State
Governments themselves. The people, at least a large and influen
tial portion of them, have coni’ to regard it as the supreme
Government. They think of it as such ; speak of it as such; con
■ demn it as such. All eyes turn towards it. Do crpitalists want to
I change their mode of investment ; Congress must provide for the
change; do their profits turn out to be less than their wishes: Con
gress must raise the tariff of duties to make them greater. Is there
distress in the money market, commercial embarrassment; the Fed
eral Government has caused it ; are our factories closed, ships haul
ed up to rot, industry piralyzed, mid the laborer seeking in vain for
employment: die Feder .1 Government is in fauit, and Congress
must afford relief.
Federal politics, too, absorb State politics. State legislators vote
on a bill for the orgmization of a prim iry school, or for construsting
or repairing a bridge, according to their opinions on a bill before
Congress, or the fitness or unfitness of this or th it man to fill the
Presidential chair. A Federal wtinant must be obtained before one
feels himself authorized to support a measure of Slate policy; and
the merits or demerits of any given measure will he determined bv
the fact that it is or is not opposed by the Federal Administration.
Federal politics, therefore, decide every thing, and reduce State po
litic to insignificance.
Is this the order of things demanded by the genius of our institu
tions? Does this comport with the divine idea with which our fa
thers were inspired ? Was the Federal Government framed to be
the supreme Guvci mnenl, and intended to invade by its acts even
ourdoinestic fiieside ? Does the theory of our institutions make the
State Governments mere prefectures, dependent on, and accounta
ble to, the Federal Government ? Most assuredly not. Widely,
then, have we departed from the theory, and fearfully rapid has been
our progress towards centralization", which is only another name for
despotism. Without delay, then, should we hasten to retrace our
steps, and return to the special purposesl’or which the Government
was instituted, and beyond which it should never have strayed.
The people are honest, and they mean to preserve their Demo
cratic institutions. They never would have suffered this departure
from first principles, had they clearly perceived the precise nature
of the Federal Government. Our system of government, though
exceedingly simple, has nevertheless the appearance of being ex
ceedingly complex. Foreigners, rarely, if ever, comprehend its
real character. They regard the Federal Government as the supreme
Government—the State Governments as inferior and subordinate.
Their view of it pre-supposes the Federal Government to have pos
sessed, in the outset, all the powerse f government, and to retain in
its possession now all not conceded to the Slates. Many of our
own citizens seem to fall into the same error. They appear to re
gard the Constitution of the United States asa limitation, rather than
as an enumeration, of the powers of the Federal Government. They
seem to forget that the sovereignty exercised by the Federal Govern
ment is, after all, vested in the States, and is exercised by the
Fedetal Government only because the States have, by mutual com
pact, agreed that that portion of their sovereignty shall be so exer
cised. They have, therefore, felt that the Federal Government,
instead of being at liberty to do only what it has the express leave
to do, is at liberty to do whatever is net forbidden tit do ; that where
it litis not the power to act directly, it may act indirectly ; and, while
in the pursuit of a constitutional end, it may accomplish, incidentally,
any object it can, providing that object promises to be of genera)
utility. They have, therefore, been able to see, without alarm, the
Government touching more interests, and exerting almost infinitely
greater control, incidentally, than it can directly, in the plain straight
forward exercise of its constitutional powers. They have, also, in
wiftim ii'ii •' , ---F - - ! f
consequence of adopting this principle of interpretation, been able*
to solicit, without compunction, a continual extension of this inci
dental action, and to allege such pretexts for so extending it, as to-'
bring it horn” to every man’s “ bosom and' business.” Had they
clearly perceived the true character of the Federal Government,
they had not seen this without lively alarm, nor dope it without poig
nant remorse.
In consequence of adopting the rule,-that the may do„
incidentally what it may not do directly, and what is riot necessary.,
to the discharge of its constitutional functions, three- systems of pitli
cv have grown tip, which not only create obstacles to st’ return pf the
Government to its legitimate province, but also perpetual induce*
mer.tsfor it to depart further and still further from it. These are tliO"
system of internal improvemflnts, the American svstem, as if is called,
and the connection of the Government with hanking. There is ne
constitutional grant of power to the Federal Government, itt favor
of any one of these. Congress has the right to establish posfcjflteee
and post roads, and to provide for ths general welfare ; therefore, it'
has been contended that it may intersect the whole country' with*'
great roads, and undertake any work of internal improvement
promises to be generally useful. It has no right to lay a profecil*to
lariff; but inasmuch as it has the right to lay imposts for the purposes
of revenue, it may lay them to double the amount needed forreVe-'
nite, and so lay them as to tax one portion of the communitv to en
hance the profits of another, and in point of fact so as to eflert all
the business of the whole country. Under the grant of power to
regulate commerce, to coin money, and fix the value thereof, it i*.
contended that it has the right to be connected with the banks anef
the whole business of banking. By means of its connection with’
the banks and hanking business it is brought into the closest connec
tion with every man, woman, and child in these twenty-six confede
rated States.
VVe sav nothing against bank's or the banking svstem. We are
not now inquiring whether the system be a good or bad one. What
we are contending for, stands above and independent of any views
any body may entertain of banks m banking. The hanks are it ti
matelv connected with all the business concerns of the community ;
they affect the ptivate fortune of every individual ; they determire,
to a great extent at least, the price of every article bought or sold,
pr<’dnc.ed or consumed. The Government, by being connected
with them, becomes connected with the business coneetns of eve>y
individual citizen, and ren’rols those concerns, just in proportion aS
ii is connected with the banks, or exerts a controlling influence
their operations.
Bv means of the internal improvement svstem. nf the American
system, and its conneition with banks, the Federal Government has
become the supreme Government of the land. We sav it has be
come, perhaps, it were as well to sav had become. Th" tendency
to centralization was unclteeked till the accession of General Jack
son to the Presidency. Dot ing his administration it began to be ar
rested. Some may indeed question this fact, and we will not insist
on it so far as concerns the Executive Department of the Federal
Government. Circumstances, not sought bv General Jackson, and
which we see not well how he could have controlled, threw into the
hands of the Executive an uncommon share of power, and gave to
administrative measures an influence and an importance, which we
hope never to see possessed by the measures of anv subsequent Ad
ministration. Nevertheless the tendency— excepting always a cer
tain proclamation—so far as the doctrines promulgated, and mea
sures recommended were concerned—was arrested. The in'ernal
improvement system was vetoed, the American svstem was modified,
compromised, and sent on its way to the place whence it came.
And now, if we mean to finish the work, and arrest completely, and
perhaps for ever, this dangerous tendency, we must disconnect tha
Government from all banks and bank agency, and adopt the princi
ple of the Sub-Treasury bill.
Now, as we have taken it for granted that nobody amongst t»s it
for changing the fundamental laws of onr or for disturb
ing tie relations which our fathers saw fit to establish between the
Federal Government and State Governments, we s*>e not well how
any man can avoid coming to the above conclusion. There are on-
Iv two courses for us to take. One course is to make the Federal
Government, by its connection with the banking business, and
through that with private credit, which is, in litis country, the basis
of most business transactions, the supreme Government, controlling
all the State Governments, and the one which most vitallv effects the
people. We can take that course if we will. Revive the deposits
svstem, or charter a National Bank, and we shall have taken it.
But then our institutions are radically changed, the wisdom of our
fathers set at nought; and we ourselves afloat on the tide of a new
experiment. We trust that we are, as a people, yet too near the
cradle of our institutions, and that we yet feel too much of the joy
that thrilled our hearts, when we were told the young child LIBER
TY, was born, to be prepared for this. We trust also, that we have
too much stability of character, firmness of purpose, and self-respect,
to disappoint at once the hopes of the friends of freedom throughout
the world, who have been looking to us for encouragement, and fora
triumphant answer to those who allege that society cannot subsist
without Kings, Hierarchies, and Nobilities.
The other course is to adopt the principle of the Sub-Treasury
Bill, and divorce the Government from its destructive alliance with
the business of banking. It is to follow out the policy already
commenced, and as we have abandoned the Internal Improvement
system and the Protective system, so now to abandon the Banking
system. We mean not by this, that the Government is to wage war
against the banks, but that it shall let them alone. If the States
have not yielded up to the General Government their right to insti
tute banks, the banks are matters wholly within the jurisdiction of
the States, and we should be th.’ first to repel any at'acks the Fede
ral Government might be disposed to make on them ; and this too,
whether we approved the banking system or not. The States are
competent to manage their own affairs. We ask nothing of the Fe
deral Government in relation to banks, but to provide sot the man
agement of its fiscal concerns, without making any use, directly or
indirectly, of their agency.
The adoption of this principle will be for the Federal Govern
ment to withdraw itself within its legitimate province, from whict- we
can see nothing, very soon at least, likely to tempt it forth again.
This will leave a broader field and weightier matters to the Stale
Governments which will taise their importance in the estimation of
the people, make them objects of more serious attention, enlist more
talent in their administration, and make them altogether more prac
tically useful. We have no wish to underrate the Federal Govern
ment. If the tendency of the times were to lessen its importance,
we would set forth its claims in as strong terms as we do now those
of the States. Because we value the rights of the States, it must
not be inferred that we do not value the Union. The Union is by
no means likely in our days to be imder-estim ited. The centripetal
force is altogether too strong for that. Should we, however, see the
centrifugal force predominating, and be led to apprehend any dan
ger from a tendency to individuality, to disunion, dissolution, we
trust we should be found among the last friends of the Union. But
we are not one of those who neglect the danger which now is, to ut
ter warning against a danger, which may pos-ibl v never come. Suf
ficient for the day js the evil thereof. The Federal Government is
indispensable, and, in its sphere, it should be preserved at all haz
zards. But it is, after all, less essential than our State Governmei ts,
Our external relation?, our affairs as communities, which it belongs
to the Federal Government to watch over and regulate, are of far
less consequence than of relations as individual citizens. The for
mer are few, and comparatively remote, while the latter are many
and intimate. The first affect us only occasionally, the last continu
ally every moment. The Federal Government is also so far remov
ed from the individual citizen, and primit so few to take part in its
deliberations or administration, that it can never legislate for ptivate
interests wisely, usefully, and safely, even if it have the constitu
tional right to do it. The States, are, therefore, the more impor
tant institutions of the two. They should, therefore, claim our first
attention. If the principle of the bill under considetation be adopt
ed, they will receive our first attention. Political men will not be
thinking perpetudly, then, of what may be thought at Washington.
They will have leisure to bestow their best thoughts on Slate legis
lation, on the means of removing abuses which weigh heavily on the
individual citizen, of improving our systems of jurisprudence, in
creasing the facilities of popular education, encouragieg lite
rature and the arts, and elevating the individual man. The balance
between the State and the individual, between the Federal Govern
ment and the State Government, may be re-adjust <l, and we be at
liberty to develope the resources of our noble country, to avail our
selves of our commanding position, and to prove ourselves a people
worthy to be studied and imitated.
The principle of the bill ought also to be adopted, because it sim
plifies the fiscal concerns of the nation, and keeps them clear of the
complicated financial systems of the old world. The real Govern
ments of the old world are at this moment on Change or the Bourse,
and the regulation of funds is the principle business of Government.
Government, instituted for the social weal of the people, becomes
thus the mere instrument of private interest, of stock jobbers,
speculators in the funds. We do not want this stale of things here.
We want a Government, simple, open, and direct in its action, per
forming in the simplest and plainest manner possible the functions as
signed to it.
We have also commenced in this county a new system of Govern
ment, not in form only, but in spirit. We reject the maxim, that it
is necessary to deceive the people for the people’s good, and adopt
the maxim, that honesty is the best policy. To carry out this max
im, it is necessary that the Government should always tell the truth,
both in its words and in its deeds. Il has a right to impose taxes, but
only for defraying the expenses incurred in the legitimate exercise of
its constitutional power. It mav lay impostsand collect revenues sot
this purpose, and for this purpose only. It has then no right to use
its revenues, or to suffer them to be used, for any other purpose.
Now, when it deposites its revenues in the banks, whether in a Na
tional Bank or in a State bank, in general deposite, as it is contend
ed it should, it uses its tevenues, or suffers them to be used, for other
purposes than those of defraying its expenses. They ate not depo
sited there for safe-keeping as the people are taught to believe, but
to be made the basis of loans to the business part of the community.
They serve the purpose of sustaining the credit of the banks, and
through the banks, of the merchants and manufacturers. This is to
collect thejrevenues for one purpose, and fto appropriate, them to
another. This is to deceive the people, and to depart from the fun
damental maxim of onr State policy. If it be necessary to tax the
community some thirty millions of dollars annually, to sustain the
credit of business men, and enable them to carry on their extensive
opertjticns, let them be so taxed; but let it be openly and avowfdjy.